- Sciences Po Bordeaux, Centre Emile Durkheim, Department Memberadd
- Migration Studies, European Studies, African Studies, International Migration, Political Studies, International Migration and Immigration Policy, and 34 moreJustice and Home Affairs, External dimension of the EU migration policy, Eastern Europe, Border Studies, Migration Policy, Migration, Senegal, Critical Security Studies, European Union, European Foreign Policy, European Neighbourhood Policy, Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, Union for the Mediterranean, Eastern Partnership, Foreign Policy Analysis, Principal-Agent, Political Science, Readmission Agreements, Irregular Migration, Borders and Frontiers, Immigration Policy (Immigration History), Transnationalism, Borders and Borderlands, Immigration And Integration In Europe, Migration and Development, Surveillance Studies, Surveillance, Borders, Transnational migration, Anthropology of Borders, International political sociology, Porteadoras, FRONTEX, “IMMIGRATION AND THE EURO-MEDITERRANEAN AREA. KEYS AND TRENDS IN THE ESTABLISHMENT OF POLICIES”, Immigration Detention and Deportation, Political theatre, Politics in Sub-Saharan Africa, Deportation, Migration and undocumented migrants, Forced Migration, Geopolitics, Political Geography, and Securitization(Justice and Home Affairs, External dimension of the EU migration policy, Eastern Europe, Border Studies, Migration Policy, Migration, Senegal, Critical Security Studies, European Union, European Foreign Policy, European Neighbourhood Policy, Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, Union for the Mediterranean, Eastern Partnership, Foreign Policy Analysis, Principal-Agent, Political Science, Readmission Agreements, Irregular Migration, Borders and Frontiers, Immigration Policy (Immigration History), Transnationalism, Borders and Borderlands, Immigration And Integration In Europe, Migration and Development, Surveillance Studies, Surveillance, Borders, Transnational migration, Anthropology of Borders, International political sociology, Porteadoras, FRONTEX, “IMMIGRATION AND THE EURO-MEDITERRANEAN AREA. KEYS AND TRENDS IN THE ESTABLISHMENT OF POLICIES”, Immigration Detention and Deportation, Political theatre, Politics in Sub-Saharan Africa, Deportation, Migration and undocumented migrants, Forced Migration, Geopolitics, Political Geography, and Securitization)edit
- Lorenzo Gabrielli Ph.D. (with honors) in Political Science from LAM - Science Po Bordeaux, France, is senior researc... moreLorenzo Gabrielli Ph.D. (with honors) in Political Science from LAM - Science Po Bordeaux, France, is senior research fellow at GRITIM - UPF and associate researcher at GEA-UAM. He is also adjunct professor at Political Sciences department at UPF.
His research deals with migration, border and borderingin processses both at international (the geopolitics of mobility in the Mediterranean and EuroAfrican space, the external dimension of immigration policies, the multilevel governance of international migration in the EuroAfrican space, the ‘migration–development’ nexus) and internal level (racism and discrimination, processes of racialisation and othering, integration policies), among others.
He has been visiting researcher at United Nations University – Institute on Globalization, Culture and Mobility (UNU-GCM) and senior research fellow at European Institute of the Mediterranean (IEMed), and associate researcher ar CED-Sciences Po Bordeaux.
Dr. Gabrielli s actually participanting it two research project ("REACT" as senior researcher, and "Catalunya, the Mediterranean and Abya Yala: articulating alliances and transformative youth strategies" as IP). Prviously, he has participated to several European research projects (AGREP, Vakeripen, DiasporaLink, INTERACT, GARNET, Medimurs, MIPMUE) and is reviewer for several social sciences journals and publishers. Dr. Gabrielli has been researcher for project commissioned by ITC-ILO (International Training Center of International Labour Organisation) and FIERI, EUNOMAD (European Network on Migration and Development), Oxfam Intermón and for the Fundació Jaume Bofill of Barcelona.(Lorenzo Gabrielli Ph.D. (with honors) in Political Science from LAM - Science Po Bordeaux, France, is senior research fellow at GRITIM - UPF and associate researcher at GEA-UAM. He is also adjunct professor at Political Sciences department at UPF. <br />His research deals with migration, border and borderingin processses both at international (the geopolitics of mobility in the Mediterranean and EuroAfrican space, the external dimension of immigration policies, the multilevel governance of international migration in the EuroAfrican space, the ‘migration–development’ nexus) and internal level (racism and discrimination, processes of racialisation and othering, integration policies), among others. <br />He has been visiting researcher at United Nations University – Institute on Globalization, Culture and Mobility (UNU-GCM) and senior research fellow at European Institute of the Mediterranean (IEMed), and associate researcher ar CED-Sciences Po Bordeaux. <br />Dr. Gabrielli s actually participanting it two research project ("REACT" as senior researcher, and "Catalunya, the Mediterranean and Abya Yala: articulating alliances and transformative youth strategies" as IP). Prviously, he has participated to several European research projects (AGREP, Vakeripen, DiasporaLink, INTERACT, GARNET, Medimurs, MIPMUE) and is reviewer for several social sciences journals and publishers. Dr. Gabrielli has been researcher for project commissioned by ITC-ILO (International Training Center of International Labour Organisation) and FIERI, EUNOMAD (European Network on Migration and Development), Oxfam Intermón and for the Fundació Jaume Bofill of Barcelona.)edit
Research Interests: Border Studies, Border Policy, Morocco, Migration Studies, European Union-Africa relations, and 11 moreSpain, International Migration and Immigration Policy, Borders and Frontiers, Migration policies, African Migration to Europe, European borders, Border control, Ceuta and Melilla, Externalisation Frontières, EU Externalization, and Bordering
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
In 2019, Spain had the third highest number of asylum applications in the European Union, after Germany and France. The number of asylum applications grew from 31,120 in 2017 to 55,668 in 2018 and 118,264 in 2019. Following this... more
In 2019, Spain had the third highest number of asylum applications in the European Union, after Germany and France. The number of asylum applications grew from 31,120 in 2017 to 55,668 in 2018 and 118,264 in 2019. Following this exponential increase, the number of accommodation places in the state reception system has risen almost proportionally. In this changing context, this article seeks to explain the regulation of asylum accommodation in Spain. Following critical refugee studies in the Global North and the Global South, we argue that the Spanish asylum reception system is characterized by a hybrid model that imposes forms of discipline and neglect. By using a mixed-methods approach combining document analysis of secondary data, in-depth interviews with both stakeholders and asylum seekers, and an exploratory survey to 301 asylum seekers, we analyse the implications of this hybrid model in terms of asylum seekers trajectories and eventual inclusion.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
La investidura de Pedro Sánchez como presidente del Gobierno en junio de 2018 generó expectativas en numerosos sectores sociales, que esperaban transformaciones políticas de cierto calado en el corto y medio plazo. Desde un primer... more
La investidura de Pedro Sánchez como presidente del Gobierno en junio de 2018 generó expectativas en numerosos sectores sociales, que esperaban transformaciones políticas de cierto calado en el corto y medio plazo. Desde un primer momento, la política migratoria tuvo protagonismo en la agenda, sirviendo como marco para visibilizar las diferencias con el Gobierno anterior. En un contexto europeo caracterizado por el auge de la xenofobia, España volvía a la senda del cosmopolitismo, presentándose como actor solidario y cumplidor de sus compromisos internacionales. En junio de 2018 se produjeron casi simultáneamente el anuncio de la retirada de las concertinas de Ceuta y Melilla, y la acogida de las 630 personas del buque Aquarius en el puerto de Valencia, gestos que alumbraban la esperanza en que otra política migratoria podía ser posible. Poco después, el 31 de julio de 2018, el Gobierno anunciaba también vía real decreto la recuperación de la sanidad universal.
Dos años y medio después de la investidura de Pedro Sánchez, y a un año del inicio de la pandemia de COVID-19, la cuestión migratoria ha vuelto a la primera línea mediática como consecuencia del incremento de llegadas por la vía canaria. Por ello, procede reflexionar en profundidad sobre la política migratoria española hacia África y su recorrido desde el verano de 2018. Así, el propósito de este capítulo es realizar una aproximación a las principales narrativas, medidas y actuaciones desarrolladas para valorar si se han producido cambios significativos o si existe cierta continuidad respecto al Gobierno anterior. Esto nos permitirá reflexionar también acerca de la relación entre ideología política y políticas migratorias.
Dos años y medio después de la investidura de Pedro Sánchez, y a un año del inicio de la pandemia de COVID-19, la cuestión migratoria ha vuelto a la primera línea mediática como consecuencia del incremento de llegadas por la vía canaria. Por ello, procede reflexionar en profundidad sobre la política migratoria española hacia África y su recorrido desde el verano de 2018. Así, el propósito de este capítulo es realizar una aproximación a las principales narrativas, medidas y actuaciones desarrolladas para valorar si se han producido cambios significativos o si existe cierta continuidad respecto al Gobierno anterior. Esto nos permitirá reflexionar también acerca de la relación entre ideología política y políticas migratorias.
Research Interests: Africa, European Union-Africa relations, Border area Spain - Morocco, España, Historia Contemporánea de España, and 10 moreexternal dimension of EU migration policy, Politica Exterior, Externalisation, POLÍTICAS MIGRATORIAS, Dimensión exterior políca de inmigración, Relaciones internacionales y Comercio Exterior, External Dimension of EU Governance, EU Externalization, Relaciones Exteriores De España, and Política exterior de España(external dimension of EU migration policy, Politica Exterior, Externalisation, POLÍTICAS MIGRATORIAS, Dimensión exterior políca de inmigración, Relaciones internacionales y Comercio Exterior, External Dimension of EU Governance, EU Externalization, Relaciones Exteriores De España, and Política exterior de España)
(external dimension of EU migration policy, Politica Exterior, Externalisation, POLÍTICAS MIGRATORIAS, Dimensión exterior políca de inmigración, Relaciones internacionales y Comercio Exterior, External Dimension of EU Governance, EU Externalization, Relaciones Exteriores De España, and Política exterior de España)
In questo articolo, l’autore analizza gli effetti dirompenti della pandemia di COVID-19 sul sistema migratorio esistente tra la Spagna e Marocco, utilizzando come approccio teorico il concetto di “frontierizzazione” (bordering). A partire... more
In questo articolo, l’autore analizza gli effetti dirompenti della pandemia
di COVID-19 sul sistema migratorio esistente tra la Spagna e Marocco, utilizzando come approccio teorico il concetto di “frontierizzazione” (bordering). A partire dai primi mesi del 2020, la crescente diffusione del virus SARS-CoV-2 ha generato un profondo sconvolgimento, che si è manifestato in cinque dinamiche principali: 1) l’apparire di nuove migrazioni forzate di ritorno; 2) la perturbazione dei flussi transfrontalieri esistenti; 3) i cambiamenti dei canali informali di migrazione e la riapertura della rotta atlantica verso le Canarie; 4) l’emergere di zone-cuscinetto alle frontiere
(buffer spaces); 5) la riorganizzazione dei facilitatori delle migrazioni informali e delle organizzazioni di smuggling. Nel breve periodo, dunque, lo shock esogeno della pandemia ha provocato cambiamenti profondi, la cui persistenza nel medio e lungo periodo dovrà essere oggetto di attenzione costante in futuro.
di COVID-19 sul sistema migratorio esistente tra la Spagna e Marocco, utilizzando come approccio teorico il concetto di “frontierizzazione” (bordering). A partire dai primi mesi del 2020, la crescente diffusione del virus SARS-CoV-2 ha generato un profondo sconvolgimento, che si è manifestato in cinque dinamiche principali: 1) l’apparire di nuove migrazioni forzate di ritorno; 2) la perturbazione dei flussi transfrontalieri esistenti; 3) i cambiamenti dei canali informali di migrazione e la riapertura della rotta atlantica verso le Canarie; 4) l’emergere di zone-cuscinetto alle frontiere
(buffer spaces); 5) la riorganizzazione dei facilitatori delle migrazioni informali e delle organizzazioni di smuggling. Nel breve periodo, dunque, lo shock esogeno della pandemia ha provocato cambiamenti profondi, la cui persistenza nel medio e lungo periodo dovrà essere oggetto di attenzione costante in futuro.
Research Interests: Political Geography and Geopolitics, Geopolitics, International Migration, Morocco, Migration Studies, and 12 moreBorder area Spain - Morocco, Spain, Geopolitcs and Geostrategy, Complex Systems Migration, Geopolítica, Geopolitica, Ceuta and Melilla, Migrazioni, Migration Systems, Migrazioni Internazionali, COVID-19 PANDEMIC, and Economic effects of COVID-19
In this article, we address a gap in the scholarship on (super)diversity, discrimination and racism by placing the experiences of non-western migrants and Roma people in the same conceptual framework of stigmatization based on... more
In this article, we address a gap in the scholarship on (super)diversity, discrimination and racism by placing the experiences of non-western migrants and Roma people in the same conceptual framework of stigmatization based on racialization and aporophobia. Including a (formally non-recognized) national minority, the Spanish Roma, in such an analysis implies moving from a framework of superdiversity applied to immigrants to a broader one, which also applies the notion of superdiversity to the racialized citizens of a country, shifting the focus from inner-group features to exogenous othering processes by the mainstream society. We aim to also contribute to the literature on the race–class binary with our empirically grounded analysis of how racialization and aporophobia intersect in the negative stereotyping of people who are cast as outsiders based on both their race/ethnicity and (assumed) socio-economic status. Data from several different research projects on migrant and Roma inclusion/exclusion in Spain were used for the analysis, which focuses on the intersections between race and class in the narratives on exclusion and discrimination by 185 migrant and Roma men and women that were interviewed between 2004 and 2021. The analysis shows that our Roma and migrant respondents perceive forms of discrimination based on racialization and aporophobia that are similar in several ways. In turn, the “double stigmatization” experienced by many of our respondents reinforces their actual precariousness, which may be understood both as a cause and consequence of this stigmatization. We found that these experiences were salient in the narratives of both non-western migrant and Roma respondents who find themselves part of a “racialized underclass” and struggle with finding ways to exit the vicious circle of devalued identities and material deprivation.
Research Interests:
The extremely high rates of school failure among Spanish Roma children are a cause of great concern, and frequently the target of policies and projects both at the local, national and European level. There is still a general perception... more
The extremely high rates of school failure among Spanish Roma children are a cause of great concern, and frequently the target of policies and projects both at the local, national and European level. There is still a general perception that the Roma overall lack interest in studies, coherent with the dominant discursive framework that tends to essentialise Roma people and view their practices and choices as primarily motivated by their culture. We challenge this view by offering a more complex account on the educational expectations of Roma families. Based on extensive fieldwork in the Barcelona area in relation to a research project directed by the authors, we found what we defined as a dual expectations gap: on the one hand, the gap between the families’ expectations on their children’s education and the obstacles they encounter for fulfilling these expectations; on the other hand, the gap between the families’ expectations and the schools’ perceptions on the families’ expectations. We argue that the concept of educational expectations needs to be placed in a broader context in order to better understand what lies behind school failure among an ethnic minority group that is racialized and socio-economically disadvantaged.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
This document aims at providing guidance to policymakers when approaching key questions and current debates regarding migration governance in the European Union (EU). We focus on questions about the external dimension of migration... more
This document aims at providing guidance to policymakers when approaching key questions and current debates regarding migration governance in the European Union (EU). We focus on questions about the external dimension of migration governance. In doing so, we attempt to capture what the knowledge base, the research and publications on the topics, has told us so far and how it offers guidance in addressing these questions going forward.
Research Interests:
Research Interests: African Studies, International Relations, International Migration, Migration Studies, European Union-Africa relations, and 4 moreexternal dimension of EU migration policy, Externalisation Frontières, External Dimension of EU Governance, and Internal and External Dimensions of EU Territorial Governance
Commentary for Istituto per gli Studi di Politica Internazionale
Research Interests:
Ce rapport vise à analyser la manière dont le Maroc et la Tunisie abordent la question de la réinsertion sociale et professionnelle des migrants de retour et à identifier les lacunes à combler. L’étude propose d’abord de cartographier à... more
Ce rapport vise à analyser la manière dont le Maroc et la Tunisie abordent la question de la réinsertion sociale et professionnelle des migrants de retour et à identifier les lacunes à combler. L’étude propose d’abord de cartographier à la fois les connaissances empiriques existantes et le phénomène dans les deux pays. À cette fin, des données primaires et secondaires, tant qualitatives que quantitatives, ont été collectées, en particulier au moyen de deux études empiriques - menées dans le cadre de deux missions de terrain au Maroc (fin octobre 2018) et en Tunisie (début novembre 2018) - permettant de recueillir dans chaque pays 13 entretiens semi-dirigés en face à face auprès des principaux acteurs institutionnels, des organisations internationales et des institutions des pays tiers, de la société civile, ainsi que des universités et des experts.
Après une analyse détaillée des données collectées, il a été possible de procéder à une analyse comparative des stratégies des deux pays en matière de politiques de retour et de réintégration des citoyens migrants. Certains éléments se dégagent concernant ces programmes de réintégration, leurs forces, leurs faiblesses et leurs lacunes, ainsi que leur évaluation. En particulier, il convient de noter que dans les deux cas étudiés, le cadre institutionnel sur les questions de réintégration des migrants de retour est généralement peu développé en raison d’un intérêt politique très limité en ce sens. Les accords bilatéraux de protection sociale conclus avec les pays d’immigration des ressortissants des deux pays sont vraisemblablement le principal instrument dans les deux cas.
Au Maroc, il existe quelques initiatives supplémentaires, notamment en termes d’investissements des migrants de retour, tandis qu’en Tunisie, la complexité de l’architecture gouvernementale après le printemps arabe a rendu difficile les progrès dans ce domaine. La fragmentation institutionnelle de l’expertise sur le terrain et la centralisation administrative jouent un rôle important pour expliquer l’absence de mécanismes spécifiques. Compte tenu du petit nombre d’initiatives nationales, il convient de mentionner un nombre important d’initiatives promues par les pays européens, l’UE, les ONG et les organisations internationales, qui
sont étroitement liées à l’importance de la question du retour, tant volontaire que forcé, au niveau européen. Il est évident que cette question est particulièrement pertinente en Europe et que les acteurs européens ont une influence importante sur la mise en place de mécanismes de retour et de réintégration dans les deux pays. En ce qui concerne le type de programmes et de projets existants, il y a un déséquilibre entre les initiatives suivant la dichotomie entre les migrants de retour « de succès » et non volontaires : les premiers sont les principaux bénéficiaires des mesures existantes, les seconds ne sont pas considérés
comme prioritaires. Il y a aussi des domaines de mesures de soutien pour la réinsertion oubliés : l’emploi et le développement des compétences, mais aussi le soutien psychosocial et la scolarisation des enfants, entre autres. Là encore, il est très difficile d’établir l’impact des initiatives existantes, tant endogènes qu’exogènes, étant donné l’insuffisance des activités de suivi et d’évaluation. En conclusion, un certain nombre de recommandations ad hoc ont été formulées pour appuyer le renforcement des initiatives existantes et l’élaboration de programmes de réintégration plus solides.
Après une analyse détaillée des données collectées, il a été possible de procéder à une analyse comparative des stratégies des deux pays en matière de politiques de retour et de réintégration des citoyens migrants. Certains éléments se dégagent concernant ces programmes de réintégration, leurs forces, leurs faiblesses et leurs lacunes, ainsi que leur évaluation. En particulier, il convient de noter que dans les deux cas étudiés, le cadre institutionnel sur les questions de réintégration des migrants de retour est généralement peu développé en raison d’un intérêt politique très limité en ce sens. Les accords bilatéraux de protection sociale conclus avec les pays d’immigration des ressortissants des deux pays sont vraisemblablement le principal instrument dans les deux cas.
Au Maroc, il existe quelques initiatives supplémentaires, notamment en termes d’investissements des migrants de retour, tandis qu’en Tunisie, la complexité de l’architecture gouvernementale après le printemps arabe a rendu difficile les progrès dans ce domaine. La fragmentation institutionnelle de l’expertise sur le terrain et la centralisation administrative jouent un rôle important pour expliquer l’absence de mécanismes spécifiques. Compte tenu du petit nombre d’initiatives nationales, il convient de mentionner un nombre important d’initiatives promues par les pays européens, l’UE, les ONG et les organisations internationales, qui
sont étroitement liées à l’importance de la question du retour, tant volontaire que forcé, au niveau européen. Il est évident que cette question est particulièrement pertinente en Europe et que les acteurs européens ont une influence importante sur la mise en place de mécanismes de retour et de réintégration dans les deux pays. En ce qui concerne le type de programmes et de projets existants, il y a un déséquilibre entre les initiatives suivant la dichotomie entre les migrants de retour « de succès » et non volontaires : les premiers sont les principaux bénéficiaires des mesures existantes, les seconds ne sont pas considérés
comme prioritaires. Il y a aussi des domaines de mesures de soutien pour la réinsertion oubliés : l’emploi et le développement des compétences, mais aussi le soutien psychosocial et la scolarisation des enfants, entre autres. Là encore, il est très difficile d’établir l’impact des initiatives existantes, tant endogènes qu’exogènes, étant donné l’insuffisance des activités de suivi et d’évaluation. En conclusion, un certain nombre de recommandations ad hoc ont été formulées pour appuyer le renforcement des initiatives existantes et l’élaboration de programmes de réintégration plus solides.
Research Interests:
Research Interests: African Studies, Post-Colonialism, International Migration, Migration Studies, European Union-Africa relations, and 6 moreEuropean Union external relations, International Migration and Immigration Policy, Migration policies, Externalisation Frontières, External Dimension of EU Governance, and European African Relations
Research Interests: Migration, International Migration, Migration Studies, European Union-Africa relations, External Relations of the EU, and 8 moreEuropean Union external relations, International Migration and Immigration Policy, Migration policies, external dimension of EU migration policy, External dimension of migration policy, Externalisation Frontières, External Dimension of EU Governance, and European African Relations
Ceuta y Melilla, las ciudades fronterizas de la Unión Europea en África, pueden ser definidas como territorios de excepción. Fundamentalmente por dos motivos. El primero: el estatus jurídico-político diferenciado que la arquitectura... more
Ceuta y Melilla, las ciudades fronterizas de la Unión Europea en África, pueden ser definidas como territorios de excepción. Fundamentalmente por dos motivos. El primero: el estatus jurídico-político diferenciado que la arquitectura institucional española y comunitaria les reserva. Y el segundo: las particularidades de la política de control migratorio/fronterizo allí implementada. Ceuta y Melilla no están constituidas en Comunidades Autónomas. No forman parte del espacio aduanero de la Unión Europea, el Tratado de Schengen se despliega sobre ellas con notables singularidades y, formalmente, se hallan fuera del paraguas de protección de la OTAN.
Enmarañado con las reivindicaciones territoriales de Marruecos, este estatus jurídico-político especial convierte a Ceuta y a Melilla en claras «excepciones de Estado». En este caldo de cultivo, en torno a las vallas que separan a ambas ciudades del resto de África opera un régimen de movilidad acrobático. Con harta frecuencia el régimen fronterizo de Ceuta y Melilla se muestra incompatible con el respeto a los derechos humanos y a la integridad física de los migrantes, conformando un «estado de excepción» de facto en materia de control migratorio.
Enmarañado con las reivindicaciones territoriales de Marruecos, este estatus jurídico-político especial convierte a Ceuta y a Melilla en claras «excepciones de Estado». En este caldo de cultivo, en torno a las vallas que separan a ambas ciudades del resto de África opera un régimen de movilidad acrobático. Con harta frecuencia el régimen fronterizo de Ceuta y Melilla se muestra incompatible con el respeto a los derechos humanos y a la integridad física de los migrantes, conformando un «estado de excepción» de facto en materia de control migratorio.
Research Interests: Border Studies, Border Policy, Migration Studies, Anthropology of Borders, European Union-Africa relations, and 10 moreBorderlands Studies, International Migration and Immigration Policy, Borders and Frontiers, Migration policies, Melilla, Ceuta, Borders and Borderlands, Border control, Ceuta and Melilla, and History of Melilla
Research Interests: Education, Social Studies Education, Minority Studies, Social Inclusion, Minority Rights, and 7 moreSpain, Catalonia, Roma People, Culture and Education of Roma (Gypsy), Social mobility and education. Social class. Ethnicity/'race' and minority studies. Roma/Gypsy/Travellers. Mixed methods research, Inclusion Educativa, and Minority Education
Research Interests:
This paper analyses the dynamics of the multilevel governance of migration flows between West Africa and Europe. Firstly, I examine bilateral, multilateral and inter-regional frames of cooperation on human mobility.... more
This paper analyses the dynamics of the multilevel governance of migration flows between West Africa and Europe. Firstly, I examine
bilateral, multilateral and inter-regional frames of cooperation on human mobility. Secondly, I analyse the type of governance
emerging from the cooperation, focusing on his main axis
- readmission and externalisation of control - and on the tools used to
prompt the negotiation, and particularly on the linkage with development and the subsequent emergence of a ‘migratory
conditionality’ in this field. Thirdly, I underline how, during the last
decade and more clearly after the recent La Valletta’s EU-Africa
summit on migration, a hegemonic European securitarian approach of human mobility had spread and has produced a de facto displacement of the Euro-African border. Finally, I consider the consequences of this rise of the immigration issue between Africa and Europe, from the point of view of
States as well as people on the move.
bilateral, multilateral and inter-regional frames of cooperation on human mobility. Secondly, I analyse the type of governance
emerging from the cooperation, focusing on his main axis
- readmission and externalisation of control - and on the tools used to
prompt the negotiation, and particularly on the linkage with development and the subsequent emergence of a ‘migratory
conditionality’ in this field. Thirdly, I underline how, during the last
decade and more clearly after the recent La Valletta’s EU-Africa
summit on migration, a hegemonic European securitarian approach of human mobility had spread and has produced a de facto displacement of the Euro-African border. Finally, I consider the consequences of this rise of the immigration issue between Africa and Europe, from the point of view of
States as well as people on the move.
Research Interests: Immigration, Immigration Studies, Regionalism, Immigration History, European Union-Africa relations, and 9 moreExternal Relations of the EU, Regionalisation, Europeanisation, International Migration and Immigration Policy, Securitisation, Immigration Policy, Externalisation, Ethics of immigration policy, and External Dimension of EU Governance
Nous analysons ici le processus de « frontiérisation » en Espagne, dans sa relation aux « crises migratoires » qui se produisent de façon récurrente dans certains segments de la ligne frontalière. Nous abordons les modalités par... more
Nous analysons ici le processus de « frontiérisation » en Espagne, dans sa relation aux « crises migratoires » qui se produisent de façon récurrente dans certains segments de la ligne frontalière. Nous abordons les modalités par lesquelles un phénomène structurel comme l’immigration irrégulière est politisé et géré comme « exceptionnel ». Pour mieux comprendre cette dynamique, nous étudions, d’une part, les cas de Ceuta et Melilla comme lieux privilégiés du traitement de l’urgence et, d’autre part, le cas des îles Canaries comme point névralgique éphémère du traitement de l’urgence. Nous décryptons ensuite les éléments cachés par cette « frontiérisation par les crises » et ses conséquences : en particulier le fait que la gestion d’urgence produit de facto un état d’exception et d’excès dans les fragments de la frontière ayant une forte charge symbolique. Enfin, nous abordons les raisons d’une telle gestion d’urgence permanente : cette gestion d’urgence constitue-t-elle un moyen d’échapper aux contraintes imposées par le régime des droits fondamentaux ?
This article analyses the “bordering” process in Spain, notably with regard to its relation to ever-reoccurring “migration crises” at certain areas of the border. More specifically, it addresses the ways in which a structural phenomenon such as irregular immigration is politicized and managed as “exceptional” at the Spanish border. To better understand this dynamic, it analyses, on the one hand, the case of Ceuta and Melilla as pivotal sites of the execution of emergency, and, on the other hand, the Canary Islands as a temporary hotspot. Then, it decodes the elements hidden by the Spanish “bordering by crises” approach and its consequences. In particular, it exposes the way in which emergency management produces a de facto state of exception and excess at segments of the border carrying particular symbolic significance. Finally, it addresses the reasons behind this constant emergency management, namely asking whether emergency management provides an escape from the constraints imposed by fundamental and basic rights.
This article analyses the “bordering” process in Spain, notably with regard to its relation to ever-reoccurring “migration crises” at certain areas of the border. More specifically, it addresses the ways in which a structural phenomenon such as irregular immigration is politicized and managed as “exceptional” at the Spanish border. To better understand this dynamic, it analyses, on the one hand, the case of Ceuta and Melilla as pivotal sites of the execution of emergency, and, on the other hand, the Canary Islands as a temporary hotspot. Then, it decodes the elements hidden by the Spanish “bordering by crises” approach and its consequences. In particular, it exposes the way in which emergency management produces a de facto state of exception and excess at segments of the border carrying particular symbolic significance. Finally, it addresses the reasons behind this constant emergency management, namely asking whether emergency management provides an escape from the constraints imposed by fundamental and basic rights.
Research Interests: Border Studies, Immigration, Immigration Studies, Securitization, Mediterranean Studies, and 14 moreBorder Policy, Mediterranean, Undocumented Immigration, Anthropology of Borders, Borderlands Studies, International Migration and Immigration Policy, Borders, Borders and Frontiers, State of exception, Canary Islands, Borders and Borderlands, Immigration Policy, Ceuta and Melilla, and Mediterranean Transit Migration(Border Policy, Mediterranean, Undocumented Immigration, Anthropology of Borders, Borderlands Studies, International Migration and Immigration Policy, Borders, Borders and Frontiers, State of exception, Canary Islands, Borders and Borderlands, Immigration Policy, Ceuta and Melilla, and Mediterranean Transit Migration)
(Border Policy, Mediterranean, Undocumented Immigration, Anthropology of Borders, Borderlands Studies, International Migration and Immigration Policy, Borders, Borders and Frontiers, State of exception, Canary Islands, Borders and Borderlands, Immigration Policy, Ceuta and Melilla, and Mediterranean Transit Migration)
The external dimension of European immigration policies focuses on the externalization of Sub-Saharan migration control in transit areas. Recent migration policies have produced a number of ‘buffer-zones’ in Africa, resulting in a... more
The external dimension of European immigration policies focuses on the externalization of Sub-Saharan migration control in transit areas. Recent migration policies have produced a number of ‘buffer-zones’ in Africa, resulting in a displacement of the Euro-African migration border.
Using an approach inspired by ‘migration system analysis’, this chapter carries out an analysis of the interactions between migration flows and the external dimension of European immigration policies in African transit areas. The chapter argues that the analysis of the interdependences between these issues is key for understanding the results and collateral effects of these policies.
Using an approach inspired by ‘migration system analysis’, this chapter carries out an analysis of the interactions between migration flows and the external dimension of European immigration policies in African transit areas. The chapter argues that the analysis of the interdependences between these issues is key for understanding the results and collateral effects of these policies.
Research Interests: Securitization, International Migration, Contemporary International Migration, International Migration and Immigration Policy, Transit Migration, and 10 moreMigration control, Complex Systems Migration, EU-Africa relations, Migration Policy, Migration policy / Human rights / State control and management of peoples, external dimension of EU migration policy, Externalisation Frontières, Externalization, Mediterranean Transit Migration, and Migration Systems(Migration control, Complex Systems Migration, EU-Africa relations, Migration Policy, Migration policy / Human rights / State control and management of peoples, external dimension of EU migration policy, Externalisation Frontières, Externalization, Mediterranean Transit Migration, and Migration Systems)
(Migration control, Complex Systems Migration, EU-Africa relations, Migration Policy, Migration policy / Human rights / State control and management of peoples, external dimension of EU migration policy, Externalisation Frontières, Externalization, Mediterranean Transit Migration, and Migration Systems)
In this article, we apply Hirschman’s well-known distinction between voice, exit, and loyalty as an interpretative framework for looking at the political participation of immigrants in their origin countries and at their connections with... more
In this article, we apply Hirschman’s well-known distinction between voice, exit, and loyalty as an interpretative framework for looking at the political participation of immigrants in their origin countries and at their connections with state and non-state actors. Hirschman articulated these three options as mutually exclusive, but in our reappraisal of this scheme we consider these options overlapping and simultaneous. We can then distinguish immigrants’ political actions as constituting a specific combination of these three options. Having already exercised their right to move, immigrants can steer their political activities towards the origin country, following two different options: “voice” or “loyalty”. An exit may lead to the transnationalisation/internationalisation of the voice option or otherwise, to political activities inspired by loyalty towards the origin state. We will also argue that these options are in the hands of immigrants, but can also be promoted by origin states and civil society actors, who may oppose each other on some points. The State of origin’s interest is in maintaining their emigrants’ loyalty option, in spite of the fact that they have used an exit option, or at least searching for a political containment of their citizen abroad. However, civil society groups at origin can try to develop the voice option, through the activities of emigrants, despite (lesser or stronger) opposition from state actors. Finally, we will introduce the assumption that immigrants’ political actions towards their country of origin are related to the interpretation of their exit reasons. When migration is perceived as a consequence of a political situation, the result is a voice option channelling protest jointly with origin societies. On the contrary, when the exit is perceived as more of an economic issue, immigrants maintain stronger links with the origin State and loyalty towards its institutions.
Research Interests: Political Participation, Transnationalism, Diasporas, Diaspora Politics, Diaspora, and 10 moreDiaspora Studies, Diaspora and transnationalism, Migration and Diaspora, Migration issues, Global Citizenship. migrants political participation, voting abroad, Albert Hirschman, Political Transnationalism, Exit, Voice and Loyalty, Migration and Diaspora Studies, Migrants Political Participation, and Transnational Political Mobilization(Diaspora Studies, Diaspora and transnationalism, Migration and Diaspora, Migration issues, Global Citizenship. migrants political participation, voting abroad, Albert Hirschman, Political Transnationalism, Exit, Voice and Loyalty, Migration and Diaspora Studies, Migrants Political Participation, and Transnational Political Mobilization)
(Diaspora Studies, Diaspora and transnationalism, Migration and Diaspora, Migration issues, Global Citizenship. migrants political participation, voting abroad, Albert Hirschman, Political Transnationalism, Exit, Voice and Loyalty, Migration and Diaspora Studies, Migrants Political Participation, and Transnational Political Mobilization)
The main goal of the present position paper is to set an interpretative framework for the study of the role of origin countries and societies in influencing the political participation of immigrants. Considering that we are opening a... more
The main goal of the present position paper is to set an interpretative framework for the study of the role of origin countries and societies in influencing the political participation of immigrants.
Considering that we are opening a new research line within the existing literature on political participation of immigrants and integration, we first consider the more classic methodological approaches in this field to understand the existing gaps. Secondly we consider other literature’s fields, namely diaspora policies and transnational politics, allowing for a deeper identification of the influence of the countries and societies of origin.
Then, we map state and non-state actors implicated in the countries of origin, their strategies, and how they overcome the difficulties in their action. On the one hand, we consider specifically state actors’ strategies and interactions with emigrants, both in conventional and unconventional forms of political participation, as well as the issue of external voting, as a paradigmatic example of conventional political participation towards origin countries. On the other hand, we look at non-state actors and their strategies to influence migrant political participation, towards the destination and origin countries.
In parallel, we introduce some relevant case studies underlining and exemplifying the role and the impact of origin countries’ actors on political participation of migrants, both in their host and home countries.
Afterwards, we propose a framework to interpret those relations between the different actors in origin countries and migrants in the field of political participation. Finally, we identify the gaps in the scientific knowledge that deserve to be covered in the next steps of Interact project, we point out the key factors influencing migrants’ political participation that deserve deeper research, and we underline the specific questions to answer to fill the gap in the knowledge of those interactions.
Considering that we are opening a new research line within the existing literature on political participation of immigrants and integration, we first consider the more classic methodological approaches in this field to understand the existing gaps. Secondly we consider other literature’s fields, namely diaspora policies and transnational politics, allowing for a deeper identification of the influence of the countries and societies of origin.
Then, we map state and non-state actors implicated in the countries of origin, their strategies, and how they overcome the difficulties in their action. On the one hand, we consider specifically state actors’ strategies and interactions with emigrants, both in conventional and unconventional forms of political participation, as well as the issue of external voting, as a paradigmatic example of conventional political participation towards origin countries. On the other hand, we look at non-state actors and their strategies to influence migrant political participation, towards the destination and origin countries.
In parallel, we introduce some relevant case studies underlining and exemplifying the role and the impact of origin countries’ actors on political participation of migrants, both in their host and home countries.
Afterwards, we propose a framework to interpret those relations between the different actors in origin countries and migrants in the field of political participation. Finally, we identify the gaps in the scientific knowledge that deserve to be covered in the next steps of Interact project, we point out the key factors influencing migrants’ political participation that deserve deeper research, and we underline the specific questions to answer to fill the gap in the knowledge of those interactions.
Research Interests:
This corridor report analyses the integration patterns of Turkish and Tunisian immigrants in France on a comparative basis. The goal of the report is to understand the role of origin countries and societies in the integration of these two... more
This corridor report analyses the integration patterns of Turkish and Tunisian immigrants in France on a comparative basis. The goal of the report is to understand the role of origin countries and societies in the integration of these two immigrant communities in France. Following the INTERACT project’s idea of “integration as a three-way process”, the report analyses the integration of Turkish and Tunisian immigrants in France not only from a country of destination perspective, but also from the point of view of the countries and societies of origin. To do this, we apply a methodology that brings together three different types of original sources: a legal and political framework analysis at both origin and destination, a quantitative analysis on some specific integration dimensions (labour market, education, and citizenship), and a survey on civil society actors. The analysis conducted emphasises that historical and language ties between the country of origin and destination may play a role in specific dimensions such as education and, in a lesser way, on the labour market (through bilateral agreements). These linkages also play an indirect role on the compositions and specific time evolution of the two migration flows to France. Countries of origin may also play a role concerning access to citizenship through the evolution of their policies in this area.
Research Interests: Diasporas, Diaspora Politics, Diaspora, Turkey, Diaspora Studies, and 11 moreDiaspora and transnationalism, Migrant integration, Immıgration in France, Tunisia, Integration, Migration and Diaspora, Integration of persons with a Turkish migrant background in Germany; endogenous barriers to integration, Social Integration of Migrants, Migration and Diaspora Studies, Migrants Integration, and Emigration Policy(Diaspora and transnationalism, Migrant integration, Immıgration in France, Tunisia, Integration, Migration and Diaspora, Integration of persons with a Turkish migrant background in Germany; endogenous barriers to integration, Social Integration of Migrants, Migration and Diaspora Studies, Migrants Integration, and Emigration Policy)
(Diaspora and transnationalism, Migrant integration, Immıgration in France, Tunisia, Integration, Migration and Diaspora, Integration of persons with a Turkish migrant background in Germany; endogenous barriers to integration, Social Integration of Migrants, Migration and Diaspora Studies, Migrants Integration, and Emigration Policy)
This corridor report analyse on a comparative basis the integration patters of Ecuadorian and Moroccan immigrants in Spain. The goal of this report is to understand the role of origin countries and societies in integration of these two... more
This corridor report analyse on a comparative basis the integration patters of Ecuadorian and Moroccan immigrants in Spain. The goal of this report is to understand the role of origin countries and societies in integration of these two immigrants communities in Spain. Following the INTERACT project’s idea of “integration as a three-way process”, the report will analyse integration of Ecuadorians and Moroccans in Spain not only from a countries of destination perspective, but also from the point of view of countries and society of origin. To do this, we apply a methodology joining three different type of original sources: a legal and political framework analysis both in origin and destination, a quantitative analysis on some specific integration dimension (labour market, education, and citizenship), and a survey on civil society actors. The analysis conducted emphasizes that historical and political ties between the country of origin and destination may play a role in some specific dimension, as labour market and access to citizenship, through bilateral agreements, and education, through language. In particular, in case of Ecuador bilateral agreements seems to be central in facilitating the integration of immigrants in these Dimensions.
Research Interests:
The migratory question in Europe is increasingly viewed from a security-based approach. After analysing the genesis of this process of securitization of the migration issue, this paper will examine how this securitisation of migration... more
The migratory question in Europe is increasingly viewed from a security-based approach. After analysing the genesis of this process of securitization of the migration issue, this paper will examine how this securitisation of migration issue shapes the political debate, as well as the political answer to immigration. The increasingly strong link between security and migration produces relevant consequences on Euro-African border: a progressive militarization of the external border, as well as a displacement of the latter towards the African continent. At the Southern EU borders, the external dimension of European immigration policies focuses on the delegation of migration control towards transit spaces in the African continent, creating a number of ‘buffer-zones’ in the continent and displacing the Euro-African border further south. Using an approach inspired by ‘migration system analysis’, this paper carries out an analysis of the interactions between migration flows and the external dimension of European immigration policies in African transit area, in order to understand the threats to an effective application of human rights and of the right of asylum. The Euro-African collaboration in migration control, developed during the last decade through different initiatives, underlines the structurally ephemeral character of the short-term securitarian approach of immigration policies. Regardless to the incapability of such policies to stop the departures from the African continent, this reactive process of inter-regional migratory governance’s building generates significant “side-effects” vis-à-vis human security of migrants and asylum seekers, as well as the respect of their rights.
Research Interests:
The development of Spanish immigration policy: ambiguities and ambivalences through the case of West African migrations This project aims to analyse the development of Spanish immigration policy through the case of West African... more
The development of Spanish immigration policy: ambiguities and ambivalences through the case of West African migrations
This project aims to analyse the development of Spanish immigration policy through the case of West African migrations which significantly reveals the ambiguous and ambivalent nature of the policy. In the context of migratory flows reversal, Spain has become an increasingly important destination for immigrants, so I wish to address the complicated implementation of a national policy which, from its birth in 1985, has had to reconcile EU obligations with internal interests. I shall look at how the virulent politicisation of immigration issues in 2000 not only represents a key moment in the development of Spanish policy, but Europeanization process as well. The significance of this is that Spain, a country which was at first a passive recipient of European norms and practices, steadily became a central actor in the key debates and issues surrounding immigration in the EU. These include the Spanish alignment to the securitisation process of immigration as well as becoming a model in the internationalisation of immigration policy through its action towards the African continent. I will also analyse the development of the external dimension of Spanish policy, which through an exacerbated focus on sub-Saharan immigration leads to a widespread effect of the migratory issues in its dealings with Africa. The reassessment and consequent improvement of Spanish relations with Morocco was a crucial moment due to the country’s strategic importance as a “transit zone” to Europe. This trend continued with the consequent re-engagement in West Africa following the Africa Plan which I believe reflects the role of the African continent as a privileged field of expression towards the externalisation of migratory flows control. The deciphering of this emerging Euro-African framework of migration governance and its negotiation help us to fully comprehend the consequences and collateral effects of this policy.
Ce travail analyse la construction de la politique d’immigration en Espagne à travers le cas des migrations ouest-africaines, un révélateur privilégié des ambiguïtés et ambivalences qui la traversent. Dans le contexte du retournement des flux migratoires qui transforme l’Espagne en une destination de plus en plus importante, nous abordons la mise en place compliquée d’une politique nationale qui, dès sa naissance en 1985, doit conjuguer les obligations européennes et les intérêts internes. Nous étudions comment la virulente politisation de la question migratoire, en 2000, constitue un moment clé dans le développement de la politique espagnole, en modifiant d’abord le processus d’européanisation. L’Espagne, qui initialement est un récepteur passif de normes et pratiques européennes, se transforme ainsi en une actrice clé dans l’UE en matière d’immigration, tant par son adhésion à la sécurisation de l’immigration, que par son rôle dans le processus d’internationalisation des enjeux, où son action vis-à-vis du continent africain devient un archétype. Nous analysons ainsi le développement du volet extérieur de la politique espagnole qui, par une focalisation exacerbée sur les flux subsahariens, impulse une diffusion poussée des enjeux migratoires dans les rapports avec l’Afrique. La réévaluation et revalorisation des relations de l’Espagne avec le Maroc, en tant qu’espace de transit des flux, et le réengagement conséquent en Afrique de l’Ouest, à la suite du Plan Afrique, témoignent du rôle du continent africain comme terrain d’expression privilégié de l’externalisation du contrôle des flux. Le décryptage de ce régime euro-africain des migrations en essor, ainsi que de sa négociation, permet de saisir en profondeur les conséquences et les effets collatéraux de cette politique.
This project aims to analyse the development of Spanish immigration policy through the case of West African migrations which significantly reveals the ambiguous and ambivalent nature of the policy. In the context of migratory flows reversal, Spain has become an increasingly important destination for immigrants, so I wish to address the complicated implementation of a national policy which, from its birth in 1985, has had to reconcile EU obligations with internal interests. I shall look at how the virulent politicisation of immigration issues in 2000 not only represents a key moment in the development of Spanish policy, but Europeanization process as well. The significance of this is that Spain, a country which was at first a passive recipient of European norms and practices, steadily became a central actor in the key debates and issues surrounding immigration in the EU. These include the Spanish alignment to the securitisation process of immigration as well as becoming a model in the internationalisation of immigration policy through its action towards the African continent. I will also analyse the development of the external dimension of Spanish policy, which through an exacerbated focus on sub-Saharan immigration leads to a widespread effect of the migratory issues in its dealings with Africa. The reassessment and consequent improvement of Spanish relations with Morocco was a crucial moment due to the country’s strategic importance as a “transit zone” to Europe. This trend continued with the consequent re-engagement in West Africa following the Africa Plan which I believe reflects the role of the African continent as a privileged field of expression towards the externalisation of migratory flows control. The deciphering of this emerging Euro-African framework of migration governance and its negotiation help us to fully comprehend the consequences and collateral effects of this policy.
Ce travail analyse la construction de la politique d’immigration en Espagne à travers le cas des migrations ouest-africaines, un révélateur privilégié des ambiguïtés et ambivalences qui la traversent. Dans le contexte du retournement des flux migratoires qui transforme l’Espagne en une destination de plus en plus importante, nous abordons la mise en place compliquée d’une politique nationale qui, dès sa naissance en 1985, doit conjuguer les obligations européennes et les intérêts internes. Nous étudions comment la virulente politisation de la question migratoire, en 2000, constitue un moment clé dans le développement de la politique espagnole, en modifiant d’abord le processus d’européanisation. L’Espagne, qui initialement est un récepteur passif de normes et pratiques européennes, se transforme ainsi en une actrice clé dans l’UE en matière d’immigration, tant par son adhésion à la sécurisation de l’immigration, que par son rôle dans le processus d’internationalisation des enjeux, où son action vis-à-vis du continent africain devient un archétype. Nous analysons ainsi le développement du volet extérieur de la politique espagnole qui, par une focalisation exacerbée sur les flux subsahariens, impulse une diffusion poussée des enjeux migratoires dans les rapports avec l’Afrique. La réévaluation et revalorisation des relations de l’Espagne avec le Maroc, en tant qu’espace de transit des flux, et le réengagement conséquent en Afrique de l’Ouest, à la suite du Plan Afrique, témoignent du rôle du continent africain comme terrain d’expression privilégié de l’externalisation du contrôle des flux. Le décryptage de ce régime euro-africain des migrations en essor, ainsi que de sa négociation, permet de saisir en profondeur les conséquences et les effets collatéraux de cette politique.
Research Interests: Human Rights, Transnationalism, Africa, Irregular Migration, Gender, and 11 moreInternational Migration, Immigration Policy (Immigration History), European Union-Africa relations, International Migration and Immigration Policy, Transit Migration, Migration and Development, Migration, Remittances and Development, “IMMIGRATION AND THE EURO-MEDITERRANEAN AREA. KEYS AND TRENDS IN THE ESTABLISHMENT OF POLICIES”, Spanish immigration policy, Moralities of Migration, and Mobility and Imobility(International Migration, Immigration Policy (Immigration History), European Union-Africa relations, International Migration and Immigration Policy, Transit Migration, Migration and Development, Migration, Remittances and Development, “IMMIGRATION AND THE EURO-MEDITERRANEAN AREA. KEYS AND TRENDS IN THE ESTABLISHMENT OF POLICIES”, Spanish immigration policy, Moralities of Migration, and Mobility and Imobility)
(International Migration, Immigration Policy (Immigration History), European Union-Africa relations, International Migration and Immigration Policy, Transit Migration, Migration and Development, Migration, Remittances and Development, “IMMIGRATION AND THE EURO-MEDITERRANEAN AREA. KEYS AND TRENDS IN THE ESTABLISHMENT OF POLICIES”, Spanish immigration policy, Moralities of Migration, and Mobility and Imobility)
After a focus on the impact of the Arab Spring in 2011, Eunomad's European report 2012 analyses the consequences of the financial and economic crisis on international mobility, the rights of migrants and on the development and integration... more
After a focus on the impact of the Arab Spring in 2011, Eunomad's European report 2012 analyses the consequences of the financial and economic crisis on international mobility, the rights of migrants and on the development and integration policies in Europe. It also tries to analyse the problem of the benefits of cooperation between the territories in which local authorities have a key role to play alongside the civil society actors. Finally, with examples of concrete projects, it illustrates intercultural skills at work in the dynamics between migration and development.
Eunomad has asked the researcher Lorenzo Gabrielli, who relied on the contributions of the members of the network, to draw this report. Ten recommendations were made: these combine the shared values and the arguments brought forward by the members of the network. This report intends to provide, through objective data, a positive view of international migration in its interaction with the dynamics of cooperation and the issues of citizenship. Many contributions that will renew the ways of making and thinking innovative policies that link migration, development and citizenship.
Eunomad has asked the researcher Lorenzo Gabrielli, who relied on the contributions of the members of the network, to draw this report. Ten recommendations were made: these combine the shared values and the arguments brought forward by the members of the network. This report intends to provide, through objective data, a positive view of international migration in its interaction with the dynamics of cooperation and the issues of citizenship. Many contributions that will renew the ways of making and thinking innovative policies that link migration, development and citizenship.
Research Interests:
Après un focus sur l’impact des printemps arabes en 2011, le rapport européen Eunomad 2012 analyse les conséquences de la crise économique et financière sur les mobilités internationales, les droits des migrants, les politiques de... more
Après un focus sur l’impact des printemps arabes en 2011, le rapport européen Eunomad 2012 analyse les conséquences de la crise économique et financière sur les mobilités internationales, les droits des migrants, les politiques de développement et d’intégration en Europe. Il cherche également à problématiser les atouts d’une coopération entre territoires au sein de laquelle les autorités locales ont un rôle clef à jouer au côté des acteurs de la société civile. Enfin, par des exemples de projets concrets, il illustre les capacités interculturelles à l’œuvre dans les dynamiques migration-développement.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Development actors and their practices related to migration are largely unknown in Europe. As a consequence of this situation, Eunomad publishes an Annual European report which debriefs the range and contributions of the co-development... more
Development actors and their practices related to migration are largely unknown in Europe. As a consequence of this situation, Eunomad publishes an Annual European report which debriefs the range and contributions of the co-development projects, often ignored and not listed, but also, understood differently by governments of each country.
The European report 2011 of the Eunomad network results from an analysis of public policies carried out at national and European levels completed by the presentation of the media coverage and scientific researches put in perspective with practices of co-development’s actors in the field. The researches of Eunomad on policies in the field of migration, development and integration are then compared with concrete results and needs arising from projects implemented by migrants.
It reflects on Eunomad’s theme for 2011 that is on "Youth and renewal of co-development practices", choice based on the fact that the analysis of the link between migration-development by Eunomad would benefit from integrating current evolutions taking place both in migration characteristics (feminization, level high school) and in terms of practices (emphasis on economic projects, stronger links with the host country, etc.).
The annual report is at the core of Eunomad’s approach. It presents the results of capitalisation activities organised at country and European levels and develops an analysis allowing to formulating recommendations towards public authorities and key stakeholders in co-development.
The European report 2011 of the Eunomad network results from an analysis of public policies carried out at national and European levels completed by the presentation of the media coverage and scientific researches put in perspective with practices of co-development’s actors in the field. The researches of Eunomad on policies in the field of migration, development and integration are then compared with concrete results and needs arising from projects implemented by migrants.
It reflects on Eunomad’s theme for 2011 that is on "Youth and renewal of co-development practices", choice based on the fact that the analysis of the link between migration-development by Eunomad would benefit from integrating current evolutions taking place both in migration characteristics (feminization, level high school) and in terms of practices (emphasis on economic projects, stronger links with the host country, etc.).
The annual report is at the core of Eunomad’s approach. It presents the results of capitalisation activities organised at country and European levels and develops an analysis allowing to formulating recommendations towards public authorities and key stakeholders in co-development.
Research Interests:
Les acteurs du développement et leurs pratiques en relation avec les migrations sont encore peu connus au niveau européen. En réponse à cela, Eunomad publie un rapport européen annuel qui rend compte de l’étendue et des apports des... more
Les acteurs du développement et leurs pratiques en relation avec les migrations sont encore peu connus au niveau européen. En réponse à cela, Eunomad publie un rapport européen annuel qui rend compte de l’étendue et des apports des projets de co-développement, souvent ignorés et non répertoriés, mais aussi appréhendés de manière différente par le gouvernement de chaque pays.
Le rapport Européen 2011 du réseau Eunomad résulte d’une analyse des politiques publiques et des dispositifs d’appui aux initiatives de co-développement menée au niveau national et européen complétée par la présentation de l’actualité médiatique et scientifique et mise en perspective avec les pratiques des acteurs du co-développement sur le terrain. Les recherches sur les politiques dans le domaine de la migration, le développement et l'intégration sont ainsi comparées avec des résultats concrets et les besoins émanant des projets mis en œuvre par les migrants.
Il reflète la thématique de 2011 du réseau portant sur la « Jeunesse et le renouveau des pratiques de co-développement », choix qui part du constat que l’analyse de la relation migrations-développement faite par Eunomad gagne à intégrer les évolutions actuelles qui s’opèrent tant dans les caractéristiques de la migration (féminisation, niveau scolaire élevé) qu’en termes de pratiques(accentuation des projets sur l’économique, liens plus solides avec le pays d’accueil, etc.).
Le rapport annuel se situe au cœur de la démarche Eunomad. Il présente les résultats des activités de capitalisation des pratiques menées aux niveaux national et européen et développe une analyse permettant de formuler des recommandations auprès des autorités publiques et acteurs clés du co-développement.
Le rapport Européen 2011 du réseau Eunomad résulte d’une analyse des politiques publiques et des dispositifs d’appui aux initiatives de co-développement menée au niveau national et européen complétée par la présentation de l’actualité médiatique et scientifique et mise en perspective avec les pratiques des acteurs du co-développement sur le terrain. Les recherches sur les politiques dans le domaine de la migration, le développement et l'intégration sont ainsi comparées avec des résultats concrets et les besoins émanant des projets mis en œuvre par les migrants.
Il reflète la thématique de 2011 du réseau portant sur la « Jeunesse et le renouveau des pratiques de co-développement », choix qui part du constat que l’analyse de la relation migrations-développement faite par Eunomad gagne à intégrer les évolutions actuelles qui s’opèrent tant dans les caractéristiques de la migration (féminisation, niveau scolaire élevé) qu’en termes de pratiques(accentuation des projets sur l’économique, liens plus solides avec le pays d’accueil, etc.).
Le rapport annuel se situe au cœur de la démarche Eunomad. Il présente les résultats des activités de capitalisation des pratiques menées aux niveaux national et européen et développe une analyse permettant de formuler des recommandations auprès des autorités publiques et acteurs clés du co-développement.
Research Interests:
"Las relaciones entre Europa y los países de África Subsahariana están cada vez más condicionadas por la cuestión migratoria, enfocada de forma creciente desde el punto de vista de la seguridad. Al mismo tiempo, la progresiva... more
"Las relaciones entre Europa y los países de África Subsahariana están cada vez más condicionadas por la cuestión migratoria, enfocada de forma creciente desde el punto de vista de la seguridad. Al mismo tiempo, la progresiva internacionalización de las políticas de inmigración europeas resulta en un proceso de delegación hacia los países africanos del control de los flujos migratorios.
En el marco desequilibrado de las relaciones euro-africanas, la negociación de esta externalización se fundamenta en la utilización de la conclusión de acuerdos comerciales y las concesiones de ayuda al desarrollo como instrumentos de presión. Este proceso de delegación del control crea une serie de “zonas tapón” frente a las migraciones en el continente africano.
Nuestro objetivo consiste en analizar este proceso de externalización del control de los flujos migratorios y sus modalidades de implementación, con el fin de subrayar el impacto de la cuestión migratoria en las relaciones entre el Europa y África Subsahariana, además de evidenciar los “efectos colaterales” de esta estrategia."
En el marco desequilibrado de las relaciones euro-africanas, la negociación de esta externalización se fundamenta en la utilización de la conclusión de acuerdos comerciales y las concesiones de ayuda al desarrollo como instrumentos de presión. Este proceso de delegación del control crea une serie de “zonas tapón” frente a las migraciones en el continente africano.
Nuestro objetivo consiste en analizar este proceso de externalización del control de los flujos migratorios y sus modalidades de implementación, con el fin de subrayar el impacto de la cuestión migratoria en las relaciones entre el Europa y África Subsahariana, además de evidenciar los “efectos colaterales” de esta estrategia."
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L'objectiu de l'estudi és analitzar els processos de socialització dels fills i filles de famílies d'origen senegalès i gambià a Catalunya per identificar quins són els seus components, variables, les seves dinàmiques i pautes, si és que... more
L'objectiu de l'estudi és analitzar els processos de socialització dels fills i filles de famílies d'origen senegalès i gambià a Catalunya per identificar quins són els seus components, variables, les seves dinàmiques i pautes, si és que existeixen.
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Research Interests:
Cet article analyse le processus d’externalisation du contrôle des flux migratoires vers le continent africain. Après avoir esquissé les grandes lignes de l’internationalisation des politiques européennes d’immigration, nous examinerons... more
Cet article analyse le processus d’externalisation du contrôle des flux migratoires vers le continent africain. Après avoir esquissé les grandes lignes de l’internationalisation des politiques européennes d’immigration, nous examinerons la première phase d’externalisation du contrôle vers le Maghreb. Nous verrons comment l’Espagne a “découvert” l’Afrique subsaharienne suite au déplacement des routes migratoires. Nous analyserons ainsi les enjeux de la question migratoire dans les relations entre ce pays et le Sénégal pour réfléchir, enfin, sur le marchandage de cette externalisation vers l’Afrique, ainsi que sur ses importants “effets collatéraux”.
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Les relations entre l’Union Européenne et l’Afrique sont de plus en plus conditionnées par la question migratoire, abordée de façon croissante selon une optique sécuritaire. En parallèle, l’internationalisation progressive des politiques... more
Les relations entre l’Union Européenne et l’Afrique sont de plus en plus conditionnées par la question migratoire, abordée de façon croissante selon une optique sécuritaire. En parallèle, l’internationalisation progressive des politiques européennes d’immigration produit une dynamique d’externalisation du contrôle vers le continent africain.
Dans le cadre déséquilibré des relations euro-africaines, la délégation du contrôle des flux migratoires s’appuie sur la conclusion d’accords commerciaux et sur les concessions d’aide au développement, comme des instruments de pression. Le résultat le plus évident de cette dynamique est la création dans le continent africain d’une succession de zones tampons vis-à-vis des flux migratoires.
Dans le cadre déséquilibré des relations euro-africaines, la délégation du contrôle des flux migratoires s’appuie sur la conclusion d’accords commerciaux et sur les concessions d’aide au développement, comme des instruments de pression. Le résultat le plus évident de cette dynamique est la création dans le continent africain d’une succession de zones tampons vis-à-vis des flux migratoires.
Research Interests: Democratization, Europeanization, Immigration Policy (Immigration History), European Union-Africa relations, International Migration and Immigration Policy, and 6 moreTransition, EU Enlargement, Configurational Qualitative Method, Justice and Home Affairs, External dimension of the EU migration policy, Eastern Europe, Politics of South Eastern Europe, and External Dimension of EU Governance
Research Interests: Mediterranean Studies, International Migration, Migration Studies, Return Migration, European Union-Africa relations, and 10 moreMediterranean and North Africa, Readmission, Migration policies, Deportation, African Migration to Europe, Euromediterranean Studies, Immigration Detention and Deportation, European Union Policies, Readmission Agreements, and Migration Policy In EU Countries
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Research Interests: Education, Minority Studies, Social Inclusion, Minority Rights, Spain, and 6 moreCatalonia, Educational Policy Studies, Roma People, Social mobility and education. Social class. Ethnicity/'race' and minority studies. Roma/Gypsy/Travellers. Mixed methods research, Minority Students, and Proyectos Y Politicas De Inclusion Social
This paper is based on empirical research performed in Catalonia in the framework of the international research project DiasporaLink, which analysed the links between transnational diaspora entrepreneurship (TDE), migration and... more
This paper is based on empirical research performed in Catalonia in the framework of the international research project DiasporaLink, which analysed the links between transnational diaspora entrepreneurship (TDE), migration and development. In this paper, we focus on the
case of Moroccans immigrants in Spain and especially in Catalonia, in order to understand the role that different actors play in fostering or not transnational entrepreneurship of Moroccan
diaspora. In order to structure the field research, as well as the further analysis, we have defined
three levels of action: a macro-level, a meso-level, and a micro-level. The methodology is based on a field research conducted through in-depth interviews with macro- and meso-level actors in Catalonia, complemented by a bibliographic research on existing political frameworks and initiatives facilitating TDE activities. Our findings suggest that little TDE takes place between Morocco and Spain despite the countries’ geographical proximity. The paper reflects on socioeconomic and political factors, among others, to explain why this is so.
case of Moroccans immigrants in Spain and especially in Catalonia, in order to understand the role that different actors play in fostering or not transnational entrepreneurship of Moroccan
diaspora. In order to structure the field research, as well as the further analysis, we have defined
three levels of action: a macro-level, a meso-level, and a micro-level. The methodology is based on a field research conducted through in-depth interviews with macro- and meso-level actors in Catalonia, complemented by a bibliographic research on existing political frameworks and initiatives facilitating TDE activities. Our findings suggest that little TDE takes place between Morocco and Spain despite the countries’ geographical proximity. The paper reflects on socioeconomic and political factors, among others, to explain why this is so.
Research Interests:
Immigration policy is a privileged prism of analysis used to understand the dynamic of policy and norm diffusion and circulation, as well as regime-formation in Europe. In particular, the Spanish immigration policy regime, and more... more
Immigration policy is a privileged prism of analysis used to understand the dynamic of policy and norm diffusion and circulation, as well as regime-formation in Europe. In particular, the Spanish immigration policy regime, and more specifically its external dimension, constitute a relevant case to understand how a national policy may influence the development and the implementation of an immigration regime at the EU level. Until the 1980s, labour was a major Spanish export but by the 2000s, had become a major import, indicating Spain's gradual transformation into a country of immigration. The timing of this change indicates an increase of migration issue's importance in Spanish politics, much later than in "traditional" migrant destinations in Europe. However, the transformation of immigration as a main political issue in Spain was swift and particularly intense (Gabrielli, 2011a). In Span, the issue of immigration assumes a special dimension because of the country's geographical location on Europe's external border as well as that of its enclave territories, Ceuta and Melilla, the only two terrestrial borders between the EU and Africa. European accession, the entry into the Schengen Area, the progressive securitisation of immigration at internal level, and the more recent evolution of immigration flows have decisively pushed Spain to take on a gatekeeping role within the EU. In the span of 30 years, the country has emerged as a central actor in the European externalisation of migration control toward third countries in Africa. This chapter will assess the genealogy of practices, logics, and organizational strategies that fostered the development of the Spanish immigration regime, and in
Research Interests:
Research Interests: Political Philosophy, Ethics, Information Security, Political Theory, Human Rights, and 12 moreBorder Studies, Political Science, Migration, Securitization, International Migration, Migration Studies, Migration policies, Immigration, Citizenship, Border Controls, Illegal immigration and securitization process, Migration and Human Rights, Ethics of immigration policy, and Securitization of Migration(Border Studies, Political Science, Migration, Securitization, International Migration, Migration Studies, Migration policies, Immigration, Citizenship, Border Controls, Illegal immigration and securitization process, Migration and Human Rights, Ethics of immigration policy, and Securitization of Migration)
(Border Studies, Political Science, Migration, Securitization, International Migration, Migration Studies, Migration policies, Immigration, Citizenship, Border Controls, Illegal immigration and securitization process, Migration and Human Rights, Ethics of immigration policy, and Securitization of Migration)