Gender and Politics

The female terrorist circulates within contemporary Western culture as an object of fascination and heightened concern. Gender and the Political analyses cultural constructions of the female terrorist, arguing that she operates as a limit case of both feminine and feminist agency. Drawing on an interdisciplinary theoretical framework, this book demonstrates that the development of the discourse on terrorism evolves in parallel with, and in response to, radical feminism in the US in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Situated at the borderlines between sexuality, threat and abjection, Amanda Third argues that the figure of the female terrorist compels a reexamination of the project of radical politics and the limits of modernity.

http://www.palgrave.com/page/detail/gender-and-the-political-amanda-third/?K=9781137402752

"A fascinating exploration of the historical twinning of terrorism and feminism in the U.S. By redirecting our attention to these important discourses emerging in the 60's and 70s, this book provides a crucial corrective to counter post 9/11 anxieties that continually project the terrorist as somehow coming from elsewhere." - Jasbir K. Puar, Associate Professor of Women's and Gender Studies, Rutgers University, USA

"Amanda Third's Gender and the Political convincingly argues that the modern concepts of terrorism and feminism are historically and conceptually interwoven. The book does this by reading terrorism studies against the grain while simultaneously positioning the concept of terrorism as a central trope of postmodern thought. These two discourses - the former increasingly foundational to, the latter highly critical of, the modern state and social order - are placed in fruitful conversation with one another, resulting in a deeply illuminating study of the contemporary political terrain in the United States." - Mehmet Döşemeci, Assistant Professor of History, Bucknell University, USA

In the midst of the 1970s, where the immersion of culture battles made an entrance in the realms of politics and gender issues, Protect Renoir (1974) by Helen Frankenthaler was seen as polarizing in multiple dimensions as critics believed she was trying to defend the “male gaze” - the idea that women bodies were used as an object to satisfy male sexual desire within the visual representation domain. Protect Renoir is considered to be rebellious, it not only embraces the appropriation of Renoir’s fleshy colors palette but also elevates female sexuality through its dampness texture created by the pour of turpentine which allows the audience to view the legacy of Renoir in its true light. Frankenthaler used her status as a female painter to bring back the concept of “feminine mystique” and the embracement of sensuality in female sexuality without being interfered with moralizing didacticism of what was considered to be decadent gaze in our modern political correctness era.

This was a research paper for a course entitled Feminist and Multicultural Theologies. I unpack what gender complementarianism is, examine its history, and compare it to how Scripture and earlier Christian Tradition understood gender. This allows me to establish that gender complementarianism is a recent innovation in secular and Christian thinking about gender, and that it can be described as a "trajectory" from Scripture and Tradition on gender, influenced by social, ideological, and intellectual developments in secular societies. I then pursue a critique of gender complementarianism, arguing that it is an "unsatisfactory trajectory" because it has troubling implications for orthodox theology, is not borne out by empirical experience and observation, and has harmful effects on human beings and societies and on ethical development.

Situado no contexto brasileiro, o livro "Gênero e desigualdades: limites da democracia no Brasil" mobiliza teorias e dados que pudemos acumular e qualificar nas últimas décadas com o objetivo de compreender impasses e contradições da democracia brasileira, tendo como referência a agenda da igualdade de gênero. Para tanto, analisa cinco temáticas: (1) divisão sexual do trabalho, (2) cuidado e responsabilidades, (3) família e maternidade, (4) aborto, sexualidade e autonomia, (5) feminismos e atuação política. Apresenta um diagnóstico de mudanças e permanências no período democrático da Nova República, buscando colaborar para a compreensão da persistência de padrões desiguais, injustos e violentos.

First published in 1988, this volume redefined the anthropological study of menstrual customs. Examining cultures as diverse as long-house dwellers in North Borneo, African farmers, Welsh housewives, and postindustrial American workers, it challenged the previously widespread image of a universal "menstrual taboo" as well as the common assumption of universal female subordination that underlay it. Offering feminist perspectives on comparative gender politics and symbolism, the book has interested students and scholars in anthropology, women's studies, religion, and comparative health systems. Originally listed as a “Notable” book in Choice, it later won the first Most Enduring Edited Collection Prize, awarded by the Council for the Anthropology of Reproduction (a unit of the American Anthropological Association.). The book continues to be taught regularly around the world.

Some numbers on religiosity in the U.S.  We are far more religious than our narrative of secularity would suggest.  Religion and politics in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), Saba Mahmood, and Pierre Bourdieu's Doxa and Habitus.  Mahmood suggests:  what about a conservative, religious-orthodox feminism?  Teaching about women's empowerment / agency and the women's veiling movement in MENA.

For source links in blog pieces, go to blog link:

https://www.e-ir.info/2016/12/09/inhabiting-orthodoxy-discussing-islam-and-feminism-continued/

Podstawowym celem artykułu jest analiza udziału kobiet w samorządzie lokalnym i wiejskim na przykładzie funkcji radnej gminy i sołtyski. Autorka poszukuje odpowiedzi na pytania o skalę tego zaangażowania, jego zmian w czasie oraz przestrzennych zróżnicowań. W pierwszej części artykułu została opisana dynamika zmian udziału kobiet w samorządzie lokalnym i wiejskim przed i po 1989 r. Następnie zostaną omówione zróżnicowania zaangażowania kobiet w strukturach samorządowych w poszczególnych regionach kraju. Ogólny trend wzrostu odsetka kobiet wśród radnych i sołtysów jest kształtowany przez: uwarunkowania instytucjonalne i polityczne, charakter samych funkcji, poziom kapitału kulturowego oraz zasoby biograficzne samych kobiet wiejskich, proces redefinicji ról społecznych kobiet i mężczyzn oraz czynniki kontekstowe. Treść artykułu opiera się na wybranej literaturze przedmiotu, dostępnych statystykach publicznych oraz wynikach jakościowego badania własnego.

Captured and branded in the highly recognizable image of the pink ribbon, the politics of breast cancer at the start of the 21st century is markedly hopeful (given the grim statistics) and surprisingly compliant with the medical establishment’s defined health goals and approaches to addressing the breast cancer epidemic.  In keeping with this volume’s theme of “Working to be Healthy”, this chapter examines and evaluates how the pink ribbon message has shaped and organized social response to breast cancer. The work in question is “healthwork”, a term found in the critical health literature denoting the active and purposeful work that people do to look after their health (Mykhalovskiy and McCoy, 2002). Healthwork analysis tends to focus on personal care practices—taking medicines, dealing with healthcare practitioners, informal care-giving, health information seeking, etc.—that are then subject to examination of how those individual actions invite extended relations of governance and ruling (Mykhalovskiy, McCoy and Bresalier, 2004).  In this examination of breast cancer campaigns, the same analytic concern with governance is taken, but the health-related work is extended beyond personal care and self-surveillance to also include the volunteer work done by many concerned citizens in their contributions of time, energy, and money to support campaigns for the cure.

In this chapter, I argue that while the appropriation of the language and themes of the early women’s health movement frames pink ribbon activism as a highly personal, emancipatory, and socially-responsible individual effort, this brand of breast cancer activism instead serves to fund a limited biomedical research agenda that is largely shielded from public scrutiny.  This agenda has been universalized through endearing “hero” narratives of personal struggle that inspire civic engagement by complicit consumers rather than critical activists. Pink ribbon activism problematically diverges from the women’s health movement’s demand for participation in setting the research agenda and determining treatment strategies. This neglect is troubling, given that breast cancer discourse is so fraught with contested knowledge claims regarding disease aetiology, prevention, and treatment. While the pink ribbon message offers hope and optimism, it does so by suppressing many counterclaims, disputes, and ambiguities surrounding the problem of breast cancer. Instead of soft “pink”, a more critical social response to breast cancer is needed in order to ensure women’s informed participation in addressing this serious challenge to women’s health.

Feminist criticisms of the Bush Administration distinguish its feminized security rhetoric, which claims to support women's rights in Iraq and Afghanistan, from its actions at home and abroad, which undermine hard-won gains for women. This distinction between words and deeds obscures, on the one hand, the tremendous progress that feminists have made in framing women's rights as an issue that ought to be taken seriously and, on the other hand, the way that this rhetoric is itself a significant form of political action: It aims to influence how Americans will conceptualize the struggle for women's rights. I correct for these problems by developing a political theory of what I call the “framing effect” of rhetoric—its power to shape our worldview. Frames, I suggest, are related to one another dialogically: They build on one another by transposing old rhetorical frames into new contexts. The Bush Administration draws on existing feminist rhetoric, but transforms it by combining it with two other kinds of discourse: a rhetoric of chivalrous respect and a rhetoric of democratic peace. I show that in both rhetorical frames, the Bush Administration bases its concern with women's rights abroad upon the presumption that the women's movement in the United States successfully achieved its goals long ago. My analysis of how current security rhetoric frames women's rights can help us to understand both how the Bush Administration is able to use feminist ideas in new and nonfeminist ways and how we in turn might redeploy the Bush rhetoric so as to challenge the presumption that women at home already enjoy their full rights.

"‘This book illuminates the fascinating life of Eva Gore-Booth. Often lost in the shadow of her more famous sister, Constance, Eva finally emerges as a key figure. Historian Sonja Tiernan has written an exciting and vibrant life of this extraordinary woman, at once an intrepid feminist, pacifist and advocate for social justice.’
Professor Maria Luddy, University of Warwick

This is the first dedicated biography of the radical Irish writer and political activist, Eva Gore-Booth. A vast body of material from private collections and state archives has been used to uncover this remarkable life history.

Born into West of Ireland Anglo-Irish landed gentry, Gore-Booth dramatically rejected her aristocratic heritage, choosing to live and work amongst the poorest classes in industrial Manchester. Her pioneering work on behalf of barmaids, circus performers, flower sellers and pit-brow lasses is traced here with clarity and enthusiasm. The story of Gore-Booth's life is captivating and provides new insights into key political issues of early twentieth century Ireland and Britain. A prolific author who enjoyed a place within W.B. Yeats' literary circle, Gore-Booth also fostered a well-deserved reputation as a determined and successful political activist, at one stage defeating no less an adversary than Winston Churchill. This ground-breaking book reveals Gore-Booth’s experiences of militant pacifism during the Great War, her campaign to reprieve Roger Casement's death sentence, her instrumental role in the fight for sexual equality in the English workplace and her unwavering struggle for Irish independence. Her close bond with her sister, Countess Markievicz, an iconic and sometimes divisive Irish nationalist, offers the reader a new dimension into Markievicz's personal life.

Comprehensive and engaging, this book establishes Eva Gore-Booth as a significant player in Irish and British politics and as a major figure in literary, women’s and trade union history."

Political communication and mass media play an important role in shaping societal attitudes, gender roles for women and public policies in general. This paper is an exploration of relationships between the mass media's sexist attitude and its impact on women's political representation. We shall look at international comparative studies on political communication and the writings of Kamala Basin and Bina Aggarwal to understand the relationship between women and media in India. Political representation in any country requires a fair and equitable voice in the Fourth pillar of democracy. If the media and political communicators have stereotypical thinking of gender roles, then it becomes difficult to shape an inclusive society. Hence, it is important to use political rhetoric and media networks to bust gender bias in a progressive manner. In a gendered polity and society, how can we shape a feminist narrative? This paper investigates the issues and provides a way forward.

In many Muslim-majority countries, Islamic movements and parties tend to negatively view women’s access to political leadership positions. The dominant gender discourse of these movements, which is often based on patriarchal interpretations of religious texts, views women’s proper place to be within the domestic sphere as mothers and wives, and largely denies women’s active presence in the public sphere, including in political decision-making positions. Despite this official gender ideology, women have nonetheless been playing increasingly powerful roles within many Islamic political movements and parties with varying degrees of visibility and influence. In this brief I highlight that mobilized and politicized Islamic women are increasingly outspoken about their demand to access decision-making positions.

One of the ways to account for the inability of the French feminist movement to think differences among women (as illustrated by the recent controversies around the wearing of the Islamic veils) is to examine its firm allegiance to the dominant universalism that strongly pervades the French contemporary left, all the way from its more moderate, republican, tendencies, to its more radical, Marxist, tendencies.

The two major strands of French feminism, that I will identify here as radical and liberal, share a complex, ambivalent relationship with political universalism. On the one hand, the history of both radical and liberal feminism for the past 30 years, in line with a long history of feminist protest, has consisted in unmasking the false universalism that hides the male political subject. However, on the other hand, these two tendencies have in the same move reaffirmed their loyalty to the universalist framework, by universalizing the category of women.

I argue that this dominant feminist commitment to universalism should be understood as the sign that universalism still plays out as a dominant constraint on any attempt to redefine equality in the French universe of political discourse (Jenson 1998; Scott 2004). In other words, this commitment to a universal vision of gender has been a discursively constrained response to the gender blindness of the French political left, whether Marxist or Republican.

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Previous research has documented that the public often views women candidates through the lens of gender stereotypes. However, as much of this work draws on experimental designs and hypothetical candidates, we have less information about whether and how voters employ stereotypes in the face of real candidates for office. This project examines one important aspect of the impact of stereotypes on the fate of actual women candidates: whether gender stereotypes have a different influence on elections for different levels and types of offices. Previous research suggests that voters are more likely to apply male stereotypes and evaluate candidates differently as the level of office increases and as we consider executive versus legislative office. The research reported here draws on new data that capture voter attitudes and behaviors in real-world elections to test a series of hypotheses related to when and how gender stereotypes affect candidates for the U.S. Congress and governorships. I...

The article analyzes expressions of violence against women in Brazilian politics. It discusses events that could be classified as political violence against women, setting an exploratory analysis. It also presents and discusses theoretical approaches, international laws and documents that have recently produced definitions and answers to this kind of violence. The present context of political violence against women in Brazil is addressed considering two different sets of events. The first consists in reactions to women's rights in Congress, expressed in propositions and statements by Congress men. The second corresponds to representations of President Dilma Rousseff during the political process that resulted in her suspension in May 2016.

The chapter will introduce the basic component parts of a key political insti- tution, the electoral system, with attention to the franchise, districting, and the voting system, while setting out both the explicitly gendered definitions and implications of said rules. This will involve reviewing gendered struggles over inclusion/exclusion from the political process and the campaigns waged over them, as well as the arguments proffered on different sides. But it will also involve an examination of the gendered processes and results of electoral insti- tutions, specifically the way in which unequal power rooted in distinctions of gender are brought to bear on political contests institutionally.

This publication examines Ghana's foreign policy under the PNDC from (1981-1992) to determine whether the regime committed an ideological suicide during the era under review or it had a change in its ideological leaning for economic adjustment to receive external aid from Ghana's development partners especially IMF/WB.

***Description of this Reading***:
This is chapter six of my dissertation with only eleven pages available for preview here on Academia.edu.  It chronicles the beginning of Bethune's NCNW.  Readers gain a sense of her organizing principles, why she felt it was necessary to "pool" Black feminine political energy at this time, in the mid 1930s.  You will also get a sense of the friction she encountered from other Black activist women--an aspect of her political career that has not been properly examined.  In my narrative, archival/primary source research takes precedence.  Pulling particularly from newspapers of that era lend a more complete picture of the dynamics between these particular Black women activists.


***Near Future Plans for this Chapter***:
I am in the process of redeveloping this chapter to self-publish as part of a three-book series, "A Passion For Social Equality," covering Bethune's political activism during the 1930s and 1940s.  POLITICAL ADVOCACY FOR JUSTICE is the title of the third book, forthcoming.

POLITICAL ADVOCACY FOR JUSTICE will include an expanded narrative, interpretation, and analysis of Bethune's activism during the prewar period, from 1940-1941, and material regarding her activism during WWII.  (Some of the former material has already been published in my chapter two of THE ECONOMIC CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT; see http://www.routledge.com/books/details/9780415537360/.)

***On Book Series: "A Passion For Social Equality"***
The first book of this series has been published, entitled PUSHING THE LIMITS OF THE COLOR LINE: MARY McLEOD BETHUNE AND THE NEW DEAL.  It can be viewed at: https://www.createspace.com/4283303  or the Amazon link on this page.

In the chapter, Zabrzewska analyzes Polish politicians’ responses to the 2020 protests against the abortion ban through the lens of feminist philosophy. Using selected sources (e.g. the transcript of the Committee on Administration and the Interior) provided in the Gender, Voice, and Violence in Poland: Women’s Protests during the Pandemic sourcebook (Zabrzewska and Dubrow 2021), the author provides insights into how contemporary right-wing rhetoric relies on the body politic metaphor and on the gender bias inherent to mainstream notions of embodiment. She exposes how the facilitators of the anti-abortion law conceptualize the protesters and their demands as a disease or even a virus that threatens the state, as defined by the Catholic right wing. At the same time, the article shows how pro-abortion protests – as an example of what Judith Butler (2015) called “plural embodied action” – place the actual human body at the forefront of politics, heralding a possibility of arriving at a more livable future.

Despite its disapproval of the modernization of the woman’s role in the society, the
NSDAP could not prevent the consolidation of a female leadership within the party. This
was until 1945 in charge of leading the Reich´s woman´s corporation, organized in the
NS-Frauenschaft and the Deutsches Frauenwerk.
After a brief introduction into the structure of female organizations within the NSDAP,
the article aims at giving an overview over the recruitment and training of the women
cadres.
The last part of the article is based on a wide range of biographical sources and deals
with the socio-biographical and motivational profiles of the National Socialist female
leadership.
The article aims at proving the direct female influence on the establishment of a
woman´s leadership within the Nazi Party – in terms of defining its competences as well as
its political role and function for the women in the Third Reich. The article also shows that
the possibilities of female political participation within the Third Reich were not as limited
as the Nazi-propaganda would suggest. Instead they expanded, particularly through the
nazification of previously conservative and nationalist female political engagement.

The #MeToo movement has shaken Korea over the last two years (Hasunuma and Shin 2019). Prosecutor Seo Ji-hyun's public testimony in January 2018 charged a former Ministry of Justice official with sexual harassment and catalyzed the #MeToo movement. Hundreds of Korean women came forward and spoke up about being sexually abused by powerful men. Social media platforms were flooded with hashtags such as #WithYou to support the movement and to express solidarity with victims of sexual violence. Women have taken to the streets for months demanding government action to prevent and punish sexual violence.

This article analyses the debates about mixed marriages held within the Roman Curia (and especially the Roman Inquisition) between the sixteenth and the eighteenth centuries, integrating these debates with the normative and prescriptive literature. These authorities generally considered mixed marriages between Protestants and Catholics valid and even sacramental in virtue of the shared sacrament of the baptism, but at the same time constructed such unions as ‘carnal crimes’ to ‘abhor’. They believed that the most harmful effect of these polluting unions was that the Catholic partner might become tolerant of Protestantism, rendering the ‘heretic’ dangerously, contagiously familiar and abandoning future generations to heresy. Women were a particular concern for these authorities. Drawing upon traditional and somewhat contradictory ideas about women, they saw the wives in these marriages on one hand as particularly likely to be seduced by the ‘false faith’ because of their presumed weakness, but on the other hand they recognised women as a group with a special talent for beguiling men and so entrusted them with a missionary function towards their ‘heretical’ husbands. The role women could assume in mixed marriages therefore dynamised gender relations, but also caused social tension because of the challenge to patriarchal society, especially if they continued to practice their own faith and were entrusted with the religious education of the children.

This essay uses a mix of secondary literature, primary sources, and quantitative analysis to offer a comprehensive account of the ebbs and flows in women’s representation in Chinese politics during the reform (post-1978) era. The literature to date offers two conflicting accounts of women’s representation during this era. Some scholars present the period as a time of consistent decline; others present gains in representation levels from the 1990s onwards. This essay reconciles these two narratives for a unified account. It does so by updating Jude Howell’s concept of “state feminism” in reform-era China to show how state interests and civil society demands together determined women's participation levels during this period. The concept of "state feminism" treats women's representation in Chinese politics from 1949 to today as a reflection of state needs. Such a state-centric view has fueled many of the "declinist" depictions of female representation in the reform era. This essay affirms state feminism's dominant role in suppressing women's representation through the mid-1990s. But it also shows how the state, by promoting economic development and closing gender gaps in educational attainment, has had a moderately positive impact on women's representation over the past two decades. During the same period, civil society pressures have also emerged as a significant factor behind rising representation levels. For this reason, accounts of women’s representation in Chinese politics today must incorporate both state and non-state actors in their analyses as substantive influences.

"In 1932, Ladies’ Home Journal (LHJ) ran an extensive campaign, orchestrated by public relations
pioneer Edward Bernays, to persuade American women to end the Great Depression through
consumer purchases. Although the campaign failed, it is historically significant, illustrating how PR
and magazines worked together to prescribe women’s roles—a point little explored by feminist
historians. While some women read the campaign hegemonically, others resisted its message, even
adapting campaign language to suggest alternative plans. Foremost among these, I argue, was
Eleanor Roosevelt (ER), whose 1933 book title, It’s Up to the Women, is identical to the campaign’s
slogan. Attributed to ER alone, the slogan has been reprised in twenty-first-century Democratic
presidential campaigns and used elsewhere. Patriotic shopping has also reemerged in recent crises.
Although less important to feminists, FDR’s (Franklin D. Roosevelt) famous “fear” line from his First
Inaugural address resembles language in LHJ’s campaign. Thus, the campaign can be seen not
only as a site where the contested nature of women’s roles was played out but one that illustrates
how media language can be repurposed to shape changing cultural and political messages."

Tony Blair's use of the state to impose and manage the United Kingdom's global and individual identities, which not only defines New Labour but is doctrine in its own right, is analyzed in this look at the Contemporary Labour Party. Compared to Margaret Thatcher's market-led policies driven by social authoritarianism, Blairism is a political construct that persuades with hopes of social progressivism while maintaining the necessary disciplines of global capital. Showing how Blairism invites trust and advocates dialogue but hollows out party democracy to pursue pre-set objectives, this critique clarifies Blair's agenda in order to contest its forms of passive revolution with active construction of alternatives.

In den letzten Jahrzehnten hat sich das Feld der Geschlechterforschung zu einem äußerst produktiven, eigenständigen und ausdifferenzierten Wissensgebiet entwickelt, das im deutschsprachigen Raum durch ein Spannungsfeld zwischen Disziplinbildungsprozessen, disziplinübergreifenden Perspektiven und fachspezifischen
Zugängen gekennzeichnet ist.
Durch dieses Spannungsfeld ist auch das seit kurzem erschienene zweibändige Handbuch „Interdisziplinäre Geschlechterforschung“, herausgegeben von Beate Kortendiek, Birgit Riegraf und Katja Sabisch, gekennzeichnet, indem es sich dieser verschiedenen Herangehensweisen bedient und sehr heterogene Einblicke in die Erkenntnisse des Wissensfeldes liefert.

The debate below, on the role of women in the Islamic Republic of Iran, prompted by William O. Beeman's 2001 article, "Iranian Women's Situation has Improved under the Islamic Republic" was conducted in 2001 as part of the Gulf12000 project at Columbia University, directed by Gary Sick. Normally, these on-line discussions are reserved for members, but
this topic is of such general interest and aroused such intense emotions, that Keddie and Karimkhany asked permission of the participants to edit and reproduce the discussion for a wider audience. The final version was edited by Nikki R. Keddie, Professor Emerita of History at the University of California, Los Angeles, based on the selection and organization of the texts by co-editor Azita Karimkhany, alumna of Columbia University and researcher in Middle Eastern studies. For additional information on Gulf/2000, see the project website
at http://gu]f2000.coJumbia.edu/.

Este livro é fruto de uma investigação transnacional realizada entre os anos de 2018 e 2019 e de um profícuo diálogo entre seus autores sobre as relações entre gênero, religião, direitos e democracia. De forma sucinta, a obra analisa as novas configurações do conservadorismo religioso e os conflitos em torno das agendas da igualdade de gênero e da diversidade sexual na América Latina, considerando sua relação com a democracia.
Um dos argumentos centrais dos autores é que a forma atual do conservadorismo latino-americano está relacionada a uma temporalidade marcada pelos avanços dos movimentos feministas e LGBTQI e expressa coalizões políticas de grupos cristãos com setores não religiosos da direita. Neste sentido, dedica atenção à “cultura da morte” e à “ideologia de gênero”, que têm destaque entre as novas estratégias utilizadas pelos conservadores para restringir as agendas da igualdade de gênero e da diversidade sexual, opondo-se a direitos reivindicados historicamente por movimentos feministas, de mulheres e LGBTQI. Trata-se, ainda, de uma estratégia que permite reposicionar o Estado laico e a relação entre autoridade estatal, autoridade paterna e direitos individuais. O redesenho das normas jurídicas e do próprio Estado é, assim, fundamental a essa empreitada.

International relations must distance itself from its Eurocentric and masculine moorings if it is to address its increasing irrelevance in the modern world and become more "international" and truly inclusive. The theoretical position of postcolonial feminism gives the discipline the best chance of doing so. The effect of conflict on women in Kashmir and the North East illustrates how a postcolonial feminist perspective enriches an understanding of the issue and enables international relations to reflect the lived reality of the people. - See more at: http://www.epw.in/journal/2017/20/special-articles/can-postcolonial-feminism-revive-international-relations.html#sthash.YHvmoJy9.dpuf

La continuation du conflit israélo-palestinien a indéniablement pesé sur les formulations
féministes des Israéliennes et des Palestiniennes qui se sont structurées en parallèle,
en miroir, souvent en opposition et, parfois, dans le dialogue. Une étude croisée de ces
mouvements permet d’abord de réinterroger la formation des féminismes anticoloniaux et
anti-hégémoniques en révélant les imbrications mais également les formes de renversement
des rapports dominants/dominés entre des mouvements féministes ancrés dans les luttes
de libération nationale. Cette approche comparative vise ensuite à étudier in situ la façon
dont la coextensivité des rapports de pouvoir est saisie par les actions collectives féministes,
notamment en limitant les formes de solidarité transfrontalières.

It is vital to understand the structural and institutional dynamics behind female empowerment as its realization benefits not only women but also society at large. Drawing on an original, global-level dataset that covers 169 countries between 1960–2014, this article mainly explores the effect of urbanization on women’s empowerment throughout the world. The article argues that urbanization has distinctive effects in different realms of female empowerment in politics, economics, and education, with the biggest impact being in education. The article further states that urbanization has a non-linear effect on women’s empowerment with a diminishing impact at higher levels of urbanization. After certain levels of urbanization, other political and economic factors, such as how democratic and economically affluent a country is, will determine the discrepancies of female empowerment in countries with similar levels of urbanization. To further test the stated hypotheses, the article looks at the Turkish case as a typical example of a patriarchal society with a neoliberal economic order. In light of the global and local level analyses, the paper aims to contribute to extant debates and studies in feminist studies, urban studies, modernization theory, and democratization.

This article examines organized opposition to feminist and LGBTI political projects in Colombia. Although there is a large body of literature on feminist movements and a growing literature on LGBTI movements, there is little research on resistance to them. Through an intersectional feminist lens, this study analyzes the "anti-gender" campaign organized against the gender perspective in Colombia's 2016 peace agreement to demonstrate the limitations of backlash theory and certain normative understandings of human rights. In contrast to assumptions that backlash is predetermined, the study demonstrates that the anti-gender mobilization against the peace agreement was circumstantial rather than inevitable. To highlight the productive nature of backlash, it traces how opponents employed human rights rhetoric to establish an alternative present and promote an imagined future rooted in exclusion and repression. In addition, it shows that mobilized backlash against feminist an...