Social movements and revolution

We live in an age of movement. More than at any other time in history , people and things move longer distances, more frequently, and faster than ever before. All that was solid melted into air long ago and is now in full circulation around the world like dandelion seeds adrift on turbulent winds. We find ourselves, in the early twenty-first century, in a world where every major domain of human activity has become increasingly defined by motion. 1 We have entered a new historical era defined in large part by movement and mobility and are now in need of a new historical on-tology appropriate to our time. The observation that the end of the twentieth century and the beginning of the twenty-first was marked by an increasingly " liquid " and " mobile modernity " is now something widely recognized in the scholarly literature at the turn of the century. 2 Today, however, our orientation to this event is quite different. Almost twenty years into the twenty-first century we now find ourselves situated on the other side of this heralded transition. The question that confronts us today is thus a new one: how to fold all that has melted back up into new solids. 3

The end of revolution. The transformation in the conception and way of living the making of history in the Italian social movements of the 70s

This article focuses on the Italian social movements of the 70s in order to grasp a crucial transformation in the conception as well as in the way of living the making of History. This transformation consists in the crisis of the 20th-century idea of «Revolution» like a horizon of expectation. The author points out three major factors contributing to such a transformation. First, the change in the conception of «working class», which is observed in the various components of the Operaism. Second, the rise of the Feminist principle «the personal is political» far beyond the Feminism movement. Third, the criticism and new articulation of the equivalence between power and government bodies. As the author underlines, this transformation is far from being linear. This is what he shows by analyzing the controversial status of the political violence with reference to the riots and their political interpretations in this horizon characterized by the crises of the 20th-century idea of «Revolution». Finally, the author examines the contemporary debates occasioned by the most important political pop festival of the decade - the «Parco Lambro» (Milano, 1976) - and the contradictions that this event brought to light.

L’articolo si concentra sui movimenti sociali italiani degli anni Settanta per cogliere un momento cruciale della trasformazione del modo di pensare e vivere il farsi della storia. Tale trasformazione prende la forma del venir meno dell’idea novecentesca di rivoluzione come orizzonte d’attesa. In particolare l’autore individua tre luoghi prioritari di questa trasformazione: l’evoluzione della concezione della classe operaia, ciò che è colto nell’eterogenea area dell’operaismo, l’imporsi del principio femminista «il personale è politico», l’articolazione di un’idea di potere che supera l’equivalenza fra potere e organi dello Stato. L’autore sottolinea anche quanto la trasformazione del modo di pensare e vivere il farsi della storia non sia lineare, ma attraversata da contraddizioni: a questo fine si sofferma sul controverso statuto della violenza politica, quale emerge nel caso specifico degli scontri di piazza e delle loro interpretazioni politiche in questo orizzonte caratterizzato dal venire meno dell’idea novecentesca di rivoluzione. Infine l’autore analizza i dibattiti contemporanei sul più importante festival musicale e politico del decennio, parco Lambro (Milano 1976), e sulle contraddizioni che questo evento portò alla luce.

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Sus banderas están en las movilizaciones callejeras, sus militantes trabajan en los barrios, sus dirigentes obtienen cargos en intendencias, bancas en las legislaturas y en el Congreso. Adhirió al kirchnerismo e integró sus gobiernos, pero en los mismos años demostró en la calle el rechazo a algunas de sus políticas. Denunció activamente el ajuste neoliberal del macrismo, pero negoció con sus funcionarios y logró más poder en el manejo de planes sociales. Algunos de sus seguidores marchan en reclamo por la situación laboral tras una imagen de San Cayetano; otros lo hacen en apoyo a la legalización del aborto.

El Movimiento Evita es una de las organizaciones sociales más grandes, discutidas y singulares de la Argentina, y un participante activo de su escena política. De alto perl público, enorme capacidad de movilización y agenda política propia, el Evita –que nació como tal en 2006- logró arraigo en cientos de barrios populares de casi todas las provincias, consolidó su capacidad de generar fuertes lazos entre los militantes –incluso de crear y “educar” cuadros políticos-, evitó siempre las discusiones ideológicas, hizo y deshizo alianzas sin haber sufrido una ruptura en más de una década de existencia.

Este libro –el primero en explorar en profundidad y especícamente al Movimiento Evita- recorre los orígenes, la identidad y las estrategias políticas del Evita y se pregunta qué implica el acceso a cargos de gestión en el Estado para un movimiento que hizo una bandera de la autonomía y que, como dice su líder Emilio Pérsico, quiere representar a “los últimos de la fila”. ¿Se burocratiza? ¿”Traiciona” sus ideales? ¿Se puede estar a la vez en la calle, en los barrios y en el Estado?

A través de entrevistas a decenas de integrantes del movimiento –desde sus líderes más importantes, como Pérsico, el “Chino” Navarro y Leonardo Grosso, entre otros, a militantes de base-, y mediante un trabajo etnográfico en locales, merenderos, congresos y movilizaciones, Francisco Longa construye un retrato equilibrado y persuasivo de un espacio político díscolo, plebeyo, verticalista y pragmático, que con sus particularidades ilumina el siempre dinámico mundo de las organizaciones sociales en la Argentina.

The massacre of almost 50 Maidan protesters on February 20, 2014 was a turning point in Ukrainian politics and a tipping point in the conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. This mass killing of the protesters and the mass shooting of the police that preceded it led to the overthrow of the pro-Russian government of Viktor Yanukovych and gave a start to a civil war in Donbas in Eastern Ukraine, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. A conclusion promoted by the post-Yanukovych governments and the media in Ukraine that the massacre was perpetrated by government snipers and special police units on a Yanukovych order has been nearly universally accepted by the Western governments, the media, and many scholars. The Ukrainian government investigation identified members of the special company of Berkut as responsible for killings of the absolute majority of the protesters, but did not release any evidence in support, with the exception of videos of the massacre.
              The question is which side organized the “snipers’ massacre.” This paper is the first academic study of this crucial case of the mass killing. It uses a theory of rational choice and a Weberian theory of instrumental rationality to examine actions of major actors both from the Yanukovych government, specifically various police and security forces, and the Maidan opposition, specifically its far right and oligarchic elements, during the massacre.
          The paper analyzes a large amount of evidence from different publicly available sources concerning this massacre and killings of specifics protesters. Qualitative content analysis includes the following data: about 1,500 videos and recordings of live internet and TV broadcasts from mass media and social media in different countries(some 150 gigabytes), news reports and social media posts by more than 100 journalists covering the massacre from Kyiv, some 5,000 photos, and nearly 30 gigabytes of publicly available radio intercepts of snipers and commanders from the special Alfa unit of the Security Service of Ukraine and Internal Troops, and Maidan massacre trial recordings. This study also employs field research on site of the massacre, eyewitness reports by both Maidan protesters and government special units commanders, statements by both former and current government officials, estimates of approximate ballistic trajectories, bullets and weapons used, and types of wounds among both protesters and the police. This study establishes a precise timeline for various events of the massacre, the locations of both the shooters and the government snipers, and the specific timeline and locations of nearly 50 protesters’ deaths. It also briefly analyzes other major cases of violence during and after the “Euromaidan.” This study includes two video appendixes.
            This academic investigation concludes that the massacre was a false flag operation, which was rationally planned and carried out with a goal of the overthrow of the government and seizure of power. It found various evidence of the involvement of an alliance of the far right organizations, specifically the Right Sector and Svoboda, and oligarchic parties, such as Fatherland. Concealed shooters and spotters were located in at least 20 Maidan-controlled buildings or areas. The various evidence that the protesters were killed from these locations include some 70 testimonies, primarily by Maidan protesters, several videos of “snipers” targeting protesters from these buildings, comparisons of positions of the specific protesters at the time of their killing and their entry wounds, and bullet impact signs. The study uncovered various videos and photos of armed Maidan “snipers” and spotters in many of these buildings. The paper presents implications of these findings for understanding the nature of the change of the government in Ukraine, the civil war in Donbas, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine.

The article deals with the topic of new technologies (ICT), their influence in social mobilizations and its impact in the Spanish press analysing two facts. During the history, some technologies (such us fix telephone or Internet) have created new uses which were not expected by society. Moreover, in last few years we have witnessed different situations where we have seen the power of mobile phones to mobilize social communities: the reaction against the Popular Party after 11 th March, 2004 in Madrid or the social mobilizations against Barcelona City Hall, because of the prohibition of drinking alcohol in the streets on 17 th March, 2006 can be good examples in Spain. Hence, we propose an article in which we analyse whether the main Catalan dailies (La Vanguardia, Avui, El Punt and El Periódico) gave importance to the influence of ICT (above all, cell phones) during that two events we pointed out before.

Il «Gramsci creolo», nasce a Marcaria, nell’entroterra mantovano, nel 1926. La sua è una vita intensa, fatta di Resistenza e politica internazionale. A soli 17 anni, raggiunge la Brigata partigiana autonoma “Vicenza”,  sale sui Monti Lessini e col nome di battaglia “Nadia” (in russo “speranza”) combatte i nazifascisti. Per il suo coraggio gli verrà riconosciuta la Medaglia di Bronzo al Valor Militare. Il 25 aprile 1945 è a Milano come guardia del corpo di Sandro Pertini.

Throughout the human history, revolutionary phase has a significant specialty. History specialists and social researchers have contributed emphatically by documenting, analyzing and contrasting revolutionary events all these years. However, no thorough general hypothesis of revolution has constructed if the scholars looked for persuading clarifications regarding what, how and why things happened. Interestingly, none of the theories emerged on this past era has ever been absolute useful or posed without criticisms. That is why a critical analysis of the theories of revolution is needed to go about as a constant challenge to figure out patterns and procedures within the innumerous occasions.

This study examines Cairo's Nile Bridges and Maidan Tahrir as examples of key urban public arenas and critical spaces where chaos crystalized in the context of Arab and Egyptian Revolution of January 2011. It adopts the concept of «creative urban chaos» rather than the conflicting political ideas associated with «urban chaos». The author suggests that this concept reflects a battle waged between hegemonic classes wielding control over the city's spaces, and marginalized classes excluded from public space, in their struggle to regain access to these spaces, as well as fighting to improve their deteriorating economic and social situation.

Works on the political and economic thoughts of Thomas Sankara have gained recent currency in the light of the resurgence of decolonization of knowledge in both the global North and South. This chapter works from the wide-ranging and pluriversal political and socioeconomic imaginaries elaborated upon by Sankara (through his speeches and actions) to tease out his particular political economy as one insistent upon building a society in which each person could work toward self-liberation and dignity. I consider some of the lessons learned from the implementation of these political philosophies during the revolution of August 1983 to October 1987. Finally, I conclude by sketching some of the ways in which contemporary pan-Africanists, decolonial thinkers, green socialists, and others have revived aspects of Sankara’s political economy of justice and “revolution [as] happiness.”

This is a longitudinal study of the identity process through times of dramatic social change. Using a narrative psychological approach this research follows the life stories of five Egyptian bloggers as they write their stories on online blogs over the course of the three years following the 2011 revolution, at which time Egypt has witnessed major social and political changes. The aim is to understand the identity process of individuals as they develop and adapt through changing social contexts and how they create alternative social relations as they engage in prefigurative politics. The findings shed light on how ruptures trigger a process of reflexivity, adaptive learning, and sense-making that facilitates coping and the reconstruction of a positive identity after ruptures. It also suggests that the narration of the experience of rupture through storytelling creates a heightened sense of agency in individuals' ability to create new meanings of their world in spite of the socio-cultural and political constraints. This study presents narratives as an informing methodological resource that connects identity process with social representations and emphasizes the value of storytelling as an integral part of the adaptation process.

This thesis examines the central driver of recent mobilizations to be the need felt by society to seek a reinterpretation of democracy. This need for change is seen to emerge due to the damages caused to the social fabric by the impact of economic globalization. It is argued that every social movement has its own particular reasons. However, in the current globalization era, everything is connected to each other and drivers of recent social movements are dependent on the ‘legitimation crisis’ of the political economy. This aspect is focused through a case study on the Gezi Park movement as part of the recent wave of social movements. While investigating these aspects, it appears necessary to go beyond the new social movement theory in order to observe accurately this even newer wave of mobilizations. These issues must be addressed, and if they would be, it is argued that recent social movements can be the pioneers of an honorable social and political system in the future.

Loadenthal, Michael. “Cells, Communiqués and Monikers: The Insurrectionary Networks of Anti-State Attack.” In Routledge Handbook of Radical Politics, edited by Uri Gordon and Ruth Kinna, 326–40. New York, NY: Routledge, 2019.

Abstract:
Spanning over a century, the insurrectionary spirit of anarchism has been on the forefront
of direct, unmediated attacks on the state and capital. Insurrectionary praxis is based on an ethic of informality, clandestinity and temporality, and as a result, its cells exist in secret only as long as deemed necessary for a particular action. Unlike social movement organisations and above-ground campaigns, the cells that populate the insurrectionary milieu are not something to ‘belong to’ but something to ‘act through’; a momentary assemblage of likeminded individuals united for a particular attack by voluntary association and through shared affinity.

While the modern cell networks gained visibly in Europe around the millennium,
their rapid replication has led to similarly styled formations in dozens of countries from the Americas to Asia. This franchised replication is aided by the use of adoptable monikers – static labels used to associate an attack with others, and to ideologically tag them as insurrectionary. Oftentimes, these are acronyms whose names communicate the politics of the attackers, such as the Informal Anarchist Federation (FAI), Conspiracy of Cells of Fire (CCF), International Revolutionary Front (IRF) as well as older, not explicitly insurrectionary monikers such as the Animal Liberation Front (ALF) and Earth Liberation Front (ELF). The use of moniker-linked attacks, which form into a campaign of sorts, is a distinctive feature of the insurrectionary cells. For example, in June 2013, a Greek of the FAI cell bombed a vehicle belonging to a prison director overseeing the incarceration of comrades. This attack marked ‘act one’ of the Phoenix Project, and would be followed by thirteen additional attacks, spanning eight countries out over a twelve-month period. The Phoenix Project highlights the strength of the adoptable moniker, as through its usage, an arson targeting an Indonesian hotel and the sabotage of Italian fuel pumps can be united into a shared, global effort, and not understood as disparate acts of lone wolves. This chapter will explore how the insurrectionary anarchist networks utilise the cell model, the communiqué and the adoptable moniker to allow for the creation of a globally dispersed, decentralised, open involvement movement united in its rejection of capitalism, the state and those who would seek to control it.

Whilst often mentioned and sometimes hammered out, the “economic origins” of the revolution have mostly been ignored. Why is that so? The article attempts to explain this surprising oversight. The emphasis on what was at stake with “the democratic ground rules” has perniciously diverted attention away from the daily economic struggles and their (lack of) regulations as well as the political contradictions they entail. yet, with the end of the “single window approach” of the Democratic Constitutional Rally (Ben Ali’s all-pervasive party), the question of welfare protection and the various shocks it has received remains acute.

Resumen: América Latina y el Caribe se caracteriza por una amplia historia de luchas anticoloniales. Los movimientos de mujeres han formado parte de esta trayectoria y han sido protagonistas de diferentes procesos emancipadores. Analizamos aquí dos modelos que nos permiten valorar la participación de las mujeres y las implicaciones de cada uno de estos enfoques para la lucha feminista. Por un lado, la Revolución Cubana introdujo desde 1959 el socialismo como alternativa al contexto de subordinación latinoamericano, siendo la emancipación de las mujeres una de las líneas políticas del proceso cubano. Por otro, la llegada al gobierno de agrupaciones político-sociales de izquierda en Bolivia (2006) y Ecuador (2007) ha otorgado un papel relevante a los movimientos sociales de ambos estados, planteándose nuevos modelos de construcción del poder desde abajo; entre los actores sociales implicados en ambos procesos se encuentran organizaciones feministas y grupos de mujeres.

Palabras clave: feminismo; procesos emancipadores; movimiento feminista latinoamericano; Revolución Cubana; procesos constituyentes; Bolivia; Ecuador.

Abstract: Latin America and the Caribbean has a long history of anticolonial struggles. Women’s movements have been part of them, and central to different emancipatory processes. Here we tackle two models that allow us to evaluate the participation of women and the implications of each approach for the feminist struggle. On the one hand, since 1959 the Cuban Revolution introduced socialism as the alternative to the Latin American context of subordination, establishing the emancipation of women as one of the political lines of action in the process. On the other, the arrival of sociopolitical fronts from the Left to the governments in Bolivia (2006) and Ecuador (2007) has given a central role to those states’ social movements, with new proposals of building ‘power from below’; among the social actors involved in both processes we find feminist organisations and groups of women.

Key words: feminism; emancipatory processes; Latin American feminist movement; Cuban Revolution; constituent processes; Bolivia; Ecuador.

Zwischen 1975 und 1980 hat Louis Althusser seine Position gegenüber dem Staat radikalisiert, indem er offene Kritik gegenüber den in der Kommunistischen Partei Frankreichs (KPF) dominierenden Tendenzen übte. Die Diskussion gewann an Brisanz, als
die KPF den Begriff der ,Diktatur des Proletariats’ 1976 aus ihrem Programm entfernte. Étienne Balibar und Althusser betrachteten dies als einen Fehler, so, als ob etwas aus dem ,Herzen’ des Marxismus entfernt wurde. Die Streichung des Begriffs schien ein Zugeständnis
an Forderungen nach einer stärker demokratischen Form kommunistischer Politik zu sein, wie sie von den in Italien und Spanien einflussreichen Tendenzen des Eurokommunismus gefordert wurde. Für Althusser und Balibar jedoch öffnete die Streichung dem Einfluss von
sozialdemokratischen und kleinbürgerlichen Ideologien innerhalb der KPF die Türen. Die Diskussion brach in den frühen 1980er Jahren abrupt ab, wurde aber in den letzten Jahren von einigen Autoren wieder aufgenommen. In diesem Artikel diskutiere ich die Argumente, die Althusser dazu hervorbrachte, warum er
den Begriff der ,Diktatur des Proletariats’ als Kernstück des Marxismus betrachtete und wie dieser Begriff mit Althussers Kritik des Staates in den späten 1970er Jahren in Verbindung steht.

This essay posits American journalism as a particular realm of public knowledge production, inflected with its own professional practices as well as the way in which those practices subjugate technologies of representation. Taking the Arab Spring of 2011 as a case study in journalistic knowledge production, this article analyzes three epistemological conditions underscoring the Arab Spring’s development as an object of knowledge: the use of social media tools within the practice of journalism, the representational authority of the individual reporter, and the articulation of journalistic knowledge to broader institutions of liberal democratic power. While these are by no means the only possible themes of investigation, by looking at how journalistic practices rendered the Arab Spring sensible and worthy of public consideration, this essay hopes to reveal them as temporally and technologically contingent, but also linked to the values of liberal democracy that undergird journalism’s role in American public life.

Recent outbursts of sectarian and ethnic violence in Iraq have made many observers question the viability of the state itself. It is said that due to the artificiality of the state and a lack of deep-seated political institutions, Iraqi politics is doomed to endlessly revert back to primordialism. Political parties are mere facades for the real intention of pursuing ethno-sectarian interests, the argument goes. But the present situation has largely been caused by Saddam Hussein’s infamous rule over the past three decades, combined with the plight of international sanctions. Before Saddam’s ascent to power in the late 1970s, however, the Iraqi political spectrum was full of political parties operating from ideological platforms. The largest, and arguably most important of these groups, was the Iraqi Communist Party (ICP). The ICP stands out as the only true cross-sectarian party in Iraqi history, drawing support from all of Iraq’s diverse communities. From its inception in 1934, it continuously fought the various regimes in power and endeavoured to spread communist ideology throughout Iraq. At times the party achieved considerable success in this regard, although ultimately never able to seize power. Red Star over Iraq analyses the twists and turns of the ICP from its inception until its ultimate demise as a significant political force at the hands of Saddam in 1979.

Humanitarinių mokslų daktaras Tomas Balkelis istorijos doktorantūros studijas 2004 m. baigė Toronto universitete, keliolika metų dirbo Mančesterio, Notingamo, Dublino ir Vilniaus universitetuose. 2015–2016 m. buvo vizituojantis mokslininkas Stanfordo universitete (JAV). Jo knygos ir straipsniai spausdinami Lietuvos ir užsienio leidyklose bei mokslo žurnaluose. Tomo Balkelio tyrimų akiratyje – nacionalizmo, istorinių mitų, priverstinių migracijų, karo ir paramilitarizmo temos. Pirmoji knyga 'The Making of Modern Lithuania' (Routledge, 2009) skirta ankstyvajai lietuvių tautinio judėjimo istorijai.

Vieną iš svarbiausių Lietuvos istorijos laikotarpių nagrinėjančią Tomo Balkelio knygą Lemtingi metai 2018 m. anglų kalba pirmą kartą išleido Oksfordo universiteto leidykla. Knyga skiriama tiek Vakarų, tiek Rytų Europos skaitytojams.

'Lemtingi metai' išsamiai atskleidžia, kaip kūrėsi nepriklausoma Lietuvos valstybė ir jos visuomenė nuo Pirmojo pasaulinio karo pradžios iki 1923 m., kai pagaliau liovėsi smurtas Lietuvos ir Lenkijos pasienyje. Tačiau autorius apie visa tai pasakoja, remdamasis ne tiek politinio elito, kiek įvairių visuomenės grupių – ūkininkų, karo šauktinių, savanorių, šaulių, karo belaisvių ir pabėgėlių – patirtimis ir išgyvenimais. Jis atidžiai stebi, kaip karas pakeitė jų gyvenimus ir kaip jie keitė karo laikotarpiu besiformuojančią visuomenę. Knygoje atskleidžiami mažiau žinomi, nedaug tyrinėti, prieštaringi ir skausmingi ano meto Lietuvos istorijos epizodai: carinė evakuacija, vokiečių okupacija, revoliucija, bolševikų invazija, teroras prieš civilius gyventojus, nepriklausomybės kovos ir gyventojų mobilizacija. Autoriaus nuomone, Pirmasis pasaulinis karas ir po jo vykę audringi konfliktai buvo vieni iš svarbiausių veiksnių, formavusių moderniąją lietuvių bei kaimyninių tautų tapatybę ir nepriklausomą valstybingumą, tačiau jų padariniai buvo ilgalaikiai ir nevienareikšmiai.

Mi tezih dohtorá / Nere doktore-tesia / Mi tesis doctoral / My PhD Thesis.

Autor como Juan Porras Blanco del libro digital ‘Negación’ punk en la sociedad vasca. Investigación socioantropológica de un simbolismo liminal. Leioa (Bizkaia, EH): Euskal Herriko Unibertsitateko Argitalpen Zerbitzua / Servicio Editorial de la Universidad del País Vasco, 2005; 474 páginas. Serie Tesis Doctorales.

SINOPSIS

El movimiento punk surgió a finales de los setenta en una sociedad confundida, desencantada y sumida en un nuevo orden mundial donde parecía que las nuevas generaciones de jóvenes poco o nada tenían que decir. Cuando este movimiento llegó a Euskal Herria sufrió, sin embargo, una peculiar adaptación que hizo que su discurso permeara en todos los ámbitos y su influencia se extendiera hasta el día de hoy. La situación política convulsa, una lengua milenaria y un espíritu tribal hicieron escribir al punk una de las páginas más curiosas y entrañables de la historia reciente del País Vasco.

SYNOPSIS

The punk movement emerged in the late seventies in a confused, disillusioned and mired society in a new world order where it seemed that the new generations of young people had little or nothing to say. When this movement arrived to Euskal Herria/Basque Country suffered, however, a peculiar adaptation which made its speech permeate all areas and its influence extended until today. The turbulent political situation, a millenary language and a tribal spirit made the punk movement write one of the most curious and beloved pages of the recent history of the Basque Country.
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En relación con esta tesis doctoral, también soy autor -como Huan Porrah- del libro Negación punk en Euskal Herria. Tafalla (Nafarroa): Txalaparta argitaletxea, 2006; 408 páginas. Libro con copyright que aún está en venta:
http://huanporrah.edublogs.org/2006/11/17/libro-negacion-punk-en-euskal-herria/

Nobili in fuga, rivoluzionari, intellettuali, il nostro paese è il luogo prediletto per dimenticare lo zar. Da Gogol' a Gork'ij, Bogdanov e Lenin. Viaggio tra le strade della Capitale di ieri e di oggi alla ricerca di angoli moscoviti nascosti dal tempo.

Of the many studies of Bolivia’s popular uprisings of 2000–2005, Raquel
Gutiérrez Aguilar’s participatory-observer account stands out. In addition
to furnishing an innovative framework for understanding the “rhythms” of
social struggle during those years, the book grapples with some of the
tensions and dilemmas common to diverse emancipatory struggles. This
translation of the 2008 original makes the analysis available to English readers.

"[...] Allora riportiamo con coraggio e fino in fondo il punto di vista di classe, anche nelle nostre analisi e soprattutto nelle nostre raccomandazioni militanti. Rovesciare il punto di vista attraverso cui guardiamo a questi processi di trasformazione del lavoro e di sviluppo dell’economia digitale. Iniziamo a dirlo con forza: la difesa dell’efficienza del sistema economico non spetta all’organizzazione sindacale o al lavoro, ma alla sua controparte. Ai sindacati dovrebbe interessare la rappresentanza degli interessi dei lavoratori. Per far emergere un punto di vista di parte. Il loro."

Focusing on the moment when social unrest takes hold of a populace, Law and Disorder offers a new account of sovereignty with an affective theory of public order and protest.

In a state of unrest, the affective architecture of the sovereign order begins to crumble. The everyday peace and calm of public space is shattered as sovereign peace is challenged. In response, the state unleashes the full force of its exceptionality, and the violence of public order policing is deployed to restore the affects and atmospheres of habitual social relations. This book is a work of contemporary critical legal theory. It develops an affective theory of sovereign orders by focusing on the government of affective life and popular encounters with sovereignty. The chapters explore public order as a key articulation between sovereignty and government. In particular, policing of public order is exposed as a contemporary mode of exceptionality cast in the fires of colonial subjection. The state of unrest helps us see the ordinary affects of the sovereign order, but it also points to crowds as the essential component in the production of unrest. The atmospheres produced by crowds seep out from the squares and parks of occupation, settling on cities and states. In these new atmospheres, new possibilities of political and social organisation begin to appear. In short, crowds create the affective condition in which the settlement at the heart of the sovereign order can be revisited. This text thus develops a theory of sovereignty which places protest at its heart, and a theory of protest which starts from the affective valence of crowds.

This book’s examination of the relationship between sovereignty and protest is of considerable interest to readers in law, politics and cultural studies, as well as to more general readers interested in contemporary forms of political resistance.

Working beyond the inclination to inaugurate alternative theoretical traditions alongside canonical sociology, this article demonstrates the value of recovering latent gender theory from within classic concepts-in this case, Weber's "charisma." Close readings of Weber reveal, (a) tools for theorizing extraordinary, non-masculinist agency, and, (b) clues that account for the conventional wisdom (popular and scholastic) that charisma is "not for women." While contemporary movements may be tempted to eschew charismatic leadership per se because of legacies of dominance by men, there is value in Weber's formulation, which anticipated the performative turn in social theory that would destabilize biologistic gender ontologies. Value in this exchange also flows back to Weber: by confronting his intermittent tendency to describe charisma in terms that we now recognize as "customs of manly power," we reveal heretofore unseen imperfections (i.e., traditionalist modes of legitimation) in his ideal-type. This engagement thus demonstrates an empowering mutuality between contemporary gender theory and "the classics." The article ends by theorising the nexus of gender and charisma in the case of Trump, pointing to possibilities for vitiating Donald Trump's charisma, as well as for anti-Trumpian charisma.

The papers contained in this issue aim to illuminate this fundamental
maxim of social scientific investigation in the context of the psychology
of rallies, riots, and revolutions. The literatures reviewed and ideas advanced across this edition collectively speak to the importance of a generative social science, where researchers stay on the move between multiple perspectives in an effort to holistically comprehend unfolding socio-political phenomena: what Shweder [1] has dubbed ‘the view from manywheres.’

La Revolución de los Jazmines fue uno de los sucesos más sorprendentes que podían
haber tenido lugar para la comunidad internacional, pero más aún lo fue, que ésta se
extendiese por la franja norte de África, convirtiéndose en el fenómeno ya conocido como
Primavera Árabe. En esta ponencia se trata de explicar el movimiento social que ocasionó y
fue en sí la citada Revolución, que causas había y los problemas sociales de la sociedad
tunecina que motivaron la Revolución de los Jazmines, con su cenit el 14 de enero de 2011,
que provocó la huida del país al exilio en Arabia Saudí, del que fue hasta ese momento su
principal dirigente el Presidente de la República Zine el Abidine Ben Alí, por el profundo
rechazo que sus políticas habían provocado en la población, especialmente en los últimos
años de mandato, marcados por la corrupción del régimen y de la falta de expectativas para