Wood Charcoal

Kuli‘ou‘ou Rockshelter (Site O1) in the Hawaiian Islands has a certain status as the first archaeological site in the Pacific Islands to be directly dated via the then newly introduced radiocarbon method. The original date of 946 ± 180 before 1950, from the base of the rockshelter’s cultural deposit, greatly influenced archaeologists’
views of regional cultural sequences in East Polynesia. We present the results of six new AMS 14C dates run on Kuli‘ou‘ou Rockshelter wood charcoal which has been identified to short-lived and medium-lived species. We use these data, along with a re-evaluation of the two dates obtained by the original excavators, Kenneth Emory and Yosi Sinoto, to present a revised chronology for the rockshelter. In addition, we discuss new wood charcoal identifications from the two lower layers at Site O1 for illuminating general vegetation patterns in the Expansion to Proto-Historic periods. Finally, the broader implications of our revised chronology are considered for the prehistoric sequence of O‘ahu Island and in the larger context of the settlement sequence for the Hawaiian archipelago.

The study of the wood assemblage from the Roman mine of Arditurri 3, mining district of Oiasso, has focused on different types of materials in terms of sizes, use and mode of preservation. Bigger pieces of worked wood mostly preserved through waterlogging include Quercus, Fagus, Corylus, Acer and Fraxinus. Smaller fragments of charcoal probably related to the roasting involved in ore extraction include a bigger spectrum of taxa which may respond to a less selected and more opportunistic use of woodland resources.

Attempt was made to evaluate the wood variation in Dalbergia sissoo (shisham) from the local markets of Himachal Pradesh. The highest moisture content (20.17%) was observed in the wood samples of Nalagarh site. Highest specific gravity of 0.644 was observed in Dattowal and lowest (0.748) in Nalagarh site. Significant variation in mechanical properties was observed for all the studied parameters. The maximum bending strength was recorded in Baroh and Sundernagar site (0.006 kN/mm2) and maximum tensile strength (0.094 kN/mm2) was noticed in the wood samples from Baroh site. The maximum compressive strength parallel to grain (0.069 kN/mm2) was observed in Kangu site and maximum compressive strength perpendicular to grain (0.038 kN/mm2) was found in Baroh site. The maximum modulus of elasticity parallel to grain (0.231 kN/mm2) was recorded in Ghumarwin and maximum modulus of elasticity perpendicular to grain (1.653 kN/mm2) was noticed in wood samples of Galore site. The greater modulus of elasticity due to tension and bending was found in the wood samples of the sites Baroh (2.876 kN/mm2) and Kangu (10.369 kN/mm2) respectively. The maximum bending modulus of rupture was observed in the wood samples from the sites of Sundernagar (0.116 kN/mm2) and for teak was found to be 0.323 kN/mm2. The maximum elongation for shisham wood samples for bending was found in Nalagarh site (0.039 mm) and for tension in the site of Sarahan (0.033 mm). The mechanical properties of shisham wood were compared with standard teak wood samples and it was found that the wood samples of shisham were superior in some mechanical properties.

Att lämningar av kol och tjärframställning undersöks av arkeologer är ovanligt. Inom ramen för Arkeologi E4 Uppland fick vi dock möjligheten att på ett storskaligt sätt angripa denna typ av anläggningar. Med genomtänkta metoder och frågeställningar undersöktes under 2003 elva tjärframställningsanläggningar, 33 kolbottnar, sju kolarkojor samt ett flertal forvägar med olika ambitionsgrad. Vissa anläggningar grävdes ut och resten karterades och beskrevs. Genom det storskaliga angreppssättet hade vi även en möjlighet att jämföra utgrävningsmetoder och resultaten från olika typer av naturvetenskapliga analyser på ett tidigare inte genomfört sätt.
Undersökningarna av tjärframställningsanläggningarna kastar nytt ljus över tjärframställningens tidiga historia:
• Utgrävningarna resulterade i att en tidigare inte känd storskalig tjärproduktion från vikingatiden uppmärksammades. Produktionen bör ha varit för avsalu.
• Metoden utgjordes av en sluten trattformad grop som packades med törved och tjäran rann ned i ett kärl i botten. En likartad metod i mindre skala har under de senaste åren uppmärksammats på boplatser från romersk järnålder i Uppland men finns inte beskriven förrän under 1500-talet i historiska källor från finska rikshalvan.
• Undersökningarna har också delvis omkullkastat tidigare uppfattningar om tjärframställningens utveckling från öppna tjärrännor till tjärdalar. På en lokal fanns tre olika produktionsprinciper kombinerat i samma anläggning och den sista utgjordes av en tjärränna.
• Tjäran har framställt med direkt metod och som råvara i produktionen användes tall och gran med en ålder på brukens grundande och skogen istället behövs som kol. Tjärframställningen i Uppland är till stora delar från järnålder och medeltid.
De nu undersökta anläggningarnas placering i landskapet har vid studier av fornlämningsmiljö och det äldre kartmaterialet uppvisat olika principer beroende på karaktär och ålder på den närliggande bygden. Antingen har verksamheten bedrivits med utgångspunkt i de närbelägna byarna med ett avstånd på cirka 1,5 km från bykärnan. Ett annat scenario är att tjärbränningen genomförs längre från byarna i områden som utnyttjas för slåtter och bete och som under 1200- 1300-tal tas i anspråk för odling och bebyggelse. Tjärframställningen är ett exempel på en verksamhet i den gränszon mellan odlingsmark och skogsmark, där den medeltida kolonisationen och expansionen ägde rum. I grund och botten har den viktigaste förutsättningen varit tillgången på skog.

När det gäller undersökningarna av kolningsrelaterade anläggningar är resultaten inte lika lättsammanfattade. Uppland är ett av de brukstätaste områdena i Sverige och behovet av kol var mycket stort. Kolningen i Uppland har varit intensiv och förmodligen var böndernas skogsmarker begränsade, vilket medfört att kolmilor byggts i marker som varit mer eller mindre lämpade för milkolning. Det är också troligt att de uppländska bönderna kolat under en större del av året än bara hösten för att förse bruken med träkol. Hantverket är utförligt beskrivet i diverse böcker men undersökningarna har trots detta genererat ett stort antal nya frågor. Olika typer av kolbottnar kunde ses i materialet, som grovt indelats i kolbottnar efter liggmilor och kolbottnar efter resmilor, med vallar eller med kringliggande gropar. Liggmilan introducerades troligtvis under medeltiden men dateringar visar att metoden var populär långt fram i tiden. Resmilan antas ha introducerats av valloner eller tyskar under sent 1500-tal och har sedan använts, med lite olikartad utformning, fram till mitten av 1900-talet. Dateringarna för de olika miltypernas införande är dock mycket omdiskuterade. Olika hypoteser har utarbetats för att förklara groparna som låg runt ett flertal av kolbottnarna. Troligast är att de olika typerna av resmilor återspeglar olika tekniska tillvägagångssätt, där kolbottnarna med gropar är resultatet av milor byggda utan rost och de kolbottnar med vallar byggts med rost. Om man byggde milan utan rost behövde sannolikt marken dräneras så att veden inte blev fuktig och kolningsprocessen alltför svår. Om hypotesen är riktig representerar kolbottnar med kringliggande gropar en äldre form av kolningsaktivitet som troligen kan knytas till brukens blomstringsperiod. De kolbottnar som omgärdas av en kolstybbsvall är då från en något senare period det vill säga mitten av 1800-talet fram till mitten av 1900-talet. I materialet framgår det även att man i norra Uppland föredragit tekniken att kola resmilorna på plant underlag och byggt tändtrumman runt en bordsstake. De kolarkojor som undersökts har i stort sett konstruerats på ett likartat sätt. En lokalt präglad byggnadstradition kunde urskiljas som skiljer sig från hur kolarkojor byggts i övriga delar av landet.

Resultaten från 2003 års undersökningar understryker vikten av att undersöka kulturhistoriska lämningar även i skogsmark. Mycket ny information har framkommit som avspeglar skogsmarkernas potential inom den arkeologiska forskningen. Ett storskaligt landskapsutnyttjande där skogens produkter varit en viktig del i försörjningen från förhistorisk tid till idag. mellan 30 och 50 år. Användandet av torrakor och tjärstubbar verkar ha varit mycket begränsat. • Både historiska källor och nu analyserade 14Cprover visar att den storskaliga tjärframställningen i Uppland minskar markant i och med

PHYSICAL AND MECHANICAL
PROPERTIES OF TEAK WOOD FROM
TANZANIAN AND LOCAL PROVENANCES
IN BENIN
Teak (Tectona grandis  L. f.) is a tropical
timber species which is in great demand.
In Benin, the two most commonly planted
teak varieties are of Tanzanian and local
provenances. To contribute to the characterisation of teak from Benin, we
determined and compared, for each provenance, the elasticity and shear modulus, height of the bole, the circumference
and bark thickness at felling height, the
percentage of heartwood, the circumference 1.30 m from the ground and the
density of the wood at a 12 % moisture
content. The samples were taken in the
Lama plantations from trees of 20 to
25  years of age (6 logs of local provenance 4 of Tanzanian provenance). The
results obtained with these samples indicate that for this age class, the values for
these properties are higher for the local
teak than for the Tanzanian teak, except
for the percentage of heartwood. Based
on our sample, therefore, the local teak
wood is of a fair quality that should be
enhanced through biological selection
or cloning of the specimens best able to
adapt not only to climate change but also
to soil structure. This would help to promote teak production across the entire
country and even the sub-region. Howe-ver, establishing a hybrid variety that
combines the advantages of both provenances could also be a major step towards
improving all tree species used in Benin. 
Keywords: teak,  Tectona grandis, elasticity modulus, shear modulus, Lama,
Benin, Tanzania.

An extensive background overview on the use of agricultural residues (wastes) for production of paper, board, binderless board, energy, different types of fuels by pyrolysis (solid, liquid and gaseous fuel), many petrochemicals substitutes, charcoal (activated carbon), dissolving pulps and rayon. It includes both scientific and industrial data, case studies, current status, sustainability of paper and sugar industries, green nanotechnology, and future prospects.
Keywords: Agricultural Residues (Wastes); Paper and Board manufacture; Sustainability of Paper and Sugar Industries; Green Nanotechnology; Future Prospects

In this chapter we discuss the vegetation history and palaeoecology of Anatolian woodlands, focusing on insights gained through the analysis of anthracological remains from prehistoric habitation sites. In the semi-arid regions of Anatolia, anthracology provides direct evidence of the presence and spread of pioneer woodland species, which often go undetected by pollen analysis, including the entomophilous Rosaceae (e.g., Amygdalus) and poor and/or irregular pollen dispersers (Juniperus, Pistacia, and riparian taxa such as Salicaceae and Fraxinus). We also review anthracological data from Anatolia indicating the development of woodland management practices and anthropogenic woodland habitats by Neolithic agropastoral communities during the early to mid-Holocene period.

The origin of this book was somewhat more complex than is usual amongst titles of this kind. First we aimed to publish a volume of long abstracts from a conference of the “Czech Archaeobotany Working Group” that took place in České Budějovice, South Bohemia, in January 2006. This group is an informal collection of people dedicated to archaeobotany and related disciplines within different institutions in the Czech Republic.This is why archaeobotany is also at the centre of interest in the present book. Over time we came to the opinion that this volume should focus on a wider audience and therefore we asked local specialists from other related disciplines – palaeoecology, archaeozoology, and archaeological anthropology to contribute. In the Czech Republic, the tradition of interdisciplinary collaboration in archaeology is not as well-developed as in e.g. Germany, Poland or the British Isles. That is why the terminology of the individual disciplines has not yet been stabilized here. Therefore we owe a short explanation of the term bioarchaeology that is used in the title. We regard it as a sub-discipline of environmental archeology, along with geoarchaeology that deals with past interactions between human beings and non-living nature.

Seeing the great importance of woodlands in landscapes, this article shows some of the tools andmethods which are used to analyze and trace the history of forests. The approach presented here isdeeply theoretical and methodological. It will be illustrated by the research results achieved in theframework of Marie Curie European program THISTLE - “Transformations and management of histor-ical forest Landscapes of the Euganean hills (Padua, Italy)

Worldwide trebled of wood charcoal production over the last 50 years from 17.3 million tons in 1964 to 53.1 million tons in 2014 with sixty-one percent of current global production occurring in Africa, primarily to satisfy the demand for cooking fuel from urban and rural households with 2.7 billion people relying on wood fuels in the global south, while, the rural populace in Nigeria use about 80 million cubic meters of wood fuel annually for household energy. The furnaces of the world are now burning about 2, 000, 000, 000 tons of charcoal a year. When this is burned, uniting with oxygen, it adds about 7, 000, 000, 000 tons of carbon dioxide to the atmosphere yearly. This tends to make the air a more effective blanket for the earth and to raise its temperature. The effect may be considerable in a few countries. With Nigeria's population projected to hit 410.6 million by 2050 and 550million by 2070 and consequently, becoming the third most populous country on our planet, and with an increased population growth rate in this part of the global village is alarming and worrisome, couple with rural-urban migration in key producing states, including Kwara, Ogun, Osun, Ondo, Ekiti, Kogi, etc. www.scholink.org/ojs/index.php/csm Communication, Society and Media Vol. 3, No. 3, 2020 2 Published by SCHOLINK INC. Whilst demand for charcoal is projected to increase in Nigeria, the availability of woody biomass is declining due to widespread net deforestation and biomass being the only energy source of choice due to large scale poverty and unaffordable prices of other alternatives like gas and electricity. While the human population naturally increases geometrically, the power of the improvements in resources goes up arithmetically leading to disequilibrium. This disequilibrium promotes a lot of crises bordering on economy, security, health, and politics among others. It is a fact that human populations tend to increase much more rapidly than the means of subsistence. Given the increasing demand for charcoal, and decreasing availability of biomass, policies are urgently needed that ensure secure energy supplies for urban and rural households and reduce deforestation. There is potential for charcoal to be produced sustainably in natural woodlands, but this requires supportive policies, economic diversification, and investment in improved eco-stoves. New advocacy and public health movement are needed urgently to bring together governments, international agencies, development partners, communities, and academics from all disciplines to address the effects of charcoal factories on health.

It is commonly accepted that, following the end of the Pleistocene, semi-arid deciduous oak woodlands did not spread in the Irano-Anatolian region of Southwest Asia as quickly as they did in the Levantine Mediterranean littoral, despite the fact that climatic improvement occurred broadly at the same time in both regions. Prehistoric impacts on woodland vegetation (such as woodcutting, burning and clearance for cultivation), the harsh continental climate of inland Southwest Asia and its distance from late Pleistocene arboreal refugia have all been discussed in the literature as likely causes of the delay. In this paper we argue that semi-arid deciduous oak woodlands should not be viewed as part of the “natural” vegetation of the Irano-Anatolian region that has been progressively destroyed by millennia of human activities since the Neolithic. They represent instead one of the earliest anthropogenic vegetation types in Southwest Asia, one that owes its very existence to prehistoric landscape practices other scholars commonly label as “destructive”. Drawing on anthracological, pollen and modern vegetation data from central Anatolia we describe how the post-Pleistocene species-rich and structurally diverse temperate semi-arid savanna grasslands were gradually substituted by low-diversity, even-aged Quercus-dominated parklands and wood pastures in the course of the early Holocene. Economic strategies that encouraged the establishment and spread of deciduous oaks included sheep herding that impacted on grass and forb vegetation, the controlling of competing arboreal vegetation through woodcutting, and woodland management practices such as coppicing, pollarding and shredding that enhanced Quercus vegetative propagation, crown and stem growth. Understanding the origin and evolution of the Irano-Anatolian semi-arid oak woodlands of Southwest Asia is of critical importance for reconstructing the changing ecologies and geographical distributions of the progenitors of domesticated crop species, and the nature and scale of early agricultural impacts on the landscape.

Palynological archives dating from the Pleistocene–Holocene transition are scarce in the arid zone of the southern Levant. Anthracological remains (the carbonized residues of wood fuel use found in archaeological habitation sites) provide an alternative source of information about past vegetation. This paper discusses new and previously available anthracological datasets retrieved from excavated habitation sites in the southern Levant dating to the Pre- Pottery Neolithic (PPN) period. The available evidence indicates the existence of distinct arboreal floras growing in different ecological niches, which occupied areas that today are either treeless or very sparsely wooded. The anthracological data provide independent confirmation of the hypothesis that early Holocene climate in the southern Levant was significantly moister than at present. Clear North–South and East–West precipitation and associated woodland composition gradients are evidenced. Far from deducing widespread anthropogenic degradation of the regional vegetation, it is suggested that woodland expansion in the semi-arid interiors of the Levant may be attributed to the intensive management of Pistacia woodlands for food, fuel and pasture.

This study presents a comprehensive paleoenvironmental reconstruction of the Byzantine and Early Islamic western Negev Desert communities during the 4th-8th centuries CE. The study is based on 33 pollen samples and hundreds of charcoal remains that were recovered from the villages of Shivta and Nitzana. The results demonstrate that during the 5-6th centuries CE flourishing desert agricultural communities existed on the periphery of the Byzantine Empire (Eastern Roman Empire). The presence of diverse fruit-tree horticulture is revealed by both pollen and charcoal remains (grape, fig, olive, carob, almond/apricot, pomegranate, date palm and the exotic hazelnut). The rich botanical assemblages also provide evidence of the cultivation by irrigation of conifers and other Mediterranean trees common to the more humid Mediterranean vegetation zone, including the prestigious cedar of Lebanon. The palynological reconstruction of an ornamental garden at Shivta indicates the ability to invest water and labor, not only for horticultural and construction purposes, but also for ornamental greenery. We therefore suggest that the Byzantine Negev Desert community was a luxury society in contrast to societies living in a mode of survival in challenging desert environments. During the Early Islamic period (since the second half of the 7th century CE), our data show a dramatic decline in fruit-tree horticulture coupled with indicators signifying overexploitation for fuel of the nearby natural woody desert environment. Hence, we claim that in addition to previous possible explanations for the demise of the Negev Byzantine communities (plague pandemic, climate change, the Muslim conquest), overexploitation of the natural vegetation should also be taken into account. This study therefore helps address historical questions that are also pertinent to the modern era, regarding the existence of flourishing societies in challenging environments, overexploitation of the natural environment, and neglect of sustainability.

"Résumé – Cuciurpula constitue, à près de 1000 m d’altitude, un regroupement d’environ 35 structures reconnues pour la plupart comme des habitations. Sa fouille programmée, menée depuis 2008, a permis d’étudier l’intégralité de la maison 1, une partie de la maison 3 et un abri-sous-roche. La chronologie du gisement s’étale sur le premier âge du Fer, probablement du VIIIe siècle pour les niveaux précédant la construction de la maison 1, au début du VIe siècle pour les aménagements les plus récents de cette même structure. Le contexte d’étude est donc indigène précolonial. Les fouilles de la maison 1 ont permis de documenter de façon satisfaisante l’aspect primitif des élévations grâce à la reconnaissance de plusieurs réseaux de poteaux porteurs. Elles ont aussi permis d’aborder le domaine de l’organisation domestique du VIIe siècle avec, d’une part, un équipement domestique immobilier (foyer, siège, four, sols construits, seuil) et mobilier (vaisselle de faciès Nuciaresa, indices de métallurgie locale du bronze et du fer, matériel de meunerie) particulièrement bien préservé et, de l’autre, les vestiges d’activités du quotidien spatialement discriminées. Au-delà des considérations architecturales, l’excavation de la tranchée d’implantation de la structure a livré un dépôt de fondation qui évoque certaines pratiques religieuses. Les analyses anthracologiques préliminaires réalisées dans ce contexte permettent de reconstituer un paysage globalement ouvert ponctué de zones agropastorales (céréaliculture et élevage extensif) et de friches exploitées pour le petit bois de feu alors que la partie sommitale du gisement semble occupée par un massif arboricole.

Abstract – At an altitude of nearly 1,000 m, Cuciurpula includes approximately 35 structures mostly identified as dwellings. House 1 as a whole, as well as part of house 3 and a rock shelter were studied in the planned excavation of this site, carried out since 2008. The chronology of the deposits covers the first Iron Age, probably from the 8th century as regards the levels prior to the construction of house 1, to the beginning of the 6th century a regards the more recent developments of this same structure. The study is thus based in a pre-colonial indigenous context. The excavation of house 1 provided suitable information about the primitive aspect of the elevations thanks to the identification of several networks of load-bearing columns. The issue of domestic organisation in the 7th century was thereby also addressed, with domestic household (hearth, seat, oven, built flooring, doorstep) and furniture (Nuciaresa-type tableware, evidence of local bronze and iron metallurgy, milling machinery) equipment particularly well preserved, on the one hand, and spatially distinguished remains of daily activities, on the other hand. In addition to architectural considerations, the excavation of the structure’s settlement trench disclosed a foundation deposit suggesting religious practices. The preliminary anthracological analyses carried out in this context allow to reconstruct a largely open landscape with scattered agro-pastoral areas (cereal farming and extensive stockbreeding) and fallow land used for kindling wood, whereas the top part of the deposits appears to be covered in an arboricultural plot.

Riassunto – L’insediamento di Cuciurpula, posto a 1000 metri di altitudine, è costituito da un nucleo di circa 35 strutture interpretabili come capanne. Lo scavo, iniziato nel 2008, ha interessato l’intera superficie della capanna 1, una parte della capanna 3 e un riparo sotto roccia. Il sito è databile alla prima età del Ferro, dall’ottavo secolo degli strati precedenti l’impianto della capanna 1, agli inizi del sesto secolo delle fasi più recenti di questa stessa struttura. Il contesto in studio è quindi indigeno e precoloniale. Lo scavo della capanna 1 ha permesso di ricostruire con certezza l’aspetto originario dell’alzato e del tetto, grazie alla scoperta di numerosi buchi di palo e ha inoltre fornito informazioni sull’organizzazione domestica del settimo secolo, sia attraverso l’indagine di elementi strutturali (focolare, sedile, forno, battuti pavimentali, soglia) e il recupero di materiali (vasellame tipico della facies Nuciaresa, indizi di metallurgia locale del bronzo e del ferro) particolarmente ben conservati, sia attraverso l’individuazione di tracce di attività artigianali espletate in aree specificatamente adibite allo scopo. Oltre a informazioni di carattere architettonico, lo scavo della fossa di fondazione della capanna ha consentito di individuare un deposito rituale che evoca pratiche religiose. I risultati preliminari delle analisi antracologiche mostrano un paesaggio globalmente aperto incentrato su zone a destinazione agropastorale e aree boschive sfruttate per la raccolta di legname da ardere o da costruzione."

The archaeological site of Chinikihá, with its main occupation during the Late Classic Period (AD 700-900), is located within the northwestern Lowlands of the Maya area. It is surrounded by a large variety of ecosystems, rich in animal and vegetal resources that the site inhabitants exploited for their daily and ritual activities. The Proyecto Arqueológico Chinikihá (PRACH) has conducted a systematic collection of zooarchaeological and archaeobtanical samples from a midden associated with the Palace, in the ceremonial core of the site. The results suggest a diversified exploitation pattern. Presently, more than 53 plant genres have been identified of which 24 belong to the acahual, a type of secondary vegetation. Furthermore, the  zooarchaeological data coincide with the archaeobotanical results, suggesting an exploitation pattern focused on wild species, which come primarily from the acahual and adjacent agricultural land (milpa). The white-tailed deer (Odocoileus virginianus) is the dominant species. The faunal and vegetal results were then compared to contemporary data from modern Maya groups. It was possible to observe a series of similarities and differences that support our hypotheses that first, the landscape was modified by the inhabitants of Chinikihá, and secondly, that there was a heavy dependence on the wild resources for the celebration of ritual feasts.