International Migration and Immigration Policy

Ceuta y Melilla, las ciudades fronterizas de la Unión Europea en África, pueden ser definidas como territorios de excepción. Fundamentalmente por dos motivos. El primero: el estatus jurídico-político diferenciado que la arquitectura institucional española y comunitaria les reserva. Y el segundo: las particularidades de la política de control migratorio/fronterizo allí implementada. Ceuta y Melilla no están constituidas en Comunidades Autónomas. No forman parte del espacio aduanero de la Unión Europea, el Tratado de Schengen se despliega sobre ellas con notables singularidades y, formalmente, se hallan fuera del paraguas de protección de la OTAN.
Enmarañado con las reivindicaciones territoriales de Marruecos, este estatus jurídico-político especial convierte a Ceuta y a Melilla en claras «excepciones de Estado». En este caldo de cultivo, en torno a las vallas que separan a ambas ciudades del resto de África opera un régimen de movilidad acrobático. Con harta frecuencia el régimen fronterizo de Ceuta y Melilla se muestra incompatible con el respeto a los derechos humanos y a la integridad física de los migrantes, conformando un «estado de excepción» de facto en materia de control migratorio.

There are more types of borders today than ever before in history. Borders of all kinds define every aspect of social life in the twenty-first century. From the biometric data that divides the smallest aspects of our bodies to the aerial drones that patrol the immense expanse of our domestic and international airspace, we are defined by borders. They can no longer simply be understood as the geographical divisions between nation-states. Today, their form and function has become too complex, too hybrid. What we need now is a theory of the border that can make sense of this hybridity across multiple domains of social life.

Rather than viewing borders as the result or outcome of pre-established social entities like states, Thomas Nail reinterprets social history from the perspective of the continual and constitutive movement of the borders that organize and divide society in the first place. Societies and states are the products of bordering, Nail argues, not the other way around. Applying his original movement-oriented theoretical framework "kinopolitics" to several major historical border regimes (fences, walls, cells, and checkpoints), Theory of the Border pioneers a new methodology of "critical limology," that provides fresh tools for the analysis of contemporary border politics.

This article assesses an assumption pervasive in one strain of arguments in favor of stringent immigration controls. The assumption affirms that—for the case of regular admissions—to a certain extent states are permitted to prioritize the interests of their citizens and residents by issuing exclusionary immigration policies (call this the priority assumption). Using the normative methodology applied international ethics of, I suggest some broad constraints to this priority assumption that have a clear bearing on justifications for current practical immigration policy in Europe, North America, and beyond. I do so by redefining borders as domestic-international institutions that open up borders not only to (internal) standards of justice, but also to standards of international legitimacy.

Voluntary returns of asylum seekers from Europe have increased in past years. Iraqi refugees appear to be one of the largest groups, which have sought asylum, and appear to be one of the largest groups of people, which return voluntarily to their country of origin, either on the basis of rejection or by withdrawing their asylum case. Issues related to voluntary returns are often associated with how and under what circumstances returning asylum seekers manage to re-establish themselves upon return to their country of origin. Growing numbers of Internally Displaced People (IDPs) is a pressing issue in Iraq. Limited resources to host IDPs give incentive to examine how and under what circumstances voluntary returnees with Kurdish-Iraqi origins (who in this research will be referred to as Iraqi asylum seekers) manage to re-establish themselves sustainably in their country of origin. Personal threats, as well as a lack of job opportunities and housing are commonly expressed concerns which Iraqi asylum seekers experience. The purpose of this research is to draw attention to how voluntary returnees of Iraqi asylum seekers from the Nordic countries manage to re-establish themselves upon return to the Kurdistan Region of Iraq; herein Erbil and Sulaymaniyah. Moreover, the research seeks to uncover what the conditions are for successful return by examining existing voluntary return programmes under the International Organization for Migration’s Assisted Voluntary Return Programmes.

Keywords: Voluntary return, voluntariness, assisted voluntary return and reintegration, re-establishment, reintegration, rejected asylum seeker, withdrawing asylum seeker, asylum seeker, migration, migratory journey

1) Why did you choose to come to Canada? Tell about the conditions before coming and what attracted you here.

"Because Canada is an experiment - think about this, English and French couldn’t defeat each other and so made a nation together. Hence the “other” becomes an essential part of who you are. I thought that would be a fertile ground to strike roots - to do here what I was doing back home in Bombay (oops! Mumbai) – architecture, poetry and calligraphy (though I miss the Arabian Sea as I grew up in a house on its coast)."

Read more…
2) How was the move itself?
3) How easy/hard was it for you to get involved in architecture in Canada? What helped you find success?
4) What would you suggest to new immigrants who wish to get into the field

Interviewed by Rotem Yaniv;
Canadian Immigrant (online magazine)
November 2009

Cross Reference. See also:
"Between Two Tongues: Falling at The Speed of Light" in the Articles Section
"Impossible Toronto"  in the Articles Section
"Meditation on Clockfaces" in the Articles Section
"Flying Into Watercity" in the Articles Section
"The Travelling Nonvegetarian" in the Poetry Section

Our paper aims to introduce a new model that will be able to explain jointly migration flows linked to brain drain, brain gain and brain return. Our simple indicator (LISE) measures level of individual well-being linked to each country and it was perfectly comparable. With our indicator it is possible to understand what are the drivers of migration flows, there is the possibility to prevent phenomena related to brain drain or to incentivate phenomena related to brain gain or brain return simply connecting the relative differences between the indicators calculated in various countries of the world. We have empirically tested the validity of our indicator on a sample of 12 countries. We have opened new avenues for research because using our indicator it is possible to make forecasts or to understand how and when a skilled migration flow can occur. We are able to prevent damages of Brain Drain and cross border skill mismatching using our simple indicator. ___________________________________________________________________________

This paper explores the constraints created by Turkish asylum policy as a form of population control that is contested and negotiated by the individuals that fall within the category of asylum-seeker. Using the theoretical frameworks of spatial governance and dynamic nominalism,  I argue that ‘asylum-seeker’ is a category constructed as a space governed through official policies.

Los procesos migratorios de tránsito y originados en México tienen una naturaleza internacional y determinantes múltiples, lo que impide que un solo país, individualmente, pueda ofrecer una alternativa de solución. Es necesario avanzar hacia un Pacto regional, compartido y coordinado entre políticas nacionales, basado en la estructura económica de América del Norte.

In the face of the ‘refugee crisis’, many European governments, even in traditionally liberal states, unilaterally introduced a number of restrictive and, often, controversial migration, asylum, and border control policies. The author argues that past legal-bureaucratic choices on migration and asylum policies, ongoing developments in international relations at that time, the structural and perceived capacity of receiving states to cope with the refugee influx, and long-standing migration-related security concerns influenced the responses of many European governments amid the mass population movement. However, the author also suggests that the surfacing of particular policies across Europe was related to the newly elected Greek government’s attempted U-turn from similar repressive and controversial policies during that time. In this regard, the author maintains that repressive and controversial migration, asylum, and border control policies cannot simply be abolished within the cont...

L'évolution du droit vers les codifications de l'Europe continentale accuse ainsi la dissociation durable entre moyen et fin entre instrument et fonction. Cette évolution montre que tout moyen ou tout instrument peut toujours être utilisé pour remplir une même visée législative. Autrement dit, le progrès des moyens n'assure pas celui des fins. Jean-Marc Trigeaud 1 Agli antipodi delle varie declinazioni giuridiche della categoria di immigrato si trovano i rifugiati e i c.d. migranti economici 2. Secondo la Convenzione sullo status dei rifugiati del 1951, rifugiato è la persona che, a causa del giustificato timore di essere perseguitata per razza, religione, cittadinanza, appartenenza a un gruppo sociale o a causa delle sue opinioni politiche, si trovi fuori dallo Stato di cui possiede la cittadi-nanza e non può o, per timore, non vuole avvalersi della protezione di detto Stato. Il carattere distintivo del rifugiato consiste, dunque, nella sua natura politica, trattandosi di un perseguitato in ragione di un qualche carattere che gli è proprio. Di tutt'altra natura è la definizione di migrante economico. I migranti economici non sono spinti alla fuga (pushed) come i rifugiati, bensì pulled 3 , ovvero attratti da migliori aspettative economiche, lavorative, assistenziali, etc.

Existing migration research has framed ‘middling migrants’ mainly in terms of transnational fluidity and flexibility, thus overlooking the issue of integration. This article adds to a burgeoning scholarship advocating a more locally embedded perspective (e.g. Meier, 2015b. Migrant Professionals in the City: Local Encounters, Identities, and Inequalities. New York and London: Routledge) by investigating the integration of immigrant teachers working in mainstream primary and secondary schools in the Asian city–state of Singapore. It is found that these immigrant teachers faced differentiated formal inclusion with respect to legal settlement, whereas their professional integration experiences also diverged between those who embodied certain ‘mainstream’ characteristics and those who did not. In negotiating professional integration, ‘non-mainstream’ immigrant teachers adopted a spectrum of strategies, but on the whole prioritised the pragmatic imperative to ‘fit in’, resulting in what may be termed muted diversification. In terms of broader ethnic and migration scholarship, this account serves to highlight the ways in which locally specific institutional and sociocultural conditions differentially shape middling migrants’ experiences in respect to settlement and work. With regard to the Singaporean context, this article fills an empirical gap in migration research while also reflecting on the accommodation and management of diversity in education.

Europe's Transforming Identity. Part 1 of the book Islam and Tolerance in Wider Europe (ed. Pamela Kilpadi) including the articles:
* 'What Values for Europe?' by Michael Emerson
* 'The Role of Islam in Europe: Multiple Crises?' by Amel Boubekeur and Samir Amghar
* 'The Southern Gate to Fortress Europe' by Rutvica Andrijasevic

This article empirically assesses the validity of current theoretical models of attitudes toward immigrants and immigration policy in the Asia-Pacific region. This paper takes representative data from the World Value Survey and implements a multilevel model to test five of the main theories in the literature: the human capital theory, the social capital theory, the political orientation theory, the contact/group threat theory and the economic competition theory. The results from the analysis lend credence to the important effects of human capital, social capital and political-ideological variables on respondents’ attitudes toward immigrants and immigration policy. However, results provide mixed and weak evidence for the contact/group threat theory and the role of economic determinants. Importantly, economic determinants tend to be more powerful in shaping people’s attitudes toward immigration policy than shaping attitudes toward immigrants as people. Altogether, this article sheds new light on the validity of current theoretical models based on western countries for other areas of the world. Finally, the results from the paper also support the usefulness of non-economic, as opposed to purely economic, models in the understanding of individuals’ attitudes toward immigrants and immigration policy in the Asia-Pacific region.

Actualmente existe una controversia sobre cómo el Derecho Internacional debe proteger al creciente número de migrantes climáticos. En este artículo se estudian las estrategias surgidas en el entorno de América Latina, tanto de softlaw como jurisprudencia de la CIDH o políticas nacionales de extranjería, todo lo cual está consolidando una costumbre regional en la materia.


There is a controversy on how the International Law should protect the growing number of climate migrants. This article analyses different strategies came up in Latin America, including soft law, ICHR or immigration national policies, which all together is building up a regional custom on this field.

The current report reviews the developmental, psychological, and environmental factors that influence the conduct and behaviors of children and youth (generally, ages 6-25) seeking refuge in the United States. During immigration proceedings, interpretations and assumptions regarding child and youth behavioral histories commonly influence legal and judicial decisions. These include decisions, acts, and behaviors relating to child and youth histories in their country of origin, as well as histories during their time in the United States. This consensus report reviews general considerations relevant for interpreting child and youth behavior, as well as specific factors and experiences that are particularly relevant for immigrant child and youth populations.

The  challenges  that  official  migration  statistics face in the 21st century are manifold. In line with intensifying globalisation processes, and new patterns  and  types  of  migration,  new  routes  and new  migrant  identities  have  been  emerging. However,  the new trends also  offer  new, potentially usable data sources, tools, and methods for
the measurement of this changing phenomenon. Attempting to  provide  an  overview  of  the Hungarian migration statistical system, the aim of this paper  is  to  promote  interdisciplinary  scientific dialogue  on
migration  and share  some  of  the most  important  figures  and  trends  of  international  migration  in  Hungary,  highlighting  its  remarkable  geographical  aspects  in  the  European context,  and  the  peculiarities,  challenges,  and opportunities of its measurement.

In the current context of the ‘migration crisis’, part of the migrants that reached the EU territory have been confronted with human trafficking by becoming victims or experiencing violence during their journey. The realization of a human security approach to trafficking in human beings could have the effect to enhance measures of prevention, protection and prosecution in the fight against this serious crime, addressing freedom from want, freedom from fear and strengthening the rule of law. The European Union approach is – in theory – characterized by the above mentioned elements and the general analysis of the paper will be on the comprehensive approach promoted by the EU legislation to human trafficking not only from a law enforcement perspective, but also considering the victims’ position and their rights. In particular, the central question touches upon the extent the approach in EU legislation and policy promotes and enables a human security approach to trafficking in human beings or if, in practice, a lack of human security still continue to exist. To that effect, the analysis will focus, on the one hand, on the ‘access to victims’ rights’ in relation with the possession of a residence permit; on the other, on the consequences of the problematic definition of ‘exploitation’.

Immigration poses a significant challenge to states’ existing social protection systems, especially in developing countries that are already struggling to provide social services for their citizens. In particular, immigration produces a tension between citizenship rights—those extended only to citizens, and social rights—rights extended by the state to others within their national territory. Immigration raises questions not only about the rights and access of migrants to health and other social services but also the level and quality of provisions to citizens. We draw on literatures on welfare regimes in Latin America, welfare magnets, and the legitimacy of social rights to examine the nexus of migration and health care policy in Costa Rica, Argentina, and Chile—three countries that have recently pursued immigration reform. We argue that variation in the extension of immigrants’ social rights to health is explained by the interaction of existing migration and social policies, the nature of the health care system in each country, and, in some cases, international and regional norms.

Este libro se enmarca dentro de la sociología de las migraciones. Su objetivo es analizar las políticas públicas de integración de la inmigración en España. Para lograrlo se estudian los discursos, los instrumentos y las medidas, al igual que la implementación de esta política específica. El foco se orienta a la visión cultural y simbólica de las políticas migratorias, y especialmente, las ligadas al proceso de integración, sin perder de vista, su encaje en un mermado Estado de Bienestar y en un marco legislativo que influye (y es modificado) en/por el gobierno de la «alteridad». La hipótesis que se pretendió contrastar es que se produjo una institucionalización (débil) de las políticas de integración de inmigrantes en España durante la etapa de gobierno socialista (2004-2011). Este proceso se traduce en una consolidación en la agenda política de estas medidas sectoriales dirigidas a este colectivo. Partimos de que se trata de una política multinivel, y por lo tanto, se analizaron actuaciones estatales, autonómicas y locales. Se escogieron las autonomías de Cataluña, Madrid y Andalucía por combinar altos stocks de población extranjera y por su diverso perfil político en los distintos gobiernos.

In this article, we examine identity formation processes among French Muslims from former North African French colonies, focusing on Algeria. France's violent colonial presence in Algeria has put an indelible effect on three generations of French of Algerian origin, as they have struggled to survive despite political pressures and cultural demands in post-colonial France. Using several theories and concepts pertaining identity formation among colonial subjects, including Stuart Hall's discussion of 'self-othering,' Frantz Fanon's Manichaean notions of 'black' and 'white' identity formations, and W.E.B. Du Bois' concept of 'double consciousness,' we first analyse formation of a hybrid identity among three generations of French Muslims. Next, we focus on the torturous journey of French Muslim women particularly related to the hijab controversy, as they oscillate between resistance and assimilation under French Republic's Laïcité laws. We further examine the intersectionality of gender-based, religious and rural/tribal identities in Algeria, signified by two clearly delineated 'gendered' public and private spaces, and boundary erosions between the two in post-colonial France. We conclude that under the false pretence of 'gender equality,' in its attempt to unveil Muslim women the French government is using their bodies as a cultural battleground to subject them to total submission and assimilation.

This article examines the everyday lives of Nicaraguan immigrants in Costa Rica to understand the temporal aspects of illegality produced by immigration law. Two sets of temporary measures highlight the temporality of both law and illegality. First, frequent legal reform, temporary immigration measures, and the bureaucratic labyrinth of immigration administration create a sense of Costa Rican immigration law as temporary. The ongoing temporary character of law and the forms of immigrant illegality it generates create uncertainty about the boundaries between legality and illegality among migrants in Costa Rica. Second, Nicaraguans in Costa Rica respond to the indeterminacy of the law and their economic and social position in relation to it through their own temporary measures. These measures constitute two forms of waiting: first, immigrants feel " locked up " by the shifting legal and administrative complexities of immigration; and second, they create quasi-legal ways to navigate immigration law during the long process of legalization of their status.

Immigrant female and also male workers are increasingly involved in the supply of care services in the countries of the Global North, and they are especially so in elderly care. In the countries of southern Europe, but to an increasing extent also in countries like Germany and Austria, the care work of immigrants is embedded in a specific care regime. It is undertaken mainly in the recipients' households, often around the clock, and on a live-in basis, so that it supports a system in which the family remains the central locus of care delivery to frail people. Secondly, it employs a large number of workers irregular in regard to the employment relationship, and often also to their legal status. The paper will present the results of various research studies on the topic carried out in Italy within the time-span of a decade (2002–2012). It will discuss how irregular migration is in fact tolerated, when inserted in care work at the service of the growing needs of native families; how the system that I call “invisible welfare” works; and how immigrant care workers find possibilities of agency, despite the constraints of the legal order and the exploitation they often experience at work.
Key words
irregular immigration
immigration policies
care regime
care work
elderly
Italy

Whereas it is necessary for every state to have an immigrant policy that serves its economic and political interests, the current strongly anti-immigrant sentiments in Europe appear to be going against the long history of human migration. Diasporas exhibit two seemingly contradictory behaviours: they move away from and, at the same time, seek to remain in touch their homelands. Internet-based media seem especially suited to fulfill the diasporic desire to communicate as their structures are able to support communication within groups that are widely scattered across countries and continents. Integration is necessary for migrants to succeed socially and economically in their respective countries of settlement. However, this is difficult to achieve without simultaneously nurturing their attachment to the new country and recognising the significant resources they bring by virtue of their cosmopolitanism. Governments seem to be faced with the choice of succumbing to the emotionalism of isolationist groups or developing more intelligent policies to address both the cosmopolitanism of migrants and their integration into receiving societies.

Italy, differently from other EU countries, does not have a specific “residency by investment program”. The only visa available for an individual who is seeking permanent residency in the country without need to work  is the “elective residence visa”

This study challenges proverbial notions by contesting that the definition of skilled human capital should be expanded to include undergraduates, and in doing so, examines three (3) possible factors that increase the propensity of Malaysian undergraduates to return. Relationships between the proposed factors and the undergraduates’ (n=175) propensity to return were statistically colligated, verified and ranked according to their correlational strength. All three independent variables: (1) Social influence: Parents, Friends and Diaspora, (2) Entrepreneurial Opportunities and Venues of Activism (Social Initiatives) and (3) Governmental Engagement of Students are statistically found to be significant at influencing the propensity of Malaysian undergraduates to return. Governmental engagement possesses the highest correlational strength, unearthing new possibilities that could result from their role in undergraduate repatriation. Following that, the implication of the findings on domestic repatriation policies were expounded upon and appropriate recommendations were made as a conclusory discussion.

Current events, such as the 2008 economic crisis, the large number of asylum seekers fleeing from conflict zones, terrorism threats, and the growth of right-wing anti-immigrant populism, all within the context of neoliberalism, raise questions regarding the settlement and integration of migrant newcomers in Western liberal democracies. This involves an increasing role for NGOs in immigrant settlement provision through state-NGO 'partnerships'. By exploring immigration and settlement policy in a comparative context, our main objective is to analyze the role of nonprofits in settlement and integration service delivery, as well as their activities aimed at promoting immigrant well-being and social justice in neoliberal times.

It was what many had been hoping for: some sort of relief. But did it
come too late? And was it enough? On the evening of Thursday, November 20, 2014, US president Barack Obama went on live television to announce a new administrative action to reform the US immigration system. Obama began, “Today, our immigration system is broken, and everybody knows it. . . . It’s been this way for decades. And for decades, we haven’t done much about it.” Responding to growing discontent among immigrant rights groups, the president and the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) together issued a memorandum expanding the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program of 2012. DACA—instituted by a DHS directive rather than congressional action—provided temporary work permits and deportation relief to more than 664,000 young undocumented immigrants who had lived in the United States since childhood.1 The 2014 expansion announced by President Obama eliminated DACA’s upper age ceiling of thirty-one years and introduced a new program, Deferred Action for Parents of Americans and Permanent Residents (DAPA), to provide deportation relief and work permits to an estimated 3.5 million undocumented immigrants with US-born children.

This book is an attempt to provide a comprehensive account of the relationship between philosophy and immigration policy. It does this by framing the current immigration debate as part of a much larger conflict over competing moral and political principles, as opposed to thinking of it merely as a problem of applied ethics. By framing the issue of immigration in this way it becomes clear why the current immigration policies of various states are stuck in a security dilemma, which is where a regime attempts to avoid falling into a state of nature (e.g., political instability) but in doing so engenders the sorts of conditions that give rise to states of exception (e.g., totalitarianism). In this regard, this book suggests that public policymakers would benefit from the work of moral and political philosophers. At the same time, moral and political philosophers have only been able to resolve the security dilemma in their theoretical work by giving priority to the liberty concern. This shift in priorities has itself given rise to a second difficulty which I have dubbed the liberty dilemma. This dilemma consists in trying to reconcile commitments to democratic self-determination, individual liberty, and universal equality without in turn sacrificing too much of either one in order to realize the other two. This has been especially problematic for moral and political philosophers who work on the ethics of immigration. This book offers a creative solution to these two dilemmas by suggesting that questions concerning immigration justice—both at the policy and theoretical level—ought to begin by examining what and how immigration policies can be enforced. In doing so, this book shows how commitments to democratic self-determination, individual liberty, and universal equality can be maintained while at the same time also addressing the concern for security. The trade off, however, is that states must allow for a certain amount of immigrant rights that often will take precedence over their ability or desire to exclude and remove non-citizens.

As migrações humanas induzidas por causas ambientais não são novidade na história humana. A novidade, porém, é o aumento exponencial desse tipo de movimento migratório pelo mundo. De acordo com dados do International Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC, 2015), apenas no ano de 2014 novas 19,3 milhões de pessoas foram forçadas a migrar em todo mundo em decorrência de fatores ambientais, sem contar as pessoas que já haviam migrado nos anos anteriores por razões relacionadas ao meio ambiente.
Embora o tema não seja novo, os questionamentos jurídicos recentes preocupavam-se mais com a nomenclatura a ser utilizada para esse grupo de migrantes do que propriamente com formas de se buscar ampará-los nos instrumentos normativos de direito interno e internacional. Por esse motivo, a tese de doutorado defendida e aprovada com distinção na Faculdade de Direito da USP buscou aprofundar o tema a partir das formas pelas quais o direito internacional pode, efetivamente, conferir direitos aos “refugiados ambientais” ao invés de se limitar a discutir se eles são ou não refugiados nos termos da Convenção da ONU sobre o Estatuto dos Refugiados (1951).

Through six intensive and semi-structured interviews, this research paper examines the role social support networks may or may not have played in facilitating the resettlement experiences of Chinese-Vietnamese refugees living in Canada after the Vietnam War. It was observed that those who were privately-sponsored emphasized the instrumental role their benefactors played in assisting their successful resettlement, whereas those who were government-sponsored were forced to adopt a more independent mindset of forming their own social support systems. Regardless of sponsorship type, the notion of hard work was a commonality found amongst the participants. They arrived at the receiving country expecting and willing to accept conditions of underemployment and downward mobility. The effects of pre-migration enabling factors such as marital status and educational attainment are also acknowledged. Within a social support framework, theories of social capital and resiliency are used to analyze the lives of the participants after the traumatic experience of forced migration.

Keywords: Chinese-Vietnamese refugees, resettlement, Canada, social support network, resiliency theory

L’appel à communication de la Journée jeunes chercheurs du laboratoire MIGRINTER de juin 2014 m’a donné l’occasion d’élaborer un poster scientifique afin de présenter une synthèse des résultats préliminaires de ma recherche en thèse, tout en ménageant lisibilité et esthétique qui sont les règles de ce type d’exercice. Il m’a aussi permis de clarifier mon positionnement, tant pour ce qui concerne ma discipline (la géographie
sociale et politique) que du point de vue méthodologique et technique : il s’agissait de penser « en grand », pour un format de quatre-vingt centimètres sur cent, tout en donnant la priorité à une présentation visuelle des données.

This revised, updated, and expanded fourth edition of Immigrant America: A Portrait provides readers with a comprehensive and current overview of immigration to the United States in a single volume. Updated with the latest available data, Immigrant America explores the economic, political, spatial, and linguistic aspects of immigration; the role of religion in the acculturation and social integration of foreign minorities; and the adaptation process for the second generation. This revised 4th edition includes new chapters on theories of migration and on the history of U.S.-bound migration from the late nineteenth century to the present, offering an updated and expanded concluding chapter on immigration and public policy.

In this research (supported by the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific) we first intend to analyse the expected benefits and risks associated with Kyrgyzstan’s accession to EEU in general, and more specifically in the sphere of labour migration. This part of the research is based on a desktop review of academic papers, policy reports and media discourses. The second part of the report is based on an analysis of empirical data collected as a part of this research in two locations: Moscow, the Russian Federation and Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan. The fieldwork was conducted in the winter of 2016-2017. It focuses on two distinctive types of migration: 1) labour migration and 2) cross-border trade migration. The report proceeds in the same order: first, we discuss the nature of Eurasian Economic Union and Kyrgyzstan’s accession to it on the basis of a literature review; then, we discuss the effect of EEU on the life of Kyrgyz labour migrants in Moscow; and finally, we discuss the effect of EEU on cross-border trade by looking at the example of Dordoi, the largest market in Central Asia.