Ümit Kurt
University of Newcastle NSW, History, Faculty Member
- California State University, Fresno, History, Post-DocClark University, History, Graduate Student, and 7 moreadd
- I am a historian of the modern Middle East, with a research focus on the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. I'm currentl... moreI am a historian of the modern Middle East, with a research focus on the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. I'm currently Assistant Professor in the School of Humanities, Creative Industry, and Social Sciences (History) and an affiliate of the Centre for the Study of Violence at the University of Newcastle, Australia. A Fellow of the Royal Historical Society, I am the author of award-winning book, The Armenians of Aintab: The Economics of Genocide in an Ottoman Province (Harvard University Press, 2021) and the co-author of The Spirit of the Laws: The Plunder of Wealth in the Armenian Genocide (Berghahn, 2017). I am now working on my third book manuscript project on the global patterns of mass violence in the Ottoman borderlands in 1860s-1920s.
https://www.hup.harvard.edu/catalog.php?isbn=9780674247949&content=bios(I am a historian of the modern Middle East, with a research focus on the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. I'm currently Assistant Professor in the School of Humanities, Creative Industry, and Social Sciences (History) and an affiliate of the Centre for the Study of Violence at the University of Newcastle, Australia. A Fellow of the Royal Historical Society, I am the author of award-winning book, The Armenians of Aintab: The Economics of Genocide in an Ottoman Province (Harvard University Press, 2021) and the co-author of The Spirit of the Laws: The Plunder of Wealth in the Armenian Genocide (Berghahn, 2017). I am now working on my third book manuscript project on the global patterns of mass violence in the Ottoman borderlands in 1860s-1920s.<br />https://www.hup.harvard.edu/catalog.php?isbn=9780674247949&content=bios)edit
Kurt digs into the details of the Armenian dispossession that produced the homogeneously Turkish city in which he grew up. In particular, he examines the population that gained from ethnic cleansing. Records of land confiscation and... more
Kurt digs into the details of the Armenian dispossession that produced the homogeneously Turkish city in which he grew up. In particular, he examines the population that gained from ethnic cleansing. Records of land confiscation and population transfer demonstrate just how much new wealth became available when the prosperous Armenians—who were active in manufacturing, agricultural production, and trade—were ejected. Although the official rationale for the removal of the Armenians was that the group posed a threat of rebellion, Kurt shows that the prospect of material gain was a key motivator of support for the Armenian genocide among the local Muslim gentry and the Turkish public. Those who benefited most—provincial elites, wealthy landowners, state officials, and merchants who accumulated Armenian capital—in turn financed the nationalist movement that brought the modern Turkish republic into being. The economic elite of Aintab was thus reconstituted along both ethnic and political lines.
Research Interests: Ethnic Studies, Ottoman History, Armenian Studies, Middle East Studies, Genocide Studies, and 10 moreTurkish and Middle East Studies, Armenian History, Migration Studies, History of Modern Turkey, Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, Early Republican Turkish History, Turkish Studies, Armenian Genocide, Holocaust and Genocide Studies, and Ottoman Armenians
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Ümit Kurt, devlet destekli kitlesel şiddete doğrudan ve/veya dolaylı yollarla iştirak eden seçkinlerin ve sıradan aktörlerin hangi ölçekte ve motivasyonla bu iştiraki gerçekleştirdiğini anlama ve açıklama girişimini sürdürüyor. Hamit... more
Ümit Kurt, devlet destekli kitlesel şiddete doğrudan ve/veya dolaylı yollarla iştirak eden seçkinlerin ve sıradan aktörlerin hangi ölçekte ve motivasyonla bu iştiraki gerçekleştirdiğini anlama ve açıklama girişimini sürdürüyor. Hamit Bozarslan’ın sunuşuyla açılan bu kitapta, Osmanlı ve Cumhuriyet dönemi teknokratlarından ve siyasi seçkinlerinden Mustafa Reşat Mimaroğlu’nun portresi üzerinden Medz Yeğern’in bürokratik ve idari veçhesine odaklanıyor. Kitlesel şiddetin altyapısını, zeminini ve iklimini hazırlayan bir fail kategorisinin, kanun ve nizam dairesinde iş gören bürokrat ve teknokrat figürlerin zihniyet dünyasının ve eylemlerinin izini sürerken, aynı zamanda devlet mekanizmasının Osmanlı’dan Cumhuriyet’e sürekliliğini de ortaya koyuyor.
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The scholarship on Turkey’s pre-republican history has made great strides over the past three decades, expanding the historical aperture to a plurality of actors and becoming more representative of diverse political, religious, and... more
The scholarship on Turkey’s pre-republican history has made great strides over the past three decades, expanding the historical aperture to a plurality of actors and becoming more representative of diverse political, religious, and cultural groups involved in the transition to post-Ottoman Turkey. The proliferation of research on late-Ottoman history, including notably the last Ottoman decade, has contributed to a thorough revision of republican Turkey’s foundation in general and of the early Republic in particular. This is scholarly work in progress that grasps the republican nation-state as a post-genocidal polity.
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"Armenians and Kurds in the Late Ottoman Empire" was just published as No. 9 in the Armenian Series of the Press at California State University, Fresno, and No. 1 in the Armenian Studies Program, Fresno State Conference Series. Edited by... more
"Armenians and Kurds in the Late Ottoman Empire" was just published as No. 9 in the Armenian Series of the Press at California State University, Fresno, and No. 1 in the Armenian Studies Program, Fresno State Conference Series. Edited by Ümit Kurt and Ara Sarafian it contains articles by Owen Miller, Ümit Kurt, Emre Can Daglioglu, Nilay Ozok-Gundogan, and Varak Ketsemanian. This fascinating volume presents new perspectives on late Ottoman history. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the book at this time will only be available through the Armenian Studies Program at Fresno State. Contact Barlow Der Mugrdechian for information about how to purchase the book: barlowd@csufresno.edu
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This article discusses the founding of the Republic and the legacy of the Armenian genocide of 1915 in the subsequent decades by scrutinizing two pivotal facets. The first one revolves around the accumulation of capital by the Turkish... more
This article discusses the founding of the Republic and the legacy of the Armenian genocide of 1915 in the subsequent decades by scrutinizing two pivotal facets. The first one revolves around the accumulation of capital by the Turkish state through the sequestration of Armenian properties, and the second one is the appointment of mid-level Ottoman bureaucrats of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) as new civilian bureaucrats of the Republican regime without accountability for their involvement in the Armenian genocide during wartime. Thus, the article argues that perpetrators of this genocide under the CUP regime ascended to the upper echelons of the bureaucracy during the Republican era.
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This article examines the practices of the new parliament formed in Ankara and the fledgling republican regime with a particular focus on laws and regulations as of 1922. It discloses how these ‘legal’ mechanisms were employed to thwart... more
This article examines the practices of the new parliament formed in Ankara and the fledgling republican regime with a particular focus on laws and regulations as of 1922. It discloses how these ‘legal’ mechanisms were employed to thwart Armenians and Greeks to return home and claim their properties back. Finally, this article explores what types of ‘precautions’ the new Turkish nation-state took to not give confiscated properties to Ottoman Christians, particularly before the forthcoming Lausanne peace negotiations. Turkey could not even tolerate the existence of Armenians and Greeks inside the country, let alone give back their expropriated assets. The state considered abandoned properties as an important source of revenue. However, there was an obligation to return these properties to their owners according to the Vahdettin Regulation of January 1920, which was still valid. Consequently, it was necessary to abrogate this regulation before the commencement of the Lausanne negotiations.
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Ümit Kurt reflects on one of the leaders of the Committee of Union and Progress, Cemal Pasha, and his ambivalent relationship with Ottoman Armenians.
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This article traces the history of the Aintab Hunchakian branch. The Hunchakian Revolutionary Party was one of the first Armenian political organizations. The party's activity was not limited to Eastern Anatolia but also extended to the... more
This article traces the history of the Aintab Hunchakian branch. The Hunchakian Revolutionary Party was one of the first Armenian political organizations. The party's activity was not limited to Eastern Anatolia but also extended to the region of Cilicia. Philipos Sarkisian and Avedis Shishmanian from Zeitun (both graduates of Murad Rafaelian in Istanbul) were the first Hunchak members who actively operated in Aintab. The Aintab branch of the Hunchakian movement had robust organizational structure and military discipline. As a result of significant efforts, a powerful organization was established in a short period of time. The Aintab branch came into prominence in 1890-92 and the nationalist Armenian youth of Aintab was directly involved in this movement or sympathetic to the Hunchaks.
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While Muhittin Birgen wrote for the newspaper Tanin, mouthpiece of Committee of Union and Progress (hereafter CUP) published by Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın (an overarching Unionist and a member of the Central Committee), he wanted to prepare a... more
While Muhittin Birgen wrote for the newspaper Tanin, mouthpiece of Committee of Union and Progress (hereafter CUP) published by Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın (an overarching Unionist and a member of the Central Committee), he wanted to prepare a series of articles about the Cemiyet (Committee) and wound up interviewing the active leader of the CUP, Talat Pasha (1874–1921). What kind of structure is CUP,” Birgen asked. “How would you describe it in a single sentence?” After pondering the question, Talat Pasha responded in a remarkable fashion: “It is something truly complex.” Renowned for his work on the CUP, the late historian Erol Şadi Erdinç described the organization in an interview as “first and foremost, a spirit.”
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The eastern provinces of the Ottoman Empire witnessed numerous massacres of Armenians between 1894 and 1897. Although some specialists have studied the origins, dynamics, extent, and repercussions of massacres in the eastern vilayets, few... more
The eastern provinces of the Ottoman Empire witnessed numerous massacres of Armenians between 1894 and 1897. Although some specialists have studied the origins, dynamics, extent, and repercussions of massacres in the eastern vilayets, few have studied events in the region of Cilicia (southern Anatolia). Drawing upon primary sources from Ottoman Turkish, Armenian, British, and missionary archives, as well as memoirs and personal papers, this article explores the massacres of 1895 in the district of Aintab.
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After the end of World War I, Armenians who survived the genocide began to return to their homeland by 1918. During this period, concrete steps were taken in terms of legal and administrative measures to return movable and immovable... more
After the end of World War I, Armenians who survived the genocide began to return to their homeland by 1918. During this period, concrete steps were taken in terms of legal and administrative measures to return movable and immovable properties deported Armenians were forced to leave behind. Following the government of the CUP, necessary legal mechanisms were introduced to ensure both the return of Armenians from their deportation points and the restitution of movable and immovable properties. However, to what degree these mechanisms were implemented on the local level is disputable. This article attempts to reveal the implementation process of administrative regulations regarding the restitution of Armenian properties at the local level. It specifically examines how Armenian properties were restituted to their rightful owners who returned to the districts of Cebel-i Bereket and Osmaniye in Adana Province, located in the Cilicia region (today known as southern Anatolia).
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This article explores how and why deportation and elimination of the Armenians of Antep were carried out during World War One (WWI). In particular, it scrutinizes the political and social context in which local authorities, provincial... more
This article explores how and why deportation and elimination of the Armenians of Antep were carried out during World War One (WWI). In particular, it scrutinizes the political and social context in which local authorities, provincial elites, and ordinary Muslims radicalized their views and policies against Armenians. It highlights the crucial role played by local elites and actors who prospered through acquisition of Armenian property and wealth. In this respect, the article argues that the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP)’s genocide and deportation decision enjoyed a certain level of social support through the practice of effective power and control mechanism(s) at the local level.
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While there exists an extensive body of literature addressing the Armenian genocide, certain gaps persist. The processes and events of the genocide have been unearthed and examined, but genocide is not a phenomenon set in motion by a... more
While there exists an extensive body of literature addressing the Armenian genocide, certain gaps persist. The processes and events of the genocide have been unearthed and examined, but genocide is not a phenomenon set in motion by a force of nature. On the contrary, the systematic destruction of Ottoman Armenians was designed and executed by a cadre of individuals, most of whom are little known today. Kurt’s aim here is to recover the story of one such actor from a particular town, Aintab, modern-day Gaziantep—situated on the boundaries of Cilicia (today the southern part of Anatolia) and Syria, near both the Mediterranean Sea and the Gulf of Alexandretta—thereby revealing the perpetrators and their active involvement in the destruction of Armenians at the local/provincial level. Kurt’s article seeks to shed light on such a perpetrator by analysing the objective features of his background and career. Highlighting the human dimension of the genocide allows for an examination of the actors—their motives and their acts—that ultimately bore responsibility for the catastrophic loss of life. Kurt focuses on the life story of Ali Cenani (1872–1934): his background and involvement in the 1915 Armenian deportation and genocide as well as his career in post-genocide Turkey.
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Collective dispossession, including plunder and spoliation, is only one of the many crimes that accompany and even fortify genocidal policies. The state-orchestrated plunder of Armenian and Greek property, for example, immediately... more
Collective dispossession, including plunder and spoliation, is only one of the many crimes that accompany and even fortify genocidal policies. The state-orchestrated plunder of Armenian and Greek property, for example, immediately impoverished its victims; it was simultaneously a condition for and a consequence of their destruction. Or, perhaps better said, expropriation and pillaging are important aspects of the political economy of genocide. Properties belonging to Ottoman Armenians and Greeks were seized through various laws, decrees and other legal regulations passed by the Committee of Union and Progress (hereafter CUP) government, and later the cadres of the Republican regime. Both governments concocted ways of making this illegal process look legitimate by using the legal veil of the law. Central to this process were the economic outcomes of violence committed against Armenians and Greeks. The aim of this article is to analyze these laws and statutes, which were known as the Abandoned Properties Laws, and discuss the impact of this legislation on the process of the changing of hands of Armenian and Greek properties. It attempts to elucidate the dominant logic of the laws, decrees, and regulations concerning the abandoned properties in the periods of 1915–1923 and post-1923.
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The state-orchestrated plunder of Armenian property immediately impoverished its victims; this was simultaneously a condition for and a consequence of the Armenian Genocide. A series of laws and decrees as well as complex bureaucratic... more
The state-orchestrated plunder of Armenian property immediately impoverished its victims; this was simultaneously a condition for and a consequence of the Armenian Genocide. A series of laws and decrees as well as complex bureaucratic mechanisms were devised in the Ottoman-Turkish Republican periods concerning the administration of the belongings left behind by the deported Armenians. The aim of this article is to analyze these laws and statutes, which were known as the Abandoned Properties Laws. It attempts to elucidate the dominant logic of the laws, decrees, and regulations concerning the abandoned properties, which are closely connected to the political economy of the Armenian Genocide.
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Ahmed Necmeddin Bey was the kaimakam (district governor) of Aintab in late July 1908. One day, however, Ahmed Necmeddin Bey was beaten by a group of Turks and Armenians in Aintab; his clothes torn, he was dismissed from his post and... more
Ahmed Necmeddin Bey was the kaimakam (district governor) of Aintab in late July 1908. One day, however, Ahmed Necmeddin Bey was beaten by a group of Turks and Armenians in Aintab; his clothes torn, he was dismissed from his post and finally expelled him from the city. But what was the reason for this incident? Within the first year of the declaration of the Constitution, it was the most important event that occurred in the city. This particular incident calls for careful examination, for this significant event reflects how the Second Constitutional era and the new regime were perceived by Muslims and Armenians in Aintab on a local level. Additionally, it offers us some useful clues regarding how the Union and Progress Party as a political organization and its policies were received on a local scale. By studying this case, it is also possible to see a clear example of how ordinary Ottoman citizens reacted towards the revival of the Constitution.
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The state-orchestrated plunder of Armenian and Jewish property immediately impoverished its victims; this was simultaneously a condition for and a consequence of the respective genocides. A series of laws and decrees as well as complex... more
The state-orchestrated plunder of Armenian and Jewish property immediately impoverished its victims; this was simultaneously a condition for and a consequence of the respective genocides. A series of laws and decrees as well as complex bureaucratic mechanisms were devised in the Ottoman-Turkish Republican and Nazi Germany periods concerning the administration of the belongings left behind by the deported Armenians and Jews. This article analyses processes of expropriation of these two victim groups on a comparative basis by examining how properties of Armenians and Jews changed hands under the veneer of legality. The article also highlights similarities and differences between the two dispossession processes.
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Based on a comprehensive reading of the 1912–1914 issues of the journal Turkish Homeland, the highbrow intellectualist periodical of the Turkist intellectuals and the ruling Committee of Union and Progress, this article argues that... more
Based on a comprehensive reading of the 1912–1914 issues of the journal Turkish Homeland, the highbrow intellectualist periodical of the Turkist intellectuals and the ruling Committee of Union and Progress, this article argues that sublime Turkishness envisaged by the Young Turks can be construed as a character build-up. The article also examines how history was utilized as an arsenal from where the sublime ‘Turkish character’ was extracted in a decade in which interest towards Turkic history burgeoned, arguing that valiant Turkic heroes from the glorious Turkic past were discovered or rediscovered to stand out as exemplary men and epitomes of incorruptibleness inspiring the new youth.
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Within a particular social formation, there does not exist merely one dominant ideology, rather there are many antagonistic ideologies. The dominant ideology per se becomes dominant as long as it suppresses other ideologies not by... more
Within a particular social formation, there does not exist merely one dominant ideology, rather there are many antagonistic ideologies. The dominant ideology per se becomes dominant as long as it suppresses other ideologies not by applying violence or force. Instead, dominant ideology can manage to do it through the support of ideological apparatuses of the state. This article, in the sense of theoretical and conceptual framework drawn above, focuses on the Intellectual’s Hearth (Aydınlar Ocağı) as one and the most important of the ideological apparatuses of September 12 regime and tries to analyze its “Turkish-Islamic Synthesis Doctrine”, which constitutes the cement of social formation of dominant ideology of the dominant class. In this article, there will be observations and considerations by following 1970s and September 12 1980 military coup period as a historical theme regarding the changing nature of the Intellectual’s Hearth particularly after the 1980 period that neoliberalism and globalization gained momentum in Turkey.
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This article tackles the question of Europeanization in Turkey’s civil‐military relations and the extent to which the EU has served as an anchor in the civilian control over the Turkish Armed Forces. We argue that the EU membership... more
This article tackles the question of Europeanization in Turkey’s civil‐military relations and the extent to which the EU has served as an anchor in the civilian control over the Turkish Armed Forces. We argue that the EU membership process has necessitated democratization in civil‐military relations; EU support was not sufficient for fully integrated democratic control of the armed forces (DECAF) as there are still problems in the democratization of civil‐military relations. Since the 2000s, there has been a DECAF reform process taking place but due to historical deficiencies in Turkish polity, like the civilian incapacity to change the priority given to the military’s role in the making of the security culture, the European norms of DECAF, such as a constitutional division between the civilian and military authorities, political neutrality of the military and parliamentary control of the defense budget, is formal. In the first part, we aim to give background information to DECAF reforms in Turkey. The second part discusses Justice and Development Party (JDP)–Turkish General Staff (TGS) relations between 2002 and 2007. The third part assesses civil‐military relations in the period since 2007. The last section pays special attention to the significance of the question of a Turkish way to Europeanization especially in the field of civil‐ military relations.
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The armed forces have always occupied a central place in Turkey’s political agenda. The EU reform process is contributing to a more democratic framework of civil-military relations. Nevertheless, although Turkey follows Democratic Control... more
The armed forces have always occupied a central place in Turkey’s political agenda. The EU reform process is contributing to a more democratic framework of civil-military relations. Nevertheless, although Turkey follows Democratic Control of the Armed Forces (DECAF), the military still influences civilian governments through various and innovative means. There seems a Turkish version of DECAF that grants a privileged position to the military in the making of security policy. The presidential elections had been a medium for both the military’s involvement in politics and the civilian reaction against this involvement. Civil society organizations, the media, and business circles alike gave significant support to the ruling AKP in its standoff with the military. It is only recently that resistance to the ‘regime guardianship’ role of the military has emerged.
Research Interests: Military History, Political Sociology, Military Intelligence, Strategy (Military Science), Sociology of the Military, and 22 moreTurkey, Turkey And Europe, European/EU Politics, Turkish Foreign Policy, Military and Politics, Modern Turkey, Civil-military relations, Ottoman Military History, History of Modern Turkey, Turkey in World Politics, Military, Armed Forces, EU Foreign Policy, civil-military relations Turkey, Europe, Civil-Military cooperation, Civil Military Turkey European Union Democracy Decaf, European Union Membership Turkey Turkish Minorities, Turkish Army, Democratic Control of the Armed Forces, Armed Forces and Society, and EU membership conditionality(Turkey, Turkey And Europe, European/EU Politics, Turkish Foreign Policy, Military and Politics, Modern Turkey, Civil-military relations, Ottoman Military History, History of Modern Turkey, Turkey in World Politics, Military, Armed Forces, EU Foreign Policy, civil-military relations Turkey, Europe, Civil-Military cooperation, Civil Military Turkey European Union Democracy Decaf, European Union Membership Turkey Turkish Minorities, Turkish Army, Democratic Control of the Armed Forces, Armed Forces and Society, and EU membership conditionality)
(Turkey, Turkey And Europe, European/EU Politics, Turkish Foreign Policy, Military and Politics, Modern Turkey, Civil-military relations, Ottoman Military History, History of Modern Turkey, Turkey in World Politics, Military, Armed Forces, EU Foreign Policy, civil-military relations Turkey, Europe, Civil-Military cooperation, Civil Military Turkey European Union Democracy Decaf, European Union Membership Turkey Turkish Minorities, Turkish Army, Democratic Control of the Armed Forces, Armed Forces and Society, and EU membership conditionality)
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Suriye'deki görevi süresince Araplara ve Siyonist Yahudilere (bilhassa Filistin'deki) yönelik uyguladığı sert politikalarla bilinen Cemal Paşa'nın Ermeni soykırımındaki rolü her daim tartışma konusu olagelmiştir. Bilhassa son dönemde... more
Suriye'deki görevi süresince Araplara ve Siyonist Yahudilere (bilhassa Filistin'deki) yönelik uyguladığı sert politikalarla bilinen Cemal Paşa'nın Ermeni soykırımındaki rolü her daim tartışma konusu olagelmiştir. Bilhassa son dönemde Cemal Paşa'nın Ermenilerin tehciri ve imhası sürecinde İttihat ve Terakki (İT) Merkezi ve Partisi'nin iki temel direği Enver ve Talat'tan farklı olarak aktif rol oynamadığı; tam tersine bu süreçte Ermenilere otoritesi ve gücü el verdiği ölçüde yardımlarda bulunduğu, hatta bu yardımları gerçekleştirebilmek için İstanbul'daki merkezî hükümet ve İT Merkezî Umumi mensupları ile karşı karşıya bile geldiği gibi hususlar üzerine önemli çalışmalar yapılmıştır. Bu makalede bahsi geçen bu tez sorgulanacak, Cemal Paşa'nın Birinci Cihan Harbi sırasında Ermenilere yönelik siyasaları irdelenecek ve bu meseleye ilişkin yaklaşımı analiz edilecektir. İlaveten, Cemal Paşa'nın bu süreçteki rolü ve bir soykırım/kolektif şiddet faili olarak failliğinin nasıl bir bağlama ve durumsallığa tekabül ettiği tartışılacaktır.
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Nisan 1909’da Adana ve çevresinde yaşanan, büyük çoğunluğu Ermeni, 20 binden fazla insanın katledilmesine yolaçan hadiseler; İttihat ve Terakki hükümetinin “ittihad-ı anasır” (Osmanlılık altında birarada yaşama) anlayış ve hedefini de... more
Nisan 1909’da Adana ve çevresinde yaşanan, büyük çoğunluğu Ermeni, 20 binden fazla insanın katledilmesine yolaçan hadiseler; İttihat ve Terakki hükümetinin “ittihad-ı anasır” (Osmanlılık altında birarada yaşama) anlayış ve hedefini de imha etmişti. Yine de Osmanlılık kimliği altındaki Müslüman ve gayrimüslim Adapazarı ahalisi, 1911’de bir fuhuş hadisesi kaynaklı gelişebilecek büyük olayları ve böyle bir kışkırtma peşinde koşan Kaymakam Sırrı Bey’i engellemişti.
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Meşrutiyet’in 23 Temmuz 1908’de yeniden ilan edilmesinin ardından halk, Osmanlı topraklarının pek çok yerinde olduğu gibi Antep’te de Abdülhamit’in istibdad rejiminden kurtulmanın sevincini sokaklarda kutladı. Reformları uygulamak... more
Meşrutiyet’in 23 Temmuz 1908’de yeniden ilan edilmesinin ardından halk,
Osmanlı topraklarının pek çok yerinde olduğu gibi Antep’te de Abdülhamit’in
istibdad rejiminden kurtulmanın sevincini sokaklarda kutladı. Reformları
uygulamak konusunda ayak direyen Kaymakam Necmeddin Bey feci bir şekilde dövülüp, şehirden kovulacak; fakat sonra Kilis’e kaymakam tayin edilecekti. İttihatçılar, olayın sorumluları hakkında ise tahkikat başlatacaktı.
Osmanlı topraklarının pek çok yerinde olduğu gibi Antep’te de Abdülhamit’in
istibdad rejiminden kurtulmanın sevincini sokaklarda kutladı. Reformları
uygulamak konusunda ayak direyen Kaymakam Necmeddin Bey feci bir şekilde dövülüp, şehirden kovulacak; fakat sonra Kilis’e kaymakam tayin edilecekti. İttihatçılar, olayın sorumluları hakkında ise tahkikat başlatacaktı.
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2015’e yaklaştıkça siyaset, uluslararası ilişkiler ve hukuk, tabii tarihçi camiasının da yakından ilgilendiği bir konu olan Ermeni soykırımı tartışmalarının deyim yerindeyse ısınacağını tahmin etmek için kâhin olmaya gerek yok. Bu... more
2015’e yaklaştıkça siyaset, uluslararası ilişkiler ve hukuk, tabii tarihçi camiasının da yakından ilgilendiği bir konu olan Ermeni soykırımı tartışmalarının deyim yerindeyse ısınacağını tahmin etmek için kâhin olmaya gerek yok. Bu tartışmalarda ileri sürdüğü görüşleri, düşünceleri ve yazdıkları ile ilk akla gelen isimlerden olan Taner Akçam’ın son kitabı Ümit Kurt ile birlikte kaleme aldıkları Kanunların Ruhu: Emval-i Metruke Kanunlarında Soykırımın İzini Sürmek başlığını taşımakta. Kitabın yazarlarından Ümit Kurt geçtiğimiz Kasım ayında İletişim Yayınları tarafından
yayımlanan kitapla ilgili sorularımızı cevapladı.
yayımlanan kitapla ilgili sorularımızı cevapladı.
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Şiddet, insan hayatına mündemiç bir olgudur. Dolayısıyla şiddet aynı zamanda toplumsaldır ve toplumsallığı ölçüsünde tezahürlerini görmemiz mümkün hale gelir. Bazı toplumsal süreçler belirli toplumlarda bilhassa kriz dönemlerinde bu... more
Şiddet, insan hayatına mündemiç bir olgudur. Dolayısıyla şiddet aynı zamanda toplumsaldır ve toplumsallığı ölçüsünde tezahürlerini görmemiz mümkün hale gelir. Bazı toplumsal süreçler belirli toplumlarda bilhassa kriz dönemlerinde bu şiddetin bütün çıplaklığı ve yüksek boyutuyla kuvveden fiile çıkmasına cevaz verir. Christian Gerlach bunu “aşırı şiddet yanlısı toplumlar” olarak tanımlamaktadır. Tabii burada söz konusu şiddetin taşıyıcıları olan toplumsal aktörlerin hangi motivasyonlar ve dürtülerle aynı toplumda yaşayan gruplara bu boyutlarda vahşet ve şiddet eylemleri ve gösterilerini sergiledikleri cevaplanması elzem olan sorudur.
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Halide Edip Adıvar için Türkiye entelektüel tarihinin en önemli figürlerinden biridir dersek yanılmayız herhalde. Yazar, entelektüel, romancı, siyasetçi, asker ve daha da önemlisi geç Osmanlı ve erken Cumhuriyet dönemindeki feminist... more
Halide Edip Adıvar için Türkiye entelektüel tarihinin en önemli figürlerinden biridir dersek yanılmayız herhalde. Yazar, entelektüel, romancı, siyasetçi, asker ve daha da önemlisi geç Osmanlı ve erken Cumhuriyet dönemindeki feminist hareketin savunucularından biri olan Halide Edip’in düşünsel serüveni birçok araştırmaya konu olagelmiştir. Türkiye’de Halide Edip’e ilişkin üzerinde mutabık kalınan temel görüş onun “liberal” bir entelektüel ve yazar olduğudur. Ancak Halide Edip’in Ağustos 1911’de kurulan Türk Yurdu Cemiyeti’ne bağlı Türk Yurdu dergisindeki muhtelif yazıları, Türk milli kimliğinin kurucu vasıflarından olan Öteki inşasına ve Batı nefretine çarpıcı örnekler sunar. Turan ülküsüne bağlandığı bu dönemindeki yazılarında Türklüğü bir etnisite ve ırk olarak ele alan, Batı’yı Türklüğün “mutlak öteki”si ve düşmanı olarak değerlendiren yaklaşımı; Halide Edip’in Türkiye’de “liberal” bir aydın olarak çizilen profilinin de sorgulanması bakımından önemlidir.
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Modus Operandi‘nin ilk sayısında sosyal bilimciliğin inceliklerini konuşmak üzere Harvard Üniversitesi Tarih Bölümü’nden Prof. Cemal Kafadar’ı konuk etmiştik. Emre Can Dağlıoğlu, Emrah Göker ve Ümit Kurt sormuş, Prof. Kafadar, bir zanaat... more
Modus Operandi‘nin ilk sayısında sosyal bilimciliğin inceliklerini konuşmak üzere Harvard Üniversitesi Tarih Bölümü’nden Prof. Cemal Kafadar’ı konuk etmiştik. Emre Can Dağlıoğlu, Emrah Göker ve Ümit Kurt sormuş, Prof. Kafadar, bir zanaat olarak tarihçiliği ve bu zanaatın inceliklerini anlatmıştı.
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&quot;İÇİNDEKİLER 1. BİRİNCİ BÖLÜM: GÜVENLİK ÇALIŞMALARINDA GÜNCEL YAKLAŞIMLAR: ULUSAL GÜVENLİĞİN TANIMLANMASINDA VE GÜVENLİKLEŞTİRME SÜREÇLERİ 1.1 GİRİŞ 1.2 GÜVENLİKLEŞTİRME, ULUSAL GÜVENLİK VE GÜVENLİK KÜLTÜRÜ Şekil 1.... more
&quot;İÇİNDEKİLER 1. BİRİNCİ BÖLÜM: GÜVENLİK ÇALIŞMALARINDA GÜNCEL YAKLAŞIMLAR: ULUSAL GÜVENLİĞİN TANIMLANMASINDA VE GÜVENLİKLEŞTİRME SÜREÇLERİ 1.1 GİRİŞ 1.2 GÜVENLİKLEŞTİRME, ULUSAL GÜVENLİK VE GÜVENLİK KÜLTÜRÜ Şekil 1. Güvenlikleştirme Süreci 1.3 GÜVENLİĞİN TANIMINDAKİ TARİHSEL DÖNÜŞÜM VE YENİ GÜVENLİK ANLAYIŞI 1.4 ÇEŞİTLİ DÜŞÜNCE EKOLLERİNE GÖRE GÜVENLİĞİN TANIMI 1.4.1 Geleneksel Güvenlik Çalışmaları: Realist ve Neo-Realist Yaklaşımlar 1.4.2 Eleştirel Güvenlik Okulu 1.4.3 İngiliz Güvenlik Okulu 1.4.4 Yapısalcılar ve Post-Yapısalcılar 1.4.5 Kopenhag Okulu 1.4.6 Feminist Güvenlik Çalışmaları 1.5 ULUSAL GÜVENLİK VE ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİ: YENİ BİR TEORİK ÇERÇEVE 1.5.1 Aktör-Yapı İlişkisi: Ulusal Güvenliğin Oluştuğu Çoğulcu Ortamın İnşası 1.5.2 Güvenlik Kültüründe Araştırma Merkezleri 1.6 SONUÇ 2. İKİNCİ BÖLÜM: ULUSAL GÜVENLİK, GÜVENLİKLEŞTİRME VE ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİ: TÜRKİYE ÜZERİNE BİR ÇALIŞMA 2.1 GİRİŞ 2.2 ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİNİN TANIMI VE GÖREVLERİ 2.3 ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİNİN ÇEŞİTLERİ 2.4 ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİNİN TARİHÇESİ: KUZEY AMERİKA DENEYİMİ VE DİĞER BÖLGELER 2.5 ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİNİN ULUSLARARASILAŞMASI 2.6 TÜRKİYE’DE ULUSAL GÜVENLİK VE GÜVENLİKLEŞTİRME: GELENEKSEL YAKLAŞIMLAR VE YENİ DİNAMİKLER 2.6.1 Türkiye’de Geleneksel Güvenlik Anlayışı 2.6.2 Geleneksel Güvenlik Anlayışında Değişimler 2.7 TÜRKİYE’DE ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİ 2.7.1 Türkiye’de Araştırma Merkezlerinin Tarihsel Gelişimi 2.7.2 Araştırma Merkezlerinin Güncel Durumu 2.8 SAHA ÇALIŞMASI: ARAŞTIRMANIN KONUSU, KAPSAMI VE YÖNTEMİ 2.8.1 Türk-Asya Stratejik Araştırmalar Merkezi (TASAM) 2.8.2 Türkiye Ekonomik ve Sosyal Etütler Vakfı (TESEV) 2.8.3 Marmara Grubu Stratejik ve Sosyal Araştırmalar Vakfı 2.8.4 Arı Grubu 2.8.5 Avrasya Stratejik Araştırmalar Merkezi (ASAM) 2.8.6 Dış Politika Enstitüsü 2.8.7 Liberal Düşünce Derneği (LDD) 2.8.8 Uluslararası Stratejik Araştırma Kurumu (USAK) 2.8.9 Siyasi, Ekonomik ve Toplumsal Araştırmalar Vakfı (SETA) 2.8.10 Türkiye Ulusal Güvenlik Stratejileri Araştırma Merkezi (TUSAM) 2.8.11 Global Strateji Enstitüsü / Orta Doğu Stratejik Araştırmalar Merkezi (ORSAM) 2.8.12 İktisadi Kalkınma Vakfı (İKV) 2.8.13 Bilge Adamlar Stratejik Araştırmalar Merkezi (BİLGESAM) 2.8.14 Heinrich Böll Vakfı (Heinrich Böll Stiftung) 3. ÜÇÜNCÜ BÖLÜM: SAHA ARAŞTIRMASI BULGULARI I: ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZİ YÖNETİCİLERİ VE SEKTÖRÜN GENEL YAPISI 3.1 ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİNİN KURULUŞ YAPISI: HUKUKİ STATÜ 3.2 ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİNDE İDARİ YAPI VE İNSAN KAYNAKLARI 3.3 ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİNİN BÜTÇE BÜYÜKLÜĞÜ VE MALİ KAYNAKLARI 3.4 FAALİYETLER 3.4.1 Faaliyet Alanı 3.4.2 Faaliyetlerin Amacı 3.4.3 Faaliyetlerin Karar Verilme Süreci 3.4.4 Faaliyetlerin Hedef Kitlesi 3.5 SEKTÖRÜN İŞLEYİŞİ: ARAŞTIRMA SİPARİŞLERİ, İHALELER VE PROJELER 3.6 ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİ ARASINDA İŞBİRLİĞİ VE REKABET 3.7 ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİNİN YURTDIŞI İLİŞKİLERİ 3.8 ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİNİN BAŞARI ÖLÇÜTLERİ VE KURUMSAL İTİBAR/GÜVENİRLİK KAYNAKLARI 3.9 ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİNİN SİYASİ GÜNDEMİ VE KARARLARI ETKİLEME POTANSİYELİ 3.10 GÜVENLİĞİN YAPIMINDA ÇOĞULLUK 3.11 ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİNİN YAŞADIĞI GÜÇLÜKLER 4. DÖRDÜNCÜ BÖLÜM: ALAN ARAŞTIRMASI BULGULARI II: ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZİ UZMANLARI VE TÜRKİYE’DE GÜVENLİK KÜLTÜRÜ 4.1 GÜVENLİK SEKTÖRÜNÜN AKTÖRLERİ: MEVCUT VE İDEAL DURUM 4.1.1 Mevcut Durum: Türkiye’de Ulusal Güvenliğin Aktörleri Kimlerdir? 4.1.2 İdeal Durum: Türkiye’de Ulusal Güvenliğin Aktörleri Kimler Olmalıdır? 4.2 TÜRKİYE&#39;DE GÜVENLİK POLİTİKALARININ BELİRLENME SÜRECİ: MEVCUT VE İDEAL DURUM 4.2.1 Güvenlik Politikalarının Belirlenmesinde Var Olan Resim 4.2.2 Güvenlik Politikalarının Belirmesinde İdeal Tasavvuru 4.3 GÜVENLİK POLİTİKALARININ YÖNTEM VE DENETİM MEKANİZMALARI 4.4 KÜRESELLEŞME VE ULUS DEVLETİN GELECEĞİ 4.5 TÜRK SİLAHLI KUVVETLERİ VE ULUSAL GÜVENLİK 4.6 İÇ TEHDİT/DÜŞMAN EKSENLİ ULUSAL GÜVENLİK 4.7 DIŞ DÜŞMAN EKSENLİ ULUSAL GÜVENLİK 4.8 AVRUPA BİRLİĞİ ÜYELİK SÜRECİ, REFORMLAR VE ULUSAL GÜVENLİK 4.9 SAVAŞ SEBEPLERİ (CASUS BELLİ): SÖYLEM VE REALİTE 4.10 KUZEY IRAK’IN STATÜSÜ VE KÜRT DEVLETİ KONUSU 4.11 TÜRKİYE’DE KÜRT SİYASETİNİN ULUSAL GÜVENLİĞE ETKİSİ 4.12 İRAN VE NÜKLEER SİLAHLANMA 4.13 NATO VE TÜRKİYE’NİN ULUSAL GÜVENLİĞİ 4.14 TÜRKİYE-ERMENİSTAN İLİŞKİLERİ 4.15 TÜRKİYE-YUNANİSTAN İLİŞKİLERİ 4.16 KIBRIS 4.17 TÜRKİYE-ABD İLİŞKİLERİ 5. BEŞİNCİ BÖLÜM: TÜRKİYE’DE GÜVENLİK KÜLTÜRÜ VE ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİ 5.1 KÜRESEL ÇAĞDA TÜRKİYE&#39;NİN ULUSAL GÜVENLİĞİ MESELESİNİ YENİDEN DÜŞÜNMEK 5.2 TÜRKİYE’DE GELENEKSEL GÜVENLİK ANLAYIŞININ DEĞİŞİM DİNAMİKLERİ 5.3 ARAŞTIRMA BULGULARININ GENEL ÖZETİ 5.4 SONUÇ&quot;
Research Interests: International Relations, Multiculturalism, International Law, Human Rights, International organizations, and 15 moreConflict, Nationalism, Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Modern Turkey, Ethnicity, Minority Rights, Civil Society, Freedom, Kamu Diplomasisi, Dış Politika, Kamuoyu Ve Dış Politika, International Organizations, Güvenlik, and Araştırma Ve Uygulama Merkezi Kurulumu
In recent decades, much important work has been done on the Armenian deportation and genocide that draws on previously inaccessible Ottoman archival materials. However, in the process, there has been a corresponding tendency to downplay,... more
In recent decades, much important work has been done on the Armenian deportation and genocide that draws on previously inaccessible Ottoman archival materials. However, in the process, there has been a corresponding tendency to downplay, either explicitly or through neglect, the value of largely untapped Armenian-language source materials, including personal memoirs and diaries. Until recently, few researchers in this area have possessed the language skills to hone in on both Armenian-language and Ottoman Turkish-language materials, and as a result, scholars who rely predominantly on one set of sources have tended to marginalize the other. A more well-rounded approach that is able to make use of sources in various languages can only benefit the field. This chapter builds on one such document, a diary, written by a young Krikor Bogharian (1897–1975),3 that serves as a non-state primary resource, providing insight into what being a survivor meant in a genocidal moment.
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Known for his rigid policies towards Arab nationalists and Zionists during his posting in Greater Syria, Cemal Pasha and his role in the Armenian genocide has always remained an issue of contention. There are important accounts of Cemal’s... more
Known for his rigid policies towards Arab nationalists and Zionists during his posting in Greater Syria, Cemal Pasha and his role in the Armenian genocide has always remained an issue of contention. There are important accounts of Cemal’s activity, particularly during the First World War, which have found him to have had no active role in the deportation and extermination of Armenians – here differing from the other two pillars of the CUP, Enver and Talaat. On the contrary, such accounts argue that he extended a helping hand to Armenians in so far as his authority and power would allow, and that he even faced off against members of the central government in Istanbul and the CUP head office to do so. This chapter will question that argument, examining the politics of Cemal Pasha during the war, while concentrating on his approach to the Armenian matter. I will also explore his own responsibility for the genocide and discuss the context and contingencies of the way in which his role as a genocide perpetrator manifested itself
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Much of the literature on the destruction of the Ottoman Armenians tells the story of a state captured by a radical party that enforced genocidal measures throughout the land. Scholarship about genocidal activity at the local level,... more
Much of the literature on the destruction of the Ottoman Armenians tells the story of a state captured by a radical party that enforced genocidal measures throughout the land. Scholarship about genocidal activity at the local level, however – what social scientists might call ‘the periphery’– is still in its infancy. The aim of this chapter, therefore, is to examine such activity on the Ottoman periphery, focusing on the district of Aintab (or Anteb) – modern day Gaziantep. The chapter has two parts. Drawing upon primary sources from Ottoman, Armenian, British and French archives, as well as from memoirs and personal papers, the first part examines the persistent efforts of some of Aintab’s most prominent citizens to get the central government to expel the district’s Armenians, demands that seem to have enjoyed locally a considerable level of social support. Yet, for some time these demands encountered resistance from several powerful civil and military figures. The result was that Aintab’s Armenians were deported later than most of their eastern neighbours. The second part of the argument focuses on events after the genocide: the successive British and French occupations of the district; the return to Aintab of Armenians who had managed to survive; their efforts to recover their property; and then a second, and final, expulsion.
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The Unionists believed themselves to have been tasked with the sacred duty of rescuing the nation and the state, and they climbed to the heights of fame in their early years, having emerged from the active battle of the Young Turks’... more
The Unionists believed themselves to have been tasked with the sacred duty of rescuing the nation and the state, and they climbed to the heights of fame in their early years, having emerged from the active battle of the Young Turks’ ideals and the 1908 revolution burdened with grave challenges. Within ten years, these Unionists witnessed the decimation of the ideals of liberty, fraternity, and justice that they had pursued with such optimism in Ottoman society. It all crumbled and dissolved in the wake of the Constitutional Monarchy
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In late July 1908, a telegram was dispatched from Constantinople to the post and telegram office of Aintab. It was addressed “from the Committee of Union and Progress to Aintab” and was received by a former police officer named Ali Rıza.... more
In late July 1908, a telegram was dispatched from Constantinople to the post and telegram office of Aintab. It was addressed “from the Committee of Union and Progress to Aintab” and was received by a former police officer named Ali Rıza. The telegram notified the citizens of Aintab that they were subject to the Ottoman Constitution and that the Empire would protect its citizens’ freedoms. This is how Aintab received news of the declaration of “freedom,” which was nothing more than reinstatement of the 1876 constitution and the restoration of the Ottoman Parliament in Constantinople on July 24, 1908. Having healed from the Hamidian pogroms and plunders of 1895-96, Armenians in Aintab welcomed the news of the 1908 Young Turk Revolution with enthusiasm.
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The Hnchakian branch in Aintab was an organization with appeal and credibility aiming to serve the Armenians of the city. They worked for the interest of both individuals and the public in fields such as church and education. They were... more
The Hnchakian branch in Aintab was an organization with appeal and credibility aiming to serve the Armenians of the city. They worked for the interest of both individuals and the public in fields such as church and education. They were closely concerned with people’s problems. Through external advice and instructions from sister chapters in Europe and Egypt as well as various indicators, the Hnchakian branch in Aintab was managed quietly.
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Geç dönem Osmanlı tarihi çalışanların üzerinde durduğu en önemli konular- dan bir tanesi, II. Abdülhamid döneminde imparatorluğun doğu bölgele- rinde kurulmuş ve aşiretlerden mürekkep Hamidiye Hafif Süvari Alayları’dır. Yoğun bir biçimde... more
Geç dönem Osmanlı tarihi çalışanların üzerinde durduğu en önemli konular- dan bir tanesi, II. Abdülhamid döneminde imparatorluğun doğu bölgele- rinde kurulmuş ve aşiretlerden mürekkep Hamidiye Hafif Süvari Alayları’dır. Yoğun bir biçimde tartışılmasına karşın Hamidiye Alayları üzerine tafsilatlı, çeşitli arşiv kaynaklarına ve belgelerine dayalı dört başı mamur çalışmaların sayısı maalesef oldukça düşük.2 Halbuki Osmanlı’ya ve daha sonra Cumhuriyet’e teva- rüs eden Hamidiye Alayları etrafında dönen bir dizi sorun mevcut. Alayların ku- rulduğu ve faaliyet gösterdiği bölgelerdeki eylemleri, bu bölgelerdeki aşiret ya- pısı, Ermenilere yönelik katliamlarda alayların rolü ve etkisi, söz konusu bölge- lerdeki başta toprak ve güvenlik sorunu olmak üzere yaşamsal sorunlar ve bugün hala karşı karşıya olduğumuz etnik çatışmalar ve sınır sorunları, hem Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nun son dönemleri hem de Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'nin ulus-devlet oluşumu ve ulusal kimlik inşası süreçlerinde doğrudan rolü olan olaylar zinciri Hamidiye Alayları ile doğrudan ilişkilidir.
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Özet Bu makale Ağustos 1911'de yayın hayatına başlayan Türk Yurdu dergisinin 1911-1916 yılları arasında yayımlanan ilk dokuz cildi üzerinden bir metin ana-lizi yaparak; Türk milliyetçiliği kumaşının, Türk milliyetçiliğindeki ırk ve ırka... more
Özet Bu makale Ağustos 1911'de yayın hayatına başlayan Türk Yurdu dergisinin 1911-1916 yılları arasında yayımlanan ilk dokuz cildi üzerinden bir metin ana-lizi yaparak; Türk milliyetçiliği kumaşının, Türk milliyetçiliğindeki ırk ve ırka dair örüntülerin varlığını ve izini dergideki yazılarda ortaya çıktığı kadarıyla analiz etmeye çalışacaktır. Bu minvalde makalenin amacı Türk Yurdu dergi-sini tarayarak Türk milliyetçiliğinin tarihsel oluşumunu, gelişimini ve evrimini belirleyen köklerin ve öncüllerin izini ve dokusunu sürmektir. Bunu yapar-ken Türk milliyetçiliğini teşkil eden bir unsur olarak ırk kavramının, ırkçılığın, ırkçı tınıların ve vurguların dergide mesai harcayan Türkçü entelektüellerin yazılarında ele aldıkları kadarıyla nasıl belirdikleri ve bu örüntünün Türk milli kimliğinin inşa sürecinde ne derece ana bir damar olduğu (ya da olmadığı) üzerine bir tartışma yürütülecektir.
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Elinizdeki kitap 1915 Ermeni Soykırımı'ndan sağ kurtulan Antepli Ermeni din adamı Nerses Babayan'ın tehcir sırasında ve sonrasında yaşadıklarını kendi ağzından aktarıyor. Babayan, günlüğünü Ermenice kaleme almış, daha sonra günlük oğlu... more
Elinizdeki kitap 1915 Ermeni Soykırımı'ndan sağ kurtulan Antepli Ermeni din adamı Nerses Babayan'ın tehcir sırasında ve sonrasında yaşadıklarını kendi ağzından aktarıyor. Babayan, günlüğünü Ermenice kaleme almış, daha sonra günlük oğlu Yervant Babayan tarafından İngilizceye tercüme edilmiştir. Nerses Babayan'ın günlüğünün içeriğine ve onun tarihsel önemine geçmeden önce, geç dönem Osmanlı tarihyazıcılığı açısından, bilhassa Ermenice yazılmış anı, otobiyografi ve gün-lüklerin tarihsel değerine ilişkin birkaç şey söylemek gerekir. Arşiv belgeleri ile karşılaştırıldığında tarihsel malzeme olarak kişisel anlatıların objektifliği ve " bilimselliği " her daim tartışma konusu ola-gelmiştir. Bu türden canlı tanıklıkların tarihsel olayları ve aktörleri sahih ve objektif olarak ortaya koymalarının mümkün olmadığı ileri sürülür. Bu gelenekselci bakış açısına göre, anı, otobiyografi ve günlük niteliğin-deki materyallere ihtiyatla yaklaşılması, güvenilirlik ve geçerliliklerinin test edilmesi elzemdir. Zira bu türden metodolojik kaygılarla söz konu-su materyallere tarihsel " belge " demekten bile imtina edilir. Bir kimya laboratuvarında deney yapan bilim insanı edasıyla yazılan tarihlerde ki-şisel anlatılara deneyin bağımlı değişkenleri muamelesi yapılır.
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Çok uluslu ve çok dinli/mezhepli imparatorlukların 19. yüzyılda kendi varlıklarına tehdit olarak gördüğü farklı etnik ve dinî unsurlara yönelik uyguladığı yaygın siyasî pratiklerden biri, söz konusu grupları sürgün veya tehcir yoluyla... more
Çok uluslu ve çok dinli/mezhepli imparatorlukların 19. yüzyılda kendi varlıklarına tehdit olarak gördüğü farklı etnik ve dinî unsurlara yönelik uyguladığı yaygın siyasî pratiklerden biri, söz konusu grupları sürgün veya tehcir yoluyla zorla yerinden etmek ve bu unsurları kendi varlıklarına tehdit teşkil etmeyecek sayısal bir düzeye indirmekti. Tehcir ve yeniden yerleştirme siyasaları aynı zamanda bu yüzyıldaki hâkim ideolojik paradigma olan etnik homojenleştirme ethos’uyla paralellik arz ediyordu. Bu politikalar modern devlet kurumlarının istatistik ve etnografya gibi modern bilimin sunduğu yeni imkânlardan yararlanarak ürettiği etnisite mühendisliği çerçevesinde gerçekleştirildi. Burada esas gaye hâkim etnik kimliğe yönelik tehdit unsuru teşkil eden diğer etno-dinsel topluluklar üzerinde kontrol mekanizmaları kurarak bu toplulukları “yönetilebilir” ve “ehlîleştirilebilir” hâle dönüştürmekti. Aynı zamanda bu, devletlerin sınırlarının net çizgilerle belirlenmesi siyasasını da tamamlayıcı nitelikteydi.
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9 Eylül 1922’de Kemalist milliyetçi güçler, Yunan işgalinden kurtardıkları İzmir’e girer ve dört gün sonra bu şehirde büyük bir yangın çıkar. Yangının birinci günü olan 14 Eylül 1922’de, Ankara’daki mecliste çok enteresan bir kanun geçer.... more
9 Eylül 1922’de Kemalist milliyetçi güçler, Yunan işgalinden kurtardıkları İzmir’e girer ve dört gün sonra bu şehirde büyük bir yangın çıkar. Yangının birinci günü olan 14 Eylül 1922’de, Ankara’daki mecliste çok enteresan bir kanun geçer. Bu kanunla, 12 Ocak 1920 tarihinde, yani Mütareke döneminde, Vahdettin’in hanedanlığında çıkartılan, tehcire tabi tutulmuş Osmanlı Ermenilerinin tasfiyeye uğramış mal ve mülklerinin iadesi ile ilgili kararname iptal edilir. Yangın sırasında şehirde muazzam bir talan başlar. 9 Eylül’den sonra şehirde yalnızca Kemalist milliyetçi kuvvetler bulunmamaktadır. İçeriden ve dışarıdan büyük bir insan seli, İzmir’e akar. Bu göçün sebebi, yangından sonra meydana gelen talanda herkesin bir şekilde pay almaya çalışmasıdır. Devletin bu talanı destekleyip desteklemediği sorusu önemlidir. Emval-i metruke düzenlemelerinin sebebi, devletin kendi vatandaşı olan Hıristiyanlardan kalan taşınır ve taşınmaz malları kendi kontrolünde tutmak istemesidir.
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Nikos Kazancakis’in ismini başlığımıza iliştirdiğimiz romanında anlattığı trajedi, bu topraklarda yaşayan tüm toplulukların, tüm etnisitelerin ve tüm sınıfların kendi hikâyesidir. İsyan (kıyam) ile kitlesel katliamların (kıtâl) adeta bir... more
Nikos Kazancakis’in ismini başlığımıza iliştirdiğimiz romanında anlattığı trajedi, bu topraklarda yaşayan tüm toplulukların, tüm etnisitelerin ve tüm sınıfların kendi hikâyesidir. İsyan (kıyam) ile kitlesel katliamların (kıtâl) adeta bir sarkaç gibi işlediği, mağduriyet ve maduniyet ilişkilerinin iç içe girdiği tarihsel sekansların neredeyse birbirini model aldığı bir hikâyeden bahsediyoruz: Cemaatler arası medeni ilişkilerin modernleşme ile altüst edilerek bir şiddet ekonomisi içinde kuşatılıp, mukaddeslerin berhava edildiği bir dönem hikâyesi bir bakıma. Edebiyatın üstlenme konusunda daha cüretkâr olduğu, buna mukabil akademik çalışmaların ancak yenilerde ve biraz ürkekçe el atmaya başladığı bir araştırma konusu... Leviathancı tarihyazımının ısrarla üzerini örttüğü bu hikâyelere odaklanmak ve karmaşık tarihsel anlatıları tarihsel-sosyolojik bir hatta nesneleştirmek, bugün önümüzde duran en önemli görevlerden biri. Elinizdeki derleme, bu iştiyakla Osmanlı’nın son dönem siyasetini biçimlendiren ve temelden birbirine bağlı olan iki merkezî unsura, milliyetçi ideolojiler ile politik şiddet pratikleri arasındaki ilişkiselliğe odaklanıyor. Her iki olgu hem simbiyotik bir ilişki içinde tekâmül etmiş hem de farklı milliyetçilik tarzlarının rekabeti politik ve kolektif şiddete direngen bir süreklilik motifi kazandırmıştır.
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23 Temmuz 1908’de İttihat ve Terakki’nin Meşrutiyet’i ve Anayasa’yı yeniden ilan etmesi birçok yerde olduğu gibi Antep’te de hem Müslüman hem de Ermeni ahali tarafından coşkuyla karşılanmıştı. Meşrutiyet’in ikinci kez ilanının ilk... more
23 Temmuz 1908’de İttihat ve Terakki’nin Meşrutiyet’i ve Anayasa’yı yeniden ilan etmesi birçok yerde olduğu gibi Antep’te de hem Müslüman hem de Ermeni ahali tarafından coşkuyla karşılanmıştı. Meşrutiyet’in ikinci kez ilanının ilk yılında vuku bulan en önemli olay ise ahalinin bu iştiyak ve heyecanına ortak olmayan Antep kaymakamı Necmeddin Bey’in dövülmesi ve şehirden kovulmasıdır. Bu vakanın iyi irdelenmesi gerekir. Zira bu, Antep’te Meşrutiyet’in ve yeni rejimin yerel düzlemde Türkler/Müslümanlar ve Ermeniler tarafından nasıl algılandığını izah eden önemli bir olaydır. İlaveten, bu vaka bize İttihat ve Terakki’nin yerel düzlemde nasıl bir toplumsal karşılığı olduğuna dair bazı ipuçları da sunmaktadır. Yine bu vakanın incelenmesiyle, Anadolu’da Meşrutiyet’in ve Anayasa’nın ihyasının nasıl bir karşılık bulduğuna dair de somut bir bakış açısına sahip olmak mümkündür. Bu olaydan sonra Antep’teki siyasi yapılar ve örgütlenmeler “Anayasacılar/ Anayasa taraftarları” ve “Anayasaya muhalif olanlar/müstebitler” olarak ikiye ayrılmıştır. Genel siyasi atmosfer ve “dayak olayı”ndan sonra Antep’teki toplumsal ayrımlar ve çatışmalar bu fay hattında belirginleşmiştir.
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Kurt deserves praise for distilling a wide range of hitherto untapped historical sources into a coherent and compelling narrative of the local dynamics in Aintab. I wholeheartedly recommend this book not only to scholars of the Armenian... more
Kurt deserves praise for distilling a wide range of hitherto untapped
historical sources into a coherent and compelling narrative of the local
dynamics in Aintab. I wholeheartedly recommend this book not only to
scholars of the Armenian genocide but also to anyone interested in regional
perspectives on state-sponsored mass violence episodes in history.
historical sources into a coherent and compelling narrative of the local
dynamics in Aintab. I wholeheartedly recommend this book not only to
scholars of the Armenian genocide but also to anyone interested in regional
perspectives on state-sponsored mass violence episodes in history.
Research Interests:
Research Interests: Economic History, Ottoman History, Violence, Armenian Studies, Middle East Studies, and 8 moreOttoman Studies, Turkish and Middle East Studies, Early Republican Turkish History, Turkish Studies, Armenian Genocide, Late Ottoman History, Holocaust and Genocide Studies, and Late Ottoman Economic History
This beautifully crafted, richly researched book tells a powerful story that is sure to interest a wide audience of specialists and nonspecialists alike. In a meticulously researched study that draws on a wide range of archival... more
This beautifully crafted, richly researched book tells a powerful story that is sure to interest a wide audience of specialists and nonspecialists alike. In a meticulously researched study that draws on a wide range of archival collections in Turkey, Armenia, Lebanon, France, the United Kingdom, the United States, and Germany as well as a substantial assembly of memoirs, newspapers and periodicals, secondary sources, and interviews, Kurt constructs a microhistory of sorts that takes Aintab as its focus and allows readers to follow the dynamics of Armenian dispossession from the 1895 massacres to the genocide carried out during World War I, and into the Turkish Republic. Kurt subscribes neither to the idea that Ottoman Christians and Muslims had been locked in age-old primordial hatreds, nor to the image of a rosy coexistence across the ages. He does ask, however, how it was that a community like Aintab, where Muslims and Christians had coexisted relatively peacefully for so long, fell victim to the genocidal momentum that had begun to engulf places with Christian communities. He explores this by following the money, so to speak. Who profited from this and how?
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Research Interests:
The historian’s job is to keep lies from ruling the day, from having the final say. Without historians’ patient rigor, we would be at the mercy of what our politicians and pundits tell us about our national histories. The best history... more
The historian’s job is to keep lies from ruling the day, from having the final say. Without historians’ patient rigor, we would be at the mercy of what our politicians and pundits tell us about our national histories. The best history writing saves us from that delusion and resignation. It is not simply informative, it is emancipatory, even redemptive. Ümit Kurt’s 2021 book The Armenians of Aintab: The Economics of Genocide in an Ottoman Province is one such history, whose rather prosaic title does little to prepare one for its potent revelations.
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Was diese Studie so besonders macht ist, dass der Autor versucht, die blutige Geschichte seiner Heimatstadt aufzuarbeiten. Das passiert nicht oft in der Türkei. Den folgenden Zeilen, mit denen Ümit Kurt seine Studie schließt, kann nichts... more
Was diese Studie so besonders macht ist, dass der Autor versucht, die blutige Geschichte seiner Heimatstadt aufzuarbeiten. Das passiert nicht oft in der Türkei. Den folgenden Zeilen, mit denen Ümit Kurt seine Studie schließt, kann nichts hinzugefügt werden: „Mein Bericht hier kann einen Einblick in die lokale Geschichte geben, ist aber nur ein kleiner Schritt zum Verständnis des Gesamtbildes was passiert ist, sondern auch wie und warum diese Ereignisse stattgefunden haben. Aus den archivierten Briefen, Telegrammen und Eigentumslisten geht das Trauma und das Leiden der armenischen Überlebenden nicht hervor, die wiederholt Angriffen auf ihr Leben, ihre Kultur, ihr Vermögen und ihren sozialen Status ausgesetzt waren. Die niederen Beweggründe ihrer ehemaligen Nachbarn haben einige der
unauslöschlichsten Wunden hinterlassen, die auch mehr als ein Jahrhundert später noch nicht verheilt sind.“
unauslöschlichsten Wunden hinterlassen, die auch mehr als ein Jahrhundert später noch nicht verheilt sind.“
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C’est l’une des figures de proue de l’historiographie turque « dissidente ». Ümit Kurt est l’auteur d’une thèse de doctorat remarquée sur le génocide des Arméniens. Il étudie à présent le Moyen-Orient moderne, sans perdre de vue son sujet... more
C’est l’une des figures de proue de l’historiographie turque « dissidente ». Ümit Kurt est l’auteur d’une thèse de doctorat remarquée sur le génocide des Arméniens. Il étudie à présent le Moyen-Orient moderne, sans perdre de vue son sujet initial. À l’occasion de son passage à Paris, nous l’avons rencontré.
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Research Interests:
Je crois qu’en tant qu’historien et, peut-être, narrateur (comme l’a toujours souligné le défunt Hayden White), il semble qu’il soit très difficile de séparer votre problématique de rechercher de votre histoire personnelle. Du moins c’est... more
Je crois qu’en tant qu’historien et, peut-être, narrateur (comme l’a toujours
souligné le défunt Hayden White), il semble qu’il soit très difficile de séparer votre problématique de rechercher de votre histoire personnelle. Du moins c’est le cas de nombreux historiens, particulièrement ceux travaillant sur les sombres archives de l’histoire de leur propre pays. Elle fait également de vous une partie, parfois active, parfois passive, de ce même processus historique. Vous y êtes en quelque sorte intégré socialement, politiquement et culturellement.
souligné le défunt Hayden White), il semble qu’il soit très difficile de séparer votre problématique de rechercher de votre histoire personnelle. Du moins c’est le cas de nombreux historiens, particulièrement ceux travaillant sur les sombres archives de l’histoire de leur propre pays. Elle fait également de vous une partie, parfois active, parfois passive, de ce même processus historique. Vous y êtes en quelque sorte intégré socialement, politiquement et culturellement.
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The appointment of a controversial new rector to Boğaziçi University is typical of the president’s poor leadership
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Twenty-five years before Oskar Schindler would save the lives of more than a thousand Jews from Nazi Germany, Cemil Kunneh protected hundreds of Armenians from genocide. Robert Fisk tells his story A French warship rescues Armenian... more
Twenty-five years before Oskar Schindler would save the lives of more than a thousand Jews from Nazi Germany, Cemil Kunneh protected hundreds of Armenians from genocide. Robert Fisk tells his story A French warship rescues Armenian refugees fleeing from the massacre of their people by Turkish forces (The Life Picture Collection/Getty) At the height of the war, he was a loyal servant of his brutal government, producing equipment for his country's army-but at great risk to his own life, he saved hundreds of men and women doomed for mass extermination by employing them in his military factories. And in 1915-long before the bravery of a man whom every reader is already thinking of-Armenia's Oskar Schindler proved that good could still exist amid hatred and terror.
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The provenance of a house reveals a sordid history of oppression. As a native son of Gaziantep who has explored the city’s history, I have become aware of the consequences of Armenians’ physical and material destruction at the hands of... more
The provenance of a house reveals a sordid history of oppression. As a native son of Gaziantep who has explored the city’s history, I have become aware of the consequences of Armenians’ physical and material destruction at the hands of their former Muslim neighbors. Aside from offering insight into local history, my account also contributes to the broader story of the Armenian genocide. Unseen in the archived letters, telegrams and property lists are the trauma and suffering of Armenian survivors repeatedly subjected to attacks on their lives, culture, assets and social status. The base motives of their former neighbors left some of the most indelible wounds, which more than a century later remain unhealed.
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Could a tripod and a cellphone bring down a government that millions occupying the streets in 2013's Gezi Park protests and an intricate network of infiltrators, known as FETÖ, failed to do in the 15 July 2016 coup attempt? For the... more
Could a tripod and a cellphone bring down a government that millions occupying the streets in 2013's Gezi Park protests and an intricate network of infiltrators, known as FETÖ, failed to do in the 15 July 2016 coup attempt? For the Turkish mafia boss, Sedat Peker, the answer is a resounding yes.
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Cemil Kunneh chose to not participate in this collective crime and not share complicity. He resisted group pressure, fear of ostracization and the imperative to obey authority and the orders of his superiors. His stand shows the complex... more
Cemil Kunneh chose to not participate in this collective crime and not share complicity. He resisted group pressure, fear of ostracization and the imperative to obey authority and the orders of his superiors. His stand shows the complex social and political dynamics of the late Ottoman Empire.
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What were the economic forces that drove the violence of the Armenian genocide? In this episode, historian Ümit Kurt speaks about his research on the role of property in the history of the dispossession and deportation of Aintab’s... more
What were the economic forces that drove the violence of the Armenian genocide? In this episode, historian Ümit Kurt speaks about his research on the role of property in the history of the dispossession and deportation of Aintab’s Armenian community. Despite archival silences, he reveals the central role of legal mechanisms and local propertied elites in these processes. In closing, he discusses the legacies of the “economics of genocide” into the present day, and how his research has been received.
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The historian who wishes to study episodes of mass violence is confronted by numerous challenges. Perpetrators of violence may seek to obscure or distort historical events; victims are often left without a voice. Accounts found in... more
The historian who wishes to study episodes of mass violence is confronted by numerous challenges. Perpetrators of violence may seek to obscure or distort historical events; victims are often left without a voice. Accounts found in newspapers, books, and archives may offer vivid detail but frame events in a biased or incomplete manner. How can the scholar account for diverging narratives or subjective experiences of violence while seeking to separate facts from fiction? In this episode, we speak to Ümit Kurt and Owen Miller, two scholars who have studied the Armenian massacres of the 1890s and the Armenian Genocide through the cases of Aintab and Sasun respectively. We will discuss perils and possibilities of studying violence in the late Ottoman Empire, and we'll learn about the different perspectives on the past that await researchers in the archive and beyond.
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Kanun ve Nizam Dairesinde başlıklı kitabı üzerine Ümit Kurt'la söyleşi.