Roman poetry

In the Ancient World the 'magic' included the divination and the sorcery, that became a terrible habit in Rome, punisched with the death penalty (Lex Cornelia).
Maria Elvira Consoli inquires into Lucretiu's poem and finds the true motive of poisoning that caused the vanishing of poet. Indeed Lucretius died of deadly poison.

O artigo tem por objetivo divulgar a poesia dita lírica de Horácio. Assim observando 5 Odes, a saber, a 1.5 (trad. Nelson Ascher; a 3. 30 (trad. P. Martins); 1.38 (trad. de J.A. Oliva Neto); 1.11 (trad. de P. Martins) e 4.7 (trad. de P. Martins), proponho uma leitura transversal de temas importantes dentro de sua matéria poética, entre os quais, podemos salientar: a perenidade da obra (Exegi monumentum); o amor (Ad Pyrram) e a fugacidade da vida (Deffugere niues - Carpe diem). O texto também observa a relação possível entre a ode 1,38 de Horácio e Fernando Pessoa em uma de suas odes assinadas por Ricardo Reis.

TEXTO DE DIVULGAÇÃO CIENTÍFICA

De rerum natura, Lucrèce insiste sur la permanence qui caractérise la summa summarum. Pourtant, il souligne également le changement perpétuel qui affecte toutes choses. Dans la Physique lucrétienne, la nouveauté est étroitement liée à la déclinaison, qui garantit la liberté humaine sans outrepasser les lois naturelles. La nouveauté est également présente dans la conception lucrétienne de l'histoire, qui allie cependant aux progrès techniques la permanence de la nature humaine. La seule véritable nouveauté réside donc dans la philosophie épicurienne, que Lucrèce choisit de transcrire au moyen d'une poésie nouvelle afin de répandre la lumière sur le secret des choses. Le poète associe ainsi la nouveauté poétique et la tradition issue d'Empédocle. EPITOME.-In carminibus De rerum natura, T. Lucretius Carus saepe dicit summam summarum eamdem semper manere. Scribit tamen omnes res perpetuo mutari. Nam Lucretius in Physica coniungit cum nouitate clinamen, quod seruat libertatem et simul paret naturae foederibus. Lucretius autem, cum humani generis historiam narrat, nouitatis rationem habet quia, hominum natura eadem manente, progredientis mentis experientia nouas artes semper adfert. Ergo una et uera nouitas in Epicuri ratione consistit. Quam Lucretio exponere placet nouis carminibus, quae lumina diffundant rebus occultis. Itaque poeta ueterum scriptorum morem, ab Empedocle traditum, cum poetica nouitate iungit.

This new companion (edited by Patrick Finglass and Adrian Kelly) aims to incorporate the newest finds of Sappho's poetry into an overall study of her importance in the ancient world and her reception into the modern. The cast list and proposed structure can be found in the attached document.

Persians, Medes and Parthians in Horace’s Carmina

The kingdom of Parthia which came into being in the 3rd century BC in the eastern frontiers of the Seleucid monarchy became the great power in the course of time. In the 1st century BC the Parthians met on their way the Romans expanding East. In the next three hundred years those empires were fighting each other in the great competition on Imperium Orientis. The Roman men of letters made a lot of references to this conflict, especially in the Augustan Age. In my paper, I would like to analyze references to the Iranian world which appear in Horace’s Carmina. Horace (65-8 BC), the greatest Latin lyric poet, supported the reforms carried out by emperor Augustus and his politics. It refers
also to the relations with Parthia. In spite of the fact that Horace did not focus on the Iranian matters, he treated them in an original way drawing both from the Greek tradition and from the current political relations between Rome and Arsacid monarchy.

This book of satires from the Roman poet Horace was his first published work. Rather than a collection of satirical sideswipes, as the genre might have dictated, the book is a wiry, tight, muscular, interlaced hexameter artwork of enormous originality and as far removed from the established legacy of satirical writing as one can imagine. It is the work of a young twenty-nine-year-old grappling with issues of personal and poetic identity during one of the most important and pivotal times in European history. Geographically, socially and genetically an outsider, Horace earned himself a seat at Rome’s top creative table and at the heart of the political engine that was to change Rome forever. It is a transformational journey from ‘nobody’ to ‘somebody’ and a simultaneous invention of poet and reinvention of poetic genre

The Satires have floated in and out of fashion ever since they first appeared, regularly eclipsed by the Odes. Today, rehabilitated, they find space in the higher levels of the school curriculum. This book can be read by all classicists as well as students studying core influences on European literature.
https://www.amazon.co.uk/Translation-Interpretation-Horaces-Sermones-Book/dp/1527565831/ref=sr_1_1?dchild=1&keywords=1527565831&qid=1616674845&s=books&sr=1-1

The noticeable analogies between the funeral laments of Anna and Juturna in the Aeneid have been often explained as a means of linking the sisters of the two main Aeneas’ opponents. But the common features of the two passages (and their differences) become more clear if we trace back them to the tradition of the historical funeral lament, already included in the Iliad and used by Virgil to represent nature and feelings of these two sad characters.

This paper will examine the claims of the excudent alii ('others will hammer out') priamel of Aeneid 6.847–53 within the immediate context of the parade's end, where Marcellus, parading the spolia opima, is used to exemplify the claims made about ne and speculative arts belonging to the Greeks, and war and the arts of empire to the Romans. It will be shown that certain, highly specic memories of the elder Marcellus are cued by the priamel that run directly counter to Anchises' claims. The paper will look at how these claims are spoken in character, and driven by specic narrative motives, and it will relate the mismatch of exemplied to exemplier to certain larger patterns within the Aeneid of things being left unsaid only to stand out all the more by being left unsaid. The paper concludes with a speculative essay on the necessary reductions and revisions that go into the making, and reading, of culturally instrumentalized monuments.

Translating Virgil’s Bucolics is a hard challenge for the Italian translators, both for the inherent musicality of the text and because of the long literary tradition of Arcadia. The analysis of the different approaches to the text during the XX century and the comparison between the solutions can give a measure of these difficulties, but also illuminate historical and ideological influences.
Key words: Virgil’s Bucolics; translation; Italian literary taste in XX century; fascism.

Vesta and the Vestal priestesses represented the very core of Roman cultural identity, and Augustus positioned his public image beside them to augment his political legitimacy. Through analysis of material culture, historiography, and poetry that originated during the principate of Augustus, it becomes clear that each of these sources of evidence contributes to the public image projected by the leader whom Ronald Syme considered to be the first Roman emperor. The Ara Pacis Augustae and the Res Gestae Divi Augustae embody the legacy the Emperor wished to establish, and each of these cultural works contain significant references to the Vestals. The study of history Livy undertook also emphasized the pathetic plight of Rhea Silvia as she was compelled to become a Vestal. Livy and his contemporary Dionysius of Halicarnassus explored the foundation of the Vestal Order and each writer had his own explanation about how Numa founded it. The Roman poets Virgil, Horace, Ovid, and Tibullus incorporated Vesta and the Vestals into their work in a way that offers further proof of the way Augustus insinuated himself into the fabric of Roman cultural identity by associating his public image with these honored clerics.

Cum Euryali matrem Vergilius describat, Homeri Andromacham in Iliados libro XXII delineatam imitatur. Sed in imitatione sua praesertim matris perturbationem et inopinati doloris novitatem, ad augendam erga mulierem miserationem, exprimit. Euryali mater etiam Vergilii Andromacham in Aeneidos libro III depictam imitatur propter communem fatum, dolorem et perenem suorum amissorum memoriam. Matris lamentum, denique, Euryali et Nisi gestorum narrationem omnino concludit, ut magis infirmorum dolor quam heroum gloria emineat.

Lo studio esamina due apostrofi virgiliane dedicate a giovani morti in guerra e seguite dai lamenti dei loro genitori. In tal modo il poeta esprime un duplice punto di vista su questi eventi, quello della gloria e quello del dolore incolmabile della perdita.

Le ecloghe agonali di Virgilio (ecll. 3, 5 e 7) condividono non solo lo schema consueto della gara di canto tra pastori, ereditato dalla tradizione bucolica teocritea, ma anche una caratterizzazione dei personaggi in funzione del messaggio poetico di cui appaiono portatori. Sono così poste a confronto una poetica di ispirazione teocritea e una più propriamente virgiliana, che poco a poco trova il suo spazio e rivendica la propria dignità accanto e al di là del suo modello. L’analisi dei tre componimenti permette di seguire questo cammino e di ricostruire le tappe dell’affermazione virgiliana.

Abstract. Virgil’s agonstic eclogues (ecll. 3, 5, 7) share the usual pattern of singing competition between shepherds, inherited from the bucolic Theocritean tradition, but also the characterization of the protagonists in order to show their poetical ideas is a common feature of the three poems. In this way the author compares a poetrys inspired by Theocritus and his own artistic view, that he gradually imposes beside and beyond his model. The analysis of the three poems allows us to follow this path and to reconstruct the stages of Virgil’s affirmation.

Key words: Virgil’s ecl. 3; ecl. 5; ecl. 7; Menalcas; Theocritus and Virgil

Virgil's opinion about love is influenced by the rising Gallus' love elegy and by the literary dialogue with that poet, as is revealed by some 'elegiac' characters in ecll. 2, 8 and -of course- 10. Love is also in the Georgics a painful passion, in the excursus at III, 209-283 and in the tragic Orpheus' story. In the Aeneid it is even more ruinous, because is a self-centered feeling and diverts from duties to the community.

In Virgil’s Eclogues, beside the main model of Theocritus, there is a strong influence of the new Latin love elegy by Gallus. This is particularly evident in the ecll. 2, 8 and 10, Theocritean in form, but marked by a new vision of love and poetry.

Unlike classic war epics such as the Iliad or Virgil’s Aeneid, whose heroes fight against external enemies, Lucan’s Pharsalia tells the story of a civil conflict. This circumstance makes it virtually impossible to include any gods in the action of the poem, as doing so would require
them to take sides in the conflict, which would be highly inappropriate. Therefore, inspired perhaps by Aristophanes (or drawing on his own powers of invention), Lucan substituted the ‘traditional’ Graeco‑Roman
deities with the Thessalian necromancer Erichtho – who, though human, turns out to be more powerful than the gods themselves. Endowed with qualities that mirror those of the Civil War itself – as well as supernatural powers and a sinister kind of creativity (by means of which she destroys life in order to create death) – Erichtho proves to be the only appropriate ‘divine’ patron for an epic about civil conflict and – in effect – may be seen as an allegorical ‘goddess’ of the Civil War.

Mais do que tratar de um autor ou de uma obra, este livro ocupa-se de um
conceito, de uma ideia que perpassa autores, obras, gêneros e artes. Tem por objetivo considerar diacronicamente práticas imagéticas verbais e não verbais, ou seja, representações discursivas e iconográficas, ocorridas na Antiguidade clássica, atestando por conseguinte as possíveis homologias entre estas – quando e se existentes. Logo, pictura loquens (pintura que fala) refere-se à prática discursiva que oferece aos olhos da mente visualidades, pintura imaterial. E poesis tacens (poesia silente) opera a prática plástico-pictórica cuja principal característica é ser muda, mas sem nunca deixar de flertar com o discurso, já que podemos observá-la de acordo com as categorias poéticas, assim como fizeram Simônides, Aristóteles, Horácio, Cícero, Quintiliano, Plutarco, os Filóstratos, Calístrato, entre outros.

“Callimachean Allusions in Tibullus 4.” Aevum Antiquum 21, pp. 57–80. This paper discusses Tibullus I 4 with particular attention to three Callimachean intertexts, namely Iambus 9, Aetia fr. 41 and Iambus 3. Iambus 3 in particular proves to be a crucial intertext for the last portion of Priapus' lecture on love. The paper argues that Tibullus does not merely echo the Alexandrian text but reacts to it and dramatically alters its implications. The Roman poet places this allusion at a crucial point, that is, at the end of Priapus' lecture on homoerotic love. The appropriation and subversion of Callimachus' Iambus 3 has a central place in Tibullus' strategy of establishing the literary prestige of his own elegiac endeavor.