Neorealism

Italo Calvino è stato una presenza centrale nella cultura italiana del secondo Novecento, sia come autore di alcune delle opere più significative di quegli anni, sia come intellettuale impegnato in prima persona sui grandi problemi politici, sociali e culturali, da posizioni sempre lucide e ferme.
La sua parabola letteraria si caratterizza per l’inesausta sperimentazione di generi e forme narrative, in un susseguirsi di stagioni creative sempre diverse e, almeno in apparenza, contrastanti tra loro. Quella di Calvino è infatti una produzione varia, che però non si è mai sottratta ad alcune costanti, etiche e culturali prima ancora che letterarie: la scrittura come riflessione e giudizio, un razionalismo di tipo metodologico, l’interesse per le scienze naturali, il gusto della chiarezza e il sottile umorismo.
L’obiettivo che mi prefiggo in questo lavoro è quello di analizzare tre opere realizzate nell’arco temporale dei primi anni Cinquanta: I giovani del Po del 1950-51, La formica argentina scritto tra il 1949 e il 1952 e Il Visconte dimezzato, la cui felice composizione risale all’estate del 1951.
Tre percorsi narrativi vicinissimi nel tempo, ma diversi tra loro, per caratteristiche formali e contenutistiche, che tuttavia presentano elementi comuni, quali la descrizione del paesaggio, i gesti e i movimenti dei personaggi, la puntualità e la rapidità del raccontare, la visione della realtà. Per comprendere come Calvino sia arrivato a concepire tre opere comunque tanto differenti l’una dall’altra (dal realismo d’impegno civile ne I giovani del Po, un romanzo in parte epistolare e in parte in terza persona, specchio del mondo contemporaneo, al realismo ne La formica argentina, un racconto lungo, caratterizzato da un linguaggio tendente al simbolismo, in cui la natura diventa specchio della storia, a Il visconte dimezzato, un romanzo breve, che ha come tema l’alienazione dell’uomo contemporaneo, dove fantasia e realtà si mescolano, creando una fiaba surreale) è
fondamentale comprendere il periodo precedente agli anni Cinquanta, nel quale il giovane si è formato e affermato.

This thesis takes an interdisciplinary approach combining research methods in history and political science to propose that the fundamental cause of Rome’s entry into and later domination of the Greek world was its reaction to a series of geopolitical developments in the Mediterranean region around the years 219 – 188 BCE. The thesis contends that the dominant paradigm in current scholarship on Roman imperialism assigns too much value to the internal structures of Roman society and consequently overlooks the importance of developments in the interstate system, in which the Roman state was a participant.

Following Alexander’s unexpected death in 323, his subordinates waged constant warfare for the next four decades to divide the spoils of his vast empire. By the 280s, these wars subsided, and an unstable balance of power emerged in the east Mediterranean, between the Antigonid, Ptolemaic and Seleucid dynasties.

This balance of power shattered seventy years later due to a sudden decline in Ptolemaic power, caused by a massive native uprising in Egypt, chronic domestic maladministration and a series of unfortunate coincidences. Ptolemaic collapse triggered what political scientists term a power-transition crisis, as it motivated the Antigonid and Seleucid rulers to launch aggressive wars with the aim of capturing Ptolemaic territory. Their aggression threatened the independence of minor Greek states, which attempted to recreate a tripolar balance of power in the region by appealing to Rome for intervention in the crisis.

With the Roman defeat of the two great dynasties and the collapse of the third, a new interstate system emerged in the Mediterranean: hegemony under the government of the Romans.

This essay evaluates the role of Neorealism in the Ukraine Crisis. This crisis began with a deal being made with Russia over the EU which caused a West sponsored coup which Russia took great offense to. This led to the subsequent invasion of Crimea, a region of Ukraine with strong ethnic ties to Russia. Pro-Russian separatists also took up arms in other parts of Ukraine. Neorealism says that the events in the Ukraine are a product of Liberal dogma that the West constantly peddles to their own ends. Russia warned that if Ukraine were to become part of NATO it would cause major issues. The West failed to heed such a warning. For Liberals, Ukraine wanted to join NATO to maximise their national interests, to become part of an interdependent, cooperative, peaceful organisation that will benefit them by creating a common identity to help prevent conflict. For Constructivists, this scenario is about social interactions, not power politics. It is simply Ukraine trying to establish relationships with NATO and the Russians, not a blame game. Constructivists say perceptions over friends and enemies impact state behaviour. Ukraine choosing to align with NATO as a friendly makes them an enemy of Russia, as NATO is Russia's

Regionalism in a global perspective sets forth a win-win condition on all member states of regional blocs. Summing up the entire analysis, economic regionalism, political regionalism and security regionalism have got many dimensions, much beyond the age-old traditional view points. The neoliberal and neorealist interpretations of each kind of regionalism posses the potential to resolve major existing problems all around the world. Moreover, it sets forth a new level of analysis, neither state-level nor international-level, but essentially on a regional level. The interpretations can be implemented in reality to usher in a new era of supra-national cooperation, certainly not a utopian thought. The UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) Agenda 2030 can be fulfilled on the lines of such interpretation, incorporating the ideas of holistic growth and development.

Neorealism is one of the most influential theories of international relations, and its first theorist, Kenneth Waltz, a giant of the discipline. But why did Waltz move from a rather traditional form of classical realist political theory in the 1950s to neorealism in the 1970s? A possible answer is that Waltz's Theory of International Politics was his attempt to reconceive classical realism in a liberal form. Classical realism paid a great deal of attention to decisionmaking and statesmanship, and concomitantly asserted a nostalgic, anti-liberal political ideology. Neorealism, by contrast, dismissed the issue of foreign policymaking and decisionmaking. This shift reflected Waltz's desire to reconcile his acceptance of classical realism's tenets with his political commitment to liberalism. To do so, Waltz incorporated cybernetics and systems theory into Theory of International Politics, which allowed him to develop a theory of international relations no longer burdened with the problem of decisionmaking.

These drawings from 1928 are a practical plan for a radical new kind of camera, one especially rich in history and mystery and tied to the creation of the Neo-realist movement in Cinema. This design for what was perhaps the very first hands-free camera, created by the legendary Alessandro Blasetti and Ernesto Cauda, was mysteriously never executed and the camera never built. Why not, considering its revolutionary design? After all, at the time this camera was designed a director had only two basic choices for working with a camera: put it on a tripod - either standing alone or itself on a moveable dolly - or take it off the tripod and use it handheld. Blasetti's and Cauda's design, however, represents a new, entirely different approach, offering three great advances. First, it distributes weight to the neck and chest, making it far easier than a handheld camera to operate for long periods. Second, it offers a new mobility of movement, allowing the entire body to become a flexible moving tripod, giving a certain steadiness that handheld does not offer. Third, it leaves the hands free to crank the film and adjust focus. Why would such an important set of advances be abandoned? Why was the design, which won its patent, then abandoned? To answer this question, we set out to finally build this camera, some 84 years after it was designed and forgotten. We will offer it to the public to try it on and experience a piece of cinema history, and to come to understand something new about the remarkable historical currents and utopian dreams in the 1920s.

This paper assesses Thucydides' thoughts on the causes and inevitability of conflict in the Peloponnese by incorporating realist theories of interstate relations in addition to a sound analysis of Athenian imperial policy and the role of kinship in ancient Greek warfare.

Öz
Doğu Akdeniz farklı etnik, siyasi, dini, kültürel yapısıyla özellikle 2. Dünya Savaşı sonrası gerilimlerin eksik olmadığı bir bölge olmuştur. Bölgedeki aktörlerin tarihsel sorunları güvenlik kaygılarını besleyen bir etki yaratmıştır. Günümüzde uluslararası ilişkilerin gerilim alanlarından belli başlısının enerji kaynakları ile ilgili olduğu görülmektedir. 2000’li yıllarda Doğu Akdeniz’de keşfedilen hidrokarbon kaynaklar, bölgedeki mevcut gerilimleri artıran bir unsur olmuştur. Türkiye’nin bölgeye ilgisi tarihsel bağları yanında en temel bakış açısıyla yakın dönem Kıbrıs sorunu bağlamında açıklanabilmektedir. Ancak Türkiye genel güvenlik ve enerji güvenliği kaygıları, artan enerji tüketimi ve enerji koridoru / merkezi olma hedefi kapsamında da bölgeyi dış politikasının odak noktasında görmektedir. Bu kapsamda, bölge ülkelerinden, en uzun kıyı uzunluğuna sahip ülkesi Türkiye’nin, bölgeye ilişkin politikalarının incelenmesi önemli görülmektedir.
Arap Baharını takiben, Libya ve Suriye iç savaşı gibi çatışma alanlarının yaygınlaşması sonrası, bölge dışı güçlerin müdahil olması ile birlikte Doğu Akdeniz son dönemde uluslararası ilişkilerin odak noktasını teşkil etmeye başlamıştır. Aynı zaman diliminde bölgedeki hidrokarbon temelli deniz yetki alanları sorunlarındaki gerilim, uluslararası ilişkiler açısından bölgeye yönelik politikaları ve olayları yönlendiren dinamikleri anlamayı önemli hale getirmiştir. Uluslararası sistemin anarşik yapıda olduğunu kabul eden ve devletler açısından gücü artırmanın yanında güvenliği sağlamanın da önemine odaklanan neorealist kuramın, son gelişmeler ışığında bölge politikalarının anlamlandırılması için uygun bir bakış açısı sunduğu değerlendirilmektedir.
Bu çalışmada, Türkiye’nin Doğu Akdeniz enerji politikası neorealist yaklaşımla analiz edilerek, Türk dış politikasının belirli bir bölümü teorik açıdan incelenecek ve uluslararası ilişkiler disiplinine katkı sağlanmaya çalışılacaktır. Bu kapsamda öncelikli olarak neorealist kuramın analize temel teşkil eden esasları ortaya konulacak, çalışmayla ilişkili olan Doğu Akdeniz’deki siyasal gelişmeler ele alınacak, son olarak Türkiye’nin Doğu Akdeniz enerji politikası analiz edilecektir.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Neorealizm, Türkiye, Doğu Akdeniz, Enerji Politikası, Hidrokarbon, Doğalgaz


Neorealism Theory and Eastern Mediterranean Energy Policy of Turkey
Abstract
Because of its various ethnic, political, religious and cultural diversity, Eastern Mediterranean has never been without tension, in particular after World War II. The historical disputes among the regional players contributed to the security concerns. It can be observed today that energy sources are one of the main causes of international conflicts. Hydrocarbon resources, discovered in the eastern Mediterranean in the early 2000s, have become a factor that increases the already existing tension in the region by creating disputes regarding the maritime jurisdiction zones.
After the Arab Spring, with conflict zones spreading with Libya and Syrian civil war and outside players getting involved; Eastern Mediterranean has become the focal point of international relations. Neorealist approach, which acknowledges the international system is anarchic and from the viewpoint of the states focuses both on increasing their power and ensuring security; in light of recent events provides a proper perspective regarding the interpretation of the regional policies. Among all the countries in the region, the analysis of the regional policy of Turkey with the longest coastline in the eastern Mediterranean is considered significant.
This study aims to contribute to international relations discipline by analyzing certain parts of Turkish Foreign Policy from a theoretical perspective while the energy policy of the country is analyzed in line with neorealist approach. In this context, firstly, basic principles of neorealist theory, which will be the basis of the analysis, will be presented; political developments in the eastern Mediterranean concerning this study will be discussed, lastly the regional policy of Turkey will be analyzed. 
Key Words: Neorealism, Turkey, Eastern Mediterranean, Energy Policy, Hydrocarbon, Natural Gas

"Cinema is the most powerful weapon " – Benito Mussolini's motto loomed in capital letters over the 1937 inauguration of the massive production hub being built in the outskirts of Rome, reminding the film industry what was expected of it. Notwithstanding the effort to deploy cinema as a key technology for governing the nation and the empire, in the early 1940s film became a battlefield for the Regime. This excavates from the closet of memory the story of the Cinema cell, the group of young film enthusiasts who, in fascist Italy, engaged in what today we would call " media activism " : they put their lives on the line, infiltrated the film industry, and shouldered the movie camera as their initial weapon of combat against a defiant totalitarianism. Here, I focus on how the underground formation elaborated an iteration of filmic realism that countered the implantation in the body politic of racialized fantasies of national identity. In tracing the cell's efforts to develop a gaze on the nation that would oppose the race-driven realism advocated by Mussolini's son Vittorio, among others, I establish a genealogy for Visconti's 1943 Ossessione and its display of queerness as the authentic alternative to fascist life. By way of conclusion, I disentangle the system of intimacy and affectivity harnessed by this film from the one that postwar neorealism contributed to securing.

Brazilian leadership – ratified by its constitution – presents a discourse of peace and cooperation towards the dynamics of the international system. Realism, however, predicts the country’s international posture to be guided primarily on power and on practical and material matters, following its growth in stature in the international arena.
This work evaluates in what extent Brazilian rise is being performed according to realist theory.
The work confirms changing in Brazil’s relative power, evaluate Brazil’s domestic factors pushing the country to defy western major powers, applies event data to identify what are the perceived threats to its security and what is the country's main goal in the international arena.
The work looks for a noticeable effort for strengthening Brazil’s military capacity and external alliances as evidences that the country is in fact starting to “emulate” great power’s behavior to face a competitive world.
The study confirms that Brazilian growth and consequent pursuit of more space in the international arena is being subtly performed according to the realist approach to international politics, although the country is still struggling to conciliate the ambition to play a larger role in the world arena, with a declared “destiny” to do it in a cooperative way, supported by peaceful attitudes.

Building on the neorealist assumption, the current study argues that during the analysed time frame (2006-2016), the energy related issues have contributed to a shift in the Black Sea regional structure which drastically affected the regional balance of power. The current strategic reset determined by the shift in the regional system from a "balanced multipolar" system, to an "unbalanced" one warns about the new regional context that has reached an unprecedented level of uncertainty. In order to test this assumption, the study utilizes interpretative case studies for each Black Sea riparian state focusing on analysing the trends in the energy cooperation. The results reveal that energy cooperation represents a crucial aspect for interpreting and elucidating the complexity of the Black Sea regionalisation process, for defining and characterising the space of interactions between the riparian states and for understanding the power distribution within the region.

The paper is a critique over the contemporary “global governance.” This kind of critique is not, it has been intensified since early 20th century at the high noon of World War II, especially the debate between Hans Morgenthau and Carl Schmitt, albeit surreptitiously. The debates will be inherited further to the recent neorealist and neoliberalist, thus a reflection of the oscillation of the US foreign policy between isolation and commitment toward global affair. We may have seen the gradual emerging of Biden’s foreign policy as a recuperative neoliberalist commitment of “human rights-centered” agenda to render a new reality in global politics over the departed Trump’s unconventional approach on isolationism. The dialectics remains until the coming katechon. Nomos and katechon are the most important related concepts constituted in the international law invented by Schmitt that overwhelmingly posts influence over Morgenthau’s thought.

In an article with the challenging title ‘Against Realism’, Alan O'Leary and Catherine O'Rawe (2011) argued that Italian cinema studies needed to move forward. In their view, the abuse of ‘realism’ as a prescriptive as well as descriptive term had stunted research into Italian cinema of the postwar period, channelling it exclusively towards neorealist trends and thus devaluing study of the other forms, movements, auteurs and productions that emerged during the same period. This historiographical tendency, which Christopher Wagstaff aptly called the ‘institution of neorealism’ (2007, 37), encouraged the development of reverential study and by the 1960s had assumed the form of a canon. While the position taken by O'Leary and O'Rawe was certainly provocative, it has served to stimulate thinking about the areas of postwar Italian cinema that had remained in the shadows and unexplored. Starting to focus on an ‘other’ cinema has not had to mean ‘forgetting’ neorealism, but has brought changes to the way that it is studied. Almost ten years later, the challenge seems to be to rethink neorealism as a transnational phenomenon that straddles different periods, genres and contexts; while it has its roots in postwar European culture, it continues to be influential on a global level.

The Kargil War of 1999 was one of the three wars fought by India and Pakistan over the disputed region of Kashmir. Pakistan’s incursion into the Kargil sector of Indian occupied Kashmir across the internationally recognized Line of Control led to a series of military operations that finally culminated in the withdrawal of the Pakistani forces in the face of mounting pressure from the international community. The war was fought against the backdrop of India and Pakistan’s nuclear testing followed by a peace process convened to build confidence in the uneasy security context.
The purpose of this report is to assess the conflict in all its dimensions in order to highlight the key incompatibilities that led to the war. The report conducts a contextual and structural analysis of the conflict, along with an evaluation of the parties involved, the dynamics of the conflict and potential for conflict regulation to reach its final conclusion. The findings of the report show that the conflict was a result of Pakistani military command’s aim to internationalize the Kashmir issue and design a military solution to the dispute. It is also revealed that the nuclear capacities of both the states acted as a deterrent to a nuclear war but it also elicited security concerns globally and drew out a decisive international response.
The report has analyzed all of the aforementioned key components of the conflict to conclude that the Kargil war was fought by Pakistan and India to gain leverage in matters of national security and interests while using the nuclear backdrop as a deterrent to escalation into an all out nuclear war.

Rus edebiyatında XIX. yüzyılın ilk çeyreğinde realizm akımı ortaya çıkar. Yüzyılın sonlarına doğru sembolizm akımı ile birlikte edebiyatta modernizm süreci başlar. 1910 ve 1920"li yıllarda ise edebiyatta çoğulculuk (plüralizm) görülür. Sembolizm, akmeizm, fütürizm, neorealizm, neoromantizm gibi pek çok akım; imajinizm, LEF (Sol Sanat Cephesi) 3 , RAPP (Rus Proleter Yazarlar Derneği) 4 gibi birçok edebiyat grubu; Mezanin Şiir 5 ve Santrifüj 6 gibi edebiyat birlikleri bu yıllarda aynı anda varlıklarını sürdürürler. Çoğulculuğun görüldüğü bu dönemde neorealizmin ortaya çıkışı, klasik realizmin krizi ve realizm akımının yeni yüzyıl insanının dünya görüşüne uyum sağlama ihtiyacıyla bağlantılı olarak biçim değiştirmesi ile ilişkilidir. Neorealizm, modernist bir üslup eğilimidir. Akımın tarihsel gelişimi, Gümüş Çağ dönemindeki oluşum süreci, 1917-1920"li yıllardaki parlak dönemi ve 1930"lu yıllar olmak üzere üç döneme ayrılır. Neorealist sanat yönteminde realizm ve sembolizmin özellikleri bir arada görülür, ancak sembolizmin özellikleri daha ağır basar. Neorealizm akımı içerisinde realist ve sembolist yöntemlerin haricinde, empresyonist, ekspresyonist vb. yöntemler bir araya getirilir. Bu çalışmada, betimleyici ve karşılaştırmalı yöntem kullanılarak neorealizmin ortaya çıkışına, özelliklerine, tipolojisine, temsilcilerine, gelişim evrelerine ve neorealizm içindeki alt eğilimlere, başvurdukları edebî tür ve üsluplara açıklık getirilmiştir. Neorealizm konusunda Türkiye"de neredeyse hiçbir bilimsel çalışmanın yapılmamış olması Rus Edebiyatı alanında ciddi bir boşluk teşkil etmektedir. Bu nedenle söz konusu çalışma, bundan sonraki araştırmalar için bir ön adım niteliğindedir.

Since the end of the Cold War, many scholars questioned the relevance of nuclear weapons in a world where is not clearly defined as unipolar or multipolar. Many critics of the nuclear weapons see them as the outdated tools of the power and hegemony of an outdated system and a theory, simply Realism. Nevertheless, despite the risks of vertical and horizontal spread of nuclear weapons to new states or to demonic non-state actors, sovereign states still stock them and share an enormous amount of budget to modernize these outdated tools. Notwithstanding with the critics of them, in this article, we will approach these tools with our reference to the Neoclassical Realism and try to define what nuclear proliferation means in a world where modified Realism resurged with its old school thoughts and with its tools of foreign policy. This article merely answers the critics of Realism and nuclear weapons' presence in accordance with the systematic and unit-level analysis rather than doing it with an ethical and utopian bias.

Özet: Soğuk Savaş'ın sonundan itibaren, birçok akademisyen tek kutuplu mu yoksa çok kutuplu mu olduğu bilinmeyen bir dünya da nükleer silahların gerekliliğini sorguladı. Nükleer silahların eleştirmenleri, onları, mazide kalmış bir teori ve sistem olan Realizmin güç ve hegemonya anlayışını sürdüren modası geçmiş araçlar olarak nitelendiriyordu. Nükleer silahların yatay ve dikey olarak diğer devletlere ve şiddet yanlısı devlet-dışı aktörlere yayılmasına rağmen, birçok egemen devlet bu modası geçmiş aletleri depolamayı sürdürüyor ve bunları modernize etmek için büyük miktarda bütçe ayırmaya devam ediyor. Bu eleştirmenlerden ayrı olarak, bu araçlara, Neo-klasik Realizmi referans alarak eski kavramların da yardımıyla Realizmin yükseldiği bir dünyada dış politikanın bir aracı olarak bakacağız. Bu makale, Realizmin eleştirmenlerine, etik ve ütopik bir bakış açısıyla değil, sistematik ve aktör bazlı bir analizle yanıt vermeyi hedefliyor.

The end of the Cold War, partly brought about by NATO, left the Atlantic Alliance facing a number of challenges and dilemmas regarding the survival and future of trans-Atlantic security relations in a changed international situation. The debate over the future of the Alliance is yet to be concluded due to varying attitudes of individual member states and theoretical concepts. Of crucial importance for assessing NATO’s transformation capacity in the post-Cold War period is the definition of a trans-Atlantic strategy by the United States, which remains a key member of the Atlantic Alliance. Taking into account the changes in international policy from the late 1980s and early 1990s, the objective of the article is to analyse the process of NATO transformation from the point of view of the three most important theories of international relations, i.e. neorealism, neoliberal institutionalism and social constructivism. Each of them offers a different approach to the issue of redefi ning the functioning of the Atlantic Alliance after the end of the Cold War. Despite the differences, these theoretical approaches can be treated as complementary rather than competing.

La discussione sul naturalismo e l’imitazione della natura (o realtà storico– sociale) è antica. Per restringere il discorso al verismo e all’opera di Verga che, come vedremo, è alla base di ogni discorso sul neorealismo di Bernari e Zavattini, bisogna considerare che l’equivoco della verità, un personaggio di Cervantes si chiede se è vero quello che scrivono i libri, è insito nel nome stesso del movimento letterario. Verismo dovrebbe infatti significare rappresentazione di ciò che è vero, pur nella finzione letteraria. Le cose non stanno però così. Il saggio completo è pubblicato col titolo "I più segreti legami" sinergie neorealiste tra letteratura e arti visive  nel carteggio Bernari-Zavattini (1932-1989) da www.rivistadistudiitaliani.it  diretta da Anthony Verna

Neorealism and Neoliberalism provide alternative explanations of Russian intervention in Ukraine.  This paper finds that Neoliberal's naivety over NATO and EU eastward expansionism provoked a rational and predictable Russian  ‘balancing’ response, in accordance with  principals of defensive realism.

Guglielmo Alberti – a Piedmontese antifascist intellectual of European importance, a friend among
others of Gobetti, Gide, Curtius, Debenedetti, Pavese, Berenson, Cecchi, a literary critic and translator
– and Gianfranco Contini met in Friburgo (Switzerland) in the Autumn 1943. Alberti had got in
Friburgo, where Contini was a Professor of Romance philology, as a refugee after the Nazi invasion
of Northern Italy. Their friendship is testified by an exchange of letters lasting from 1944 to 1959 and
counting 75 items. The article examines the first year of this correspondence, from April 3, 1944 to
April 25, 1945, documenting their shared anxieties about the civil war in Italy, their common work on
Italian literature and their active engagement in antitotalitarian politics. The two main common efforts
carried out by Alberti and Contini were the publication of an issue (edited by Contini in 1944) of
the periodical « Lettres » dedicated to Italian literature, and (from February to June 1945) of « Cultura
e Azione », a weekly literary supplement to the daily « Il Dovere », printed in Bellinzona. The fateful
day of 25 April 1945 will bring both the Liberation of Italy from Nazi-fascism and the announcement
of Alberti’s wedding, at which Contini will act as best man.