Ethiopian politics

The following text is a response sent to an email dispatched to me by the Chairman of the exiled Oromo Parliamentarians who struggle for the Independence and Self-determination of the 5 millennia long Kushitic Ethiopian Nation of the Oromos.
The Hamitic - Kushitic Oromo Nation - due to criminal, inhuman and evil persecution conceived by the colonial powers (France, England and America) and executed by the colonially promoted barbaric and incestuous pseudo-Christian Abyssinians - lost their kingdoms and were engulfed within the Cemetery of Nations Fake Ethiopia, which consists in the world's most tyrannical realm and the location of the world's more abhorrent, more enduring, and more multifaceted genocides. There are more than 45 million Oromos in Abyssinia (Fake Ethiopia) and Kenya today, despite the notorious and pathetic falsehood propagated by Wikipedia.
The present text enumerates all the major points of historical distortion and falsification carried out and diffused by the colonial academia, mass media, and diplomats, as well as by their local agents and criminal executioners, i.e. the barbaric, incestuous and Anti-Christian tribes of Amhara and Tigray (: the Abyssinians), who usurped the fair name of Ethiopia, which historically denotes the land of North Sudan and the Kushitic Nation that prospered there either in the Antiquity or in the Christian Era. Both, the Oromos and the Arabic-speaking (but not Arab) populations of Northern-Central Sudan are the descendants of Ancient Sudan's (i.e. Ancient Ethiopia's) Kushitic populations.
Representative photographic documentation was herewith added to the text in order to better illustrate the topic.

Refutation of historical forgeries propagated by European colonials and incestuous Abyssinians
First published here:
https://megalommatiscomments.wordpress.com/2017/07/26/kushitic-oromos-ancestry-in-ethiopia-ancient-sudan-semitic-amharas-tigrays-abyssinians-ancestry-in-yemen/

Amnesty International is concerned that the rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly are once again under attack in Ethiopia. Two political opposition parties have reported to Amnesty International the arrests of many of their members in various locations around the country in recent weeks, in relation to efforts to hold peaceful protests. Both parties are protesting, among other cited grievances, against the continued imprisonment of political opposition members, journalists and members of the Muslim community, many of whose arrests were themselves related to peaceful protest movements. Blue Party arrests The Blue (Semayawi) party, a political opposition party, has reported that on the evening of 31 August, federal police and intelligence officers forcefully entered their office in Ginfle in Addis Ababa, where party members were preparing for a peaceful demonstration planned for the following day. Party members at the office at the time have told Amnesty International that everyone present – estimated by them to be between 60 and 90 people – was arrested and taken to three police stations in Addis Ababa – Sostegna (third) police station, Gedam Sefer and Jan Meda stations in Arada sub-city. All those arrested were reportedly released without charge after several hours in detention and after providing their personal details to the police. A number of arrested party members told Amnesty International that they and many others were severely beaten while detained at the police stations, resulting in a number of injuries. One party member detained at Jan Meda police station, told Amnesty International that they were beaten for about 20 minutes by several policemen and now had pain in their kidneys. The individual reported that while they were beaten, the police said, " You are eating three times a day, how can you make a demonstration to bring down the EPRDF [the ruling party]. Do you think we can let you do this? " Another party member, who was detained at Gedam Sefer police station, told Amnesty International that he has had treatment for back pain as a result of being kicked and beaten by police while detained. Another person interviewed by Amnesty International said that they were only beaten for around five minutes, as they were at the end of the group " waiting to be beaten. " But, they said, some of those arrested with them were beaten for over an hour. The party also reports that police confiscated all equipment and materials found in the party office, including laptops, sound systems and generators for the demonstration, banners, T-shirts and flags. One of the arrested party members Amnesty International spoke to said that he and others were forced to remove the Blue party T-shirts they were wearing and hand them over to the police. Some party members reported that police had told them that the demonstration was illegal because they had not received permission. The Blue Party says it had informed the authorities 12 days in advance – much more notice than the 48 hours required by law, and had received no written response to request a change to the date or location of the demonstration.

First published in the American Chronicle, Buzzle and AfroArticles on 6th April 2010

Multiple divergent end point game
Consequently, when you have already ceased viewing the world through the eyes of an early 19th century Oromo, and you confidently become greatly assimilated into the global system, you will thoughtlessly tie yourself and your political group or association with the promises given to you by an American Congressman about Oromia’s liberation.

But, quite unhappily, another Oromo, who also believes frankly that he and his movement struggle for the benefit of their subjugated nation, will make a bond with the president of a small and marginalized country, who will be promising similar "delivery". As it happens, behind the American Congressman and the marginal president, there are people belonging in the same decision making center, who by practicing the multiple divergent end point game, ensure that unity will never take place among the Oromos.

If they are successful in their evil game, it is not due to any deficiency of the Oromo system or values, but to the earlier diffusion of the above described global system (an array of mindsets and attitudes). Certainly there are bribes, material goods, monies and other corruption techniques involved, but this matters little; if the same corruption techniques had been performed by representatives of two or more foreign powers before 150 years, the then targeted Oromo leaders would not have reacted in the way today react all the leaders of major Oromo movements.

ይህን መጽሐፍ ለማዘጋጀት ያነሣሣኝ ስለ ኢትዮጵያ ሕገ መንግሥት በማስተምርበት ወቅት በማስተምርበት ዩኒቨርሲቲ አጋዥ መጻሕፍትንና የቀድሞዎቹን ሕግጋተ መንግሥት ማግኘት አለመቻሌ ነበር፡፡
የዚህ መጽሐፍ ዋና ዓላማም በእያንዳንዱ ሕገ መንግሥት ላይ ጥልቅ የሕግ ማብራሪያ መስጠት ሳይሆን፣ ስለ ኢትዮጵያ ሕገ መንግሥት ለሚያጠኑ ተማሪዎችና ተመራማሪዎች በታሪክ የነበሩትን የኢትዮጵያ ሕግጋተ መንግሥት በአንድ ላይ በማቅረብ ለጥናት እና ምርምር የተመቻቸ ሁኔታን ለመፍጠር ነው፡፡ በታሪካችን ያሉ ሕግጋተ መንግሥት አሁን በሥራ ላይ ካለው የኢ.ፌ.ዲ.ሪ ሕገ መንግሥት በስተቀር በገበያ ላይ የሌሉና እንደውም በጣት ከሚቆጠሩ በአዲስ አበባ ከሚገኙ ቤተ መጻሕፍት በስተቀር ሌሎቹን ማግኘት እጅግ አስቸጋሪ ነው፡፡ ስለዚህም ይህ መጽሐፍ የዩኒቨርሲቲ ተማሪዎች፣ የሕግ፣ የታሪክና የፖለቲካ ተመራማሪዎች ብሎም የሕግጋተ መንግሥቱ ባለቤት የሆነው የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ በቀላሉ እንዲያገኛቸው ያስችላል ተብሎ ታምኖበታል፡፡
ይህ መጽሐፍ ‹‹ሕገ መንግሥት በኢትዮጵያ›› በሚል ዋና ርእስ ሥር ከተዘጋጁት ሦስት መጻሕፍት የተጠናቀቀው የመጀመሪያው ቅጽ ሲሆን፣ በታሪክ የነበሩትን የሕገ መንግሥት ሰነዶች እንዳሉ ከማስቀመጥ በተጨማሪ ለእያንዳንዱ ሕግጋተ መንግሥት እንደ መግቢያ የአጻጻፉን ታሪክና የሕገ መንግሥቱን ፓለቲካዊና ሕጋዊ ዳራ ለመዳሰስ ተሞክሯል፡፡ በተጨማሪም ከሕግጋተ መንግሥቶቹ በተጨማሪ ከፍተኛ የሆነ የፖለቲካ ለውጥ ያስከተሉት በየካቲት 25 ቀን 1967 ዓ.ም የታወጀው የመሬት አዋጅ፣ በ1984 ዓ.ም ብሔራዊ ክልላዊ የሽግግር መስተዳደሮችን ለማቋቋም የወጣው አዋጅ እና ሌሎችም ጠቃሚ ናቸው ተብሎ የታመነባቸው አዋጆች በከፊል ተካተዋል፡፡
አሁን አገራችን እየተዳደረችበት ያለውን ሕገ መንግሥት ደግሞ የሕገ መንግሥቱን አርቃቂ ኮሚሽን የሥራ ሂደቶች በዝርዝር እና የሕገ መንግሥቱን አጽዳቂ ጉባኤ ቃለ ጉባኤ አንባቢያን መመልከት ይችሉ ዘንድ ከፍተኛ ክርክር የተደረገባቸውን የስብሰባ ሂደቶች ከጥቂት የቃላት ማስተካከያዎች በስተቀር በቀጥታ ከቃለ ጉባኤው ቀድቶ ለማቅረብ ተሞክሯል፡፡
ይህ ዐይነት የመጽሐፍ ዝግጅት በራሱ ለሕገ መንግሥት ጥናት የተሟላ ባይሆንም፣ ለወደፊት በኢትዮጵያ የታሪክ፣ የፖለቲካና የሕግ ተመራማሪዎች መነሻ ይሆናል የሚል እምነት አለኝ፡፡ በዚህ ረገድ መንግሥትም ሆነ ምሁራን ወሳኝ የሆኑ የሕግ ሰነዶችን በመጽሐፍ መልክ አሳትመው ቢያቀርቡ ለምንገነባው ሕገ መንግሥታዊነትና ዲሞክራሲያዊ ሥርዐትም ሆነ በዘርፉ ለሚደረግ ጥናትና ምርምር እጅግ ወሳኝ መሆኑን በዚህ አጋጣሚ ለመግለጽ እወዳለሁ፡፡
በመጽሐፉ ይዘት ከቀዳማዊ ኃይለ ሥላሴ ጀምሮ ያሉት ሕግጋተ መንግሥት የአማርኛ እና የእንግሊዘኛ ቅጃቸው የተካተተ ሲሆን፣ በ1966 ዓ.ም የተዘጋጀው ረቂቅ ሕገ መንግሥት የአማርኛ ቅጂው ብቻ ተካቷል፡፡ በአባሪነት ከተካተቱት ውስጥም የኢ.ፌ.ዲ.ሪ ሕገ መንግሥት የአማርኛና የእንግሊዘኛ ቅጂ፣ በተጨማሪም የቀድሞው የኤርትራ ሕገ መንግሥት፣ የ1934 ዓ.ም የነጋሪት ጋዜጣ እወጃ፣ ኤርትራ ከኢትዮጵያ ጋር በፌደሬሽን እንድትዋሐድ የተባበሩት መንግሥታት የወሰነው ውሳኔ በኢትዮጵያ ሕገ መንግሥት ታሪክ ውስጥ ጉልህ ሚና ያላቸው በመሆኑ በአባሪነት ተያይዘዋል፡፡
ከዘመናዊ ሕገ መንግሥት በፊት ከነበሩት ሕገ መንግሥት መሰል ሰነዶች መካከል ፍትሐ ነገሥት እና ክብረ ነገሥት ተጠቃልለዋል፡፡ ፍትሐ ነገሥት ወደ 1870 ንዑስ አንቀጾች ሲኖሩት፣ በከፊል ፖለቲካዊና ሕገ መንግሥታዊ ይዘት ያላቸውና ለአንባቢ የፍትሐ ነገሥትን ጠቅላላ ይዘት ሊያሳዩ ይችላሉ ተብለው የታሰቡትን አንቀጾች ብቻ በመጽሐፉ ለማካተት ተሞክሯል፡፡ የኢትዮጵያ ንጉሠ ነገሥት ዙፋንና ዘውድ ከኢየሩሳሌም ንጉሥ ከሰሎሞንና ንግስተ ሣባ ለተወለደው ለቀዳማዊ ምኒልክ ነገድ እንደሚገባ የሚያስረዳው ክብረ ነገሥት ደግሞ የሕግ ሰነድ ባይሆንም፣ ከኢትዮጵያ ኦርቶዶክስ ተዋሕዶ ቤተ ክርስቲያን ቀጥሎ በኢትዮጵያ ታሪክ ውስጥ የነገሥታትን ሥልጣን ሕጋዊ ለማድረግ የጠቀመና የመንግሥት ሥልጣን ሕጋዊነት ማረጋገጫ የታሪክ ሰነድ በመሆኑ  በመጽሐፉ ከዐረብኛው የተተረጐመው አጭሩ ክብረ ነገሥት የአማርኛና የእንግሊዘኛ ቅጅው ተካቷል፡፡
የዚህ መፅሐፍ ዝግጅት አንዱ ውሱንነት ከመጀመሪያው የ1923 ዓ.ም በፊት የነበሩትን ሕገ መንግሠት መሰል ሰነዶች ሁለቱን ብቻ ማካተቱ ሲሆን፤ እንደሚታወቀው የተለያዩ የኢትዮጲያ ብሔሮች ብሔረሰቦች እና ሕዝቦች ኢትዮጲያ በአንድ የአፄ አስተዳደር ስር ከመጠቃለላቸው በፊት የየራሰሳቸው የአስተዳደር ሥርአት እና የተፃፉ አልያም ያልተፃፉ ሕጎች የነበራቸው ሲሆን በዚህ መጸሃፍ የተጠቃለሉት ግን ክብረ ነገሥትና ፍትሐ ነገሥት ብቻ ናቸው፡፡
በመጨረሻም ከላይ እንደተጠቀሰው የኢትዮጵያ ሕግጋተ መንግሥትን አስመልክቶ ከተዘጋጁት መጻሕፍት ቀጣይ የሚሆኑት ሁለቱ መጻሕፍት ‹‹የክልል ሕገ መንግሥታት›› እና ‹‹የሕግጋተ መንግሥት ማብራሪያ›› ሲሆኑ፣ ቀጥለው የሚታተሙ ይሆናሉ፡፡ 

ቃለዓብ ታደሰ ሥጋቱ፣  2011 ዓ.ም፣ አዲስ አበባ

Sociologically speaking, one of the most powerful social institutions in modern society is media. It affects and defines society's culture, family structure, politics, history, religion, identity, and normative orders. Of its various forms, these two centuries can provide us with clear and relevant researches, testimonies, pieces of evidence, and experiences showing the undisputed role that is being played by mass media. Broadly encompassing newspapers, radios, televisions and others, mass media continues to unpack its unsettling shock waves day in, day out. Of these, again, the role of television is much more important than others, simply because it promises to offer no platform for interaction. On top of this, motion pictures coupled with sounds, compared to other means of communication, make television a power weapon for good use or misuse. One of the rarely diagnosed effects of mass media is its negative consequence in the form of mass hypnosis. Although, arguably, this could potentially produce a positively functional outcome to those who control the media (that is, the state, political, religious, or economic-based interest groups), approached from the consumers' perspective, the effect would be much less helpful and attractive. As its purposely induced intervention, hypnosis entails a state of human consciousness drawing its existential energy from human being's focused attention and controlled-reduction of environmental awareness. This way, hypnosis serves to exploit human beings' susceptibility to responses to presented stimuli (in our case mass media materials such as political, economic, and/or religious). Ethiopia has been, for quite some time, struck by the meagerness of mass media alternatives. The public sphere only entertained the Ethiopian Radio and Television broadcasts, state-owned media outlets. This was accompanied by state and privately-owned newspapers and magazines, the number of which, though, remains highly unreliable. There is a good reason underpinning this. Whenever some sort of public outcry causes inconvenience to the status quo, experiences and testimonies show, the quantity of privately run newspapers and magazines go south. Drawing from global experiences, we may claim that the presence of some degree of democracy ushers an increase in the relative fertile ground for alternative voices. Unfortunately, this rarely happens in Ethiopia. Probably since the first-half of EPRDF's (Ethiopian Peoples Republic Democratic Front) a quarter of a century plus rule, a new trend is emerging in Ethiopia. The number of so called " privately-owned " radios and TV stations reached an all-time high in the country. As of 2017, there were ten public radio stations, six globally transmitted public television stations, and nine public satellite television stations. On the other hand, there were ten private radio stations (the lion's share is taken by Fana Broadcasting Corporation,

Ethiopia, having all the assets [natural and human resources] the rest of Africa have, in addition to being a pioneer in cementing African unity and, forming and hosting the OAU (now AU), and it influence in shaping the African political discourse [more specifically in the horn of Africa (HOA)] – the global powers from West to East have always competed to win Ethiopia as their sole trophy in the geopolitically significant Horn of Africa.

With the exception of the Derg regime that was forced to stick with the communist bloc betrayed by the west that sided with Somalia’s ZaedBarre& the separatist insurgents in the north, and the TPLF- led – EPRDF regime that made itself of full service to the western powers who brought them to power while playing with the Chinese along the side, Ethiopia has always taken a neutral stance in global political affairs – thereby expanding its diplomatic reach on all fronts from Africa to Europe, from Middle East to the Caribbean, and from the US to Russia, China, Japan, Korea and other Asian powerhouses.

Under Abiy Ahmed, Ethiopia has further strengthened its diplomatic ties with the Middle East who relied on Africa for food and water security – and port and military domination over the Red Sea and Bab-el-Mandeb, while influencing the global political dynamics using their oil resource as leverage. Similarly, Ethiopia has strengthened its diplomatic ties with China and Russia – whose growing economic and military influence in HOA countries [ET, ERI, SOM, DJI and SUD] and the rest of Africa is of immense threat to western [most particularly, US] interest in the region.

As a result, Ethiopia is under the surge of diplomatic pressures on account of several strategic issues arising from the GERD, global geopolitical rivalry between western powers, China & Russia; as well as some Middle East/Arab states. Sudan's irredentist border claims as potential trigger of high risk border conflict in the horizon, the intense global political pressure on Ethiopia is being shooted from all sides-be it the US, UK, European Union and the Arab League. It is to be noted that all these problems are coupled with one another. Decoupling these problems might help the Ethiopian government and the diplomatic community.

Title:  Blood, Money and Conscience
Author: David Steinman
Publisher: Free Planet
ISBN: 9780578525853


David Steinman describes himself as an international revolutionary who was nominated for the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize for his strategic role in Ethiopia’s recent democracy revolution. As he has pointed out to me, his debut novel, Blood, Money and Conscience was inspired by his experiences in Ethiopia where the country has been sliding into genocide. Within the last two years, nearly three million people have been ethnically cleansed. Steinman has been published in the Washington Post, Forbes.com and other major media where he exposed the Ethiopian dictatorship’s human rights abuses and theft of billions from famine victims.

In his bold and deeply troublesome novel, Money, Blood and Conscience Steinman narrates a riveting story of a highly successful television producer, Buddy Schwartz, who is in his early sixties. Buddy, along with his partner, Alan had racked up a string of television winners. Yet Buddy felt that he was contributing very little in helping people. Buddy wanted to do something useful and decided to film a documentary about the famine in Africa. This led him in 1987 to fly to Ethiopia, where he was about to witness the turmoil and horror that engulfed this African country. What he saw would have a profound effect on Buddy's life for the next several years. It was at the time when the military dictatorship (Derg) under the leadership of Colonel Mengistu was fighting the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (TPLF), the student-led rebel movement that was Buddy's host. 

When Buddy lands in Ethiopia, he meets twenty-two-year-old Lieutenant Hanna Ashete, who is the Public Affairs Officer for the TPLF. Buddy eventually falls in love with Hanna. As we continue our reading, we will become aware of the critical role she will play in Buddy's life. 

Hanna introduces Buddy to the leader of the TPLF, Meles Zenawi, who, after a seventeen-year civil war, becomes the thirteenth Prime Minister of Ethiopia from 1995 to his death in 2012. Some say Zenawi was a visionary leader and they stood by him no matter what atrocities he had committed. Others, who were excluded and marginalized under his rule, considered him to be a tyrant who violently held them down from their desire to experience freedom and justice. This, in a nutshell, was the dilemma Buddy will find himself in as he tries to balance the good with the bad. 

When Meles meets with Buddy for the first time, Meles asks him to make a commercial rather than a documentary that will show the world the plight of the starving people in Ethiopia. Upon returning to Los Angeles, Buddy, after a year of hard work, organizes Help Ethiopia, one of the largest worldwide telethon broadcasts in the history of television resulting in raising sixty-eight million dollars for the impoverished of Ethiopia. 

It all sounds fantastic to Buddy! He now feels he is doing something useful with his life. Unfortunately, all of this comes tumbling down when a reporter uncovers something distressing. The reporter approaches Buddy and inquires if he is aware that the money his telethon raised has been used to purchase arms. Buddy is caught off guard and questions Hanna. She admits that she knew about it. Buddy is furious, even though Hanna tries to explain to him that Los Angeles is a different world from an African war. Buddy confronts Meles and tells him that the money he raised was for the feeding of hungry Ethiopians and not to purchase arms. Meles feigns ignorance and assures Buddy that the money was spent on humanitarian aid, but it freed up other money for arms purchases. This is only one of many unpleasant encounters that Buddy has with Meles who has a knack of manipulating him into raising more money while at the same time keeping him in the dark about the misappropriation of funds and the genocide that is going on in Ethiopia. 

In the ensuing years, Buddy and Hanna are hearing more about political prisoners being thrown into prison as well as being tortured. As for the reporter who approached Buddy about the arms' purchases, he unfortunately, along with many other reporters ended up in Meles's bad book and were never seen again. Even Hanna felt her life was threatened, and she exclaims to Buddy that she didn't fight in the bush to make another dictator. She implores Buddy that it is up to him to tell the world what is going on under the dictatorship of Meles. Buddy now finds himself facing quite a dilemma in dealing with a brutal dictator on the one hand while on the other side trying to make sure the monies he has raised ends up feeding the Ethiopians for which they were intended.

It is difficult to convey the full importance of this riveting novel and as Steinman writes at the end of the book: “this is a work of fiction, it was written to call attention to an important truth. Meles is dead, but his TPLF, the cause of so much human tragedy, remains like a wounded animal, a dangerous and destabilizing force.” The novel is compelling, daunting, and illuminating storytelling accessible to those who never heard of Meles, the TPLF and the atrocities that have been taking place in Ethiopia. 




 












I

Meskel is an annual celebration with spiritual grounds held in the 17thof September of each year by the Ethiopian Orthodox Church and its followers. For centuries the day has been celebrated and has come to be one of the
fundamental holidays of the nation’s calendar.

ኦሮሞ እና አማራ በኔ መጣጥፎች አይስማሙም - Oromo and Amhara disagree about my articles

Extreme polarization about my criticism of the Fake Ethiopian Tyranny: Oromos support my position against the Abyssinian tyranny, whereas Amhara depict me as 'enemy' of the colonial state that they have no right to preserve. Republication of excerpts from my articles and discussion in Amharic and English.
Starting from 8th April 2008

Warka - The Pioneering Ethiopian Discussion Forum in Amharic
http://www.cyberethiopia.com/warka14/viewtopic.php?f=1&t=27587

(The document includes many pages of the Forum in 177 pages and more than 28000 words; first mention of my name is on p. 17)

Between the years 1964 and 1974, Ethiopian post-secondary students studying at home, in Europe, and in North America produced a number of journals. In these they explored the relationship between social theory and social change within the project of building a socialist Ethiopia. Ethiopia in Theory examines the literature of this student movement, together with the movement’s afterlife in Ethiopian politics and society, in order to ask: what does it mean to write today about the appropriation and indigenisation of Marxist and mainstream social science ideas in an Ethiopian and African context; and, importantly, what does the archive of revolutionary thought in Africa teach us about the practice of critical theory more generally?

Coffee drinking is fundamental to social life in Ethiopia. Based on research in eastern Amhara Region between 2011 and 2015, this paper explores the omnipresent buna ceremony during which coffee is prepared and served, and its role in the lives of rural government workers as an occasion for building group solidarity as protection against the hardships they face. While Ethiopian society is commonly portrayed as highly authoritarian and hierarchical, this ethnographic account of the social lives of low-level officials complicates the picture of a strict divide between state and society, and is a contribution to calls for attention to the ways in which material practices continually constitute the state as a reality.

Winner of the 2017 Christine Wilson Graduate Award from the AAA's Society for the Anthropology of Food and Nutrition.

The gigantic and sumptuous Holy Trinity cathedral is Ethiopia's second-most important place of worship. It's also the burial place of the great Emperor Haile Selassie and his wife. Their huge granite tombs complete with lions' feet has much to do with the old Axumite construction styles. Such a place is, in fact, worth-seeing.

This is the first comprehensive analysis of the Tigray war and its impact on Ethiopia and the wider Horn of Africa. It looks at the origins of the conflict, how the fighting developed, the humanitarian impact, the looting of antiquities and religious objects and the consequences for Ethiopia.

In several previous articles, I examined the parallel characteristics of the fake colonial states of Sudan (real Ethiopia) and Abyssinia (fake Ethiopia) that have been the end result of the Freemasonic Orientalist fallacies of Pan-Arabism and Ethiopianism.

In this article, I will examine a bogus-historical term that has been constructed by the Freemasonic Orientalist ateliers and academia of France and England to further spread confusion in the wider region, and – more importantly – consolidate the two fallacies in the area, namely the pseudo-doctrines of Pan-Arabism and Ethiopianism: Nubia.
First published in:
http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/143394

Republished here:
http://www.oromoparliamentarians.org/English/Facts%20about%20Oromo/Ethiopia%20Kushati%20land.htm
and
http://www.egyptsearch.com/forums/ultimatebb.cgi?ubb=get_topic;f=8;t=006830;p=1

Several misconceptions diffused by colonial historians and totalitarian governments need immediate refutation.

Ancient Ethiopia and its borders

Part of the Abyssinian state propaganda advances the idea that in the Antiquity “the Cushites populated the whole of Eastern Africa” and that “the majority lived in present day Abyssinia”. Even worse, these falsifiers diffuse the idea that at those days “Sudan and Ethiopia were one country” to add that “Abyssinians were just a few Sabaean (Yemenite) refugees who intermingled with the Kushite population”.

This is absolutely wrong, although there are some correct elements in it. In addition, it is said in a very misleading way! Even more, it is self-contradictory.
First published in AfroAticles, American Chronicle, and Buzzle on 21st April 2007
Republished in the present form on 13th January 2010 here: http://betterlesson.com/community/document/329273/american-chronicle-abyssinia-ethiopia-axum-meroe-yemen-history-and-modern-politics-pdf

Paper presented as lecture on various occasions

[Ethiopia in 1855-2020: From Establishing an Empire to the Current Crisis]
Waa qoraal si kooban isu kor taagaya waayaha iyo wacaalka Itoobiya laga soo bilaabo badhtamihii qarnigii 19aad ilaa xaaladda maanta taagan. Waa iftiimin kooban oo sawir guud bixinaysa aanse hoos ugu degayn tixidda iyo faahfaahinta dhacdooyinka.

In the course of this work, we will discuss a number of cases and examples related to the monk-king ideal, within the history of Ethiopia in the Middle Ages. Firstly, we will start by introducing the development of the monastic movement, outlining the tight linkage between the monastic institution and the kingship. Subsequently, we will carefully analyze the role of the Gadl – Ethiopian hagiography – within the context of this period of time, pointing out the relevance these hagiographies for the reconstruction of the history of Medieval Ethiopia. By considering these factors, I will present the most relevant “monk-kings” that assisted us to discuss and analyze this ideal.

Pan-Arabism was the fake doctrine fabricated by the colonial Orientalist academia in order to project the fake Arab identity onto the former.

Ethiopianism was the fake doctrine fabricated by the colonial Orientalist academia in order to project the fake Ethiopian identity onto the latter.

I underscored that the evil, colonial diplomacy and academia, in order to better implement Pan-Arabism in Sudan and effectively disorient the Arabic-speaking Sudanese from the search of their true Kushitic – Ethiopian identity and historical heritage, machinated the renaming of the Kushitic – Ethiopian Antiquity, monuments, History, and culture as "Nubian". This is a misnomer.

To clarify that the non-Egyptian antiquities of the Egyptian South and the Sudanese North cannot be called "Nubian", I initiated a series of articles, presenting the historical interaction among the Hamitic – Kushitic Egyptians, the Kushitic Ethiopians (ancestors to today's Arabic-speaking Sudanese, Oromos, Sidamas, and other Eastern African Kushites), and the Medjay – Nubians, who are ancestors to the modern Nubians. The latter may now be the exclusive inhabitants of a vast part of the territory of Ancient Kush (Ethiopia), namely from the South of Aswan to Wadi Halfa and further to Debba, but in the Antiquity, they were a minority in the said territory (and in the rest of Egypt); furthermore, the Ancient Nubians never formed a state of their own in the pre-Christian times.

Consequently, the Nubians cannot be considered as the only or the primary heir to either the Egyptian or the Kushitic / Ethiopian Antiquity, History, monuments, and Heritage. The term "Nubian" cannot be given to the kings of Kerma, Napata and Meroe – the three most important capitals of Pre-Christian Kush / Ethiopia – because these kings were not Nubians but Kushites / Ethiopians; speaking at both, the ethnic and the linguistic levels, they were as different as the Ancient Greeks from the Ancient Babylonians.
June 04, 2010
https://mereja.com/forum/viewtopic.php?f=2&t=59294

Since May 1998, Ethiopia and Eritrea relation has been resulted in a structural national
security crisis defned by two years’ war, two decades of ‘no war, no peace’ stalemate and
‘fragile normalization’ since June 2018. Their security predicaments are basically results
of antagonistic nation building, foreign and national security policies. The nation-building
project to forge the ‘Sawa based militarized single national identity’ in Eritrea and the
‘federalization’ of the age-old unitary Ethiopian state further deepen and widen the national
security dilemma of both states. The national security and militarization predicament
between the two states are, therefore, the result of militarized ‘social reengineering’ and
national security in Eritrea where Ethiopia has been made to be an ‘existential threat to its
Singaporization vision’. And hence, Eritrea, following its military defeat in the 1998-2000
war, opted into subversive and proxy war strategies via hosting and training Ethiopian
armed insurgencies and supporting opposition parties inside Ethiopia with an ultimate goal
of ousting the TPLF-EPRDF dominated government. Isaias’s strategy become successful
in replacing the TPLF dominated EPRDF by Oromo dominated EPRDF, aka. ‘OromaraEPRDF’, when Abiy Ahmed became chairman of EPRDF and subsequently prime minster
of Ethiopia. President Isaias described the ‘successes of his 20 years insurgency strategy
of neutralizing TPLF-EPRDF and the epoch of normalization as “game over”. Conversely,
from 2001 to March 2018 Eritrea has been branded as an “existential enemy to Ethiopia’s
renaissance vision and securitization of poverty”. As a result, the late Prime Minister Melese
Zenawi followed a policy of “deter, isolate and defeat” against Eritrea which was successful
in deterring and isolating Isaias’ international engagements via the UNSC sanctions but
failed to oust him. Since July 2018, President Isaias and Abiy Ahmed offcially declared
the “end of 20 years’ war” and beginning of new epoch of normalization, open border and
regional integration. However, after six months of ‘honeymoon’ normalization, the borders
of Ethiopia and Eritrea unilaterally closed by Eritrea and the prospects for reconciliation
and regional security become ‘fragile and elusive’. Finally, a vicious dilemma of national
security, militarization and normalization gaining turn out to be a governing regime. This
article, therefore, analyzes the post-2000 national security, militarization and normalization
dilemma between Ethiopia and Eritrea.

In this article, I will examine a bogus-historical term that has been constructed by the Freemasonic Orientalist ateliers and academia of France and England to further spread confusion in the wider region, and – more importantly – consolidate the two fallacies in the area, namely the pseudo-doctrines of Pan-Arabism and Ethiopianism: Nubia.

One must eventually refer beforehand to my earlier publications "Fake Sudan (Real Ethiopia) and Fake Ethiopia (Real Abyssinia): what is at stake?" and "Sudan (Real Ethiopia), Abyssinia (Fake Ethiopia): Evil Progeny of Pan-Arabism and Ethiopianism" to better understand the nature and the targets of the colonial interference and forgery.

Freemasonic Orientalist Projection of False Identities onto Africans

Summarizing the subject briefly, I would state that the customary colonial attitude of creating fake identities and projecting them onto the targeted victims – peoples, involved in the case of Sudan and Abyssinia (fake Ethiopia) the following binary method:

1. Projection onto the Kushitic Arabic speaking populations of Central Sudan (who constitute the colonial state´s ruling elite) of a fake Pan-Arabist doctrine that would make of the Kushitic Arabic speaking populations of Sudan "Arabs" (therefore Semites), totally cutting them off the historical greatness and heritage of Ancient Kush (Cush) / Ethiopia. This would totally deform and alter the real identity of the Kushitic Arabic speaking populations of Central Sudan, effectively detaching them from their historical monuments, study, research, exploration and interpretation; the end result would be a) the prevention of an all-inclusive National History of Ethiopia (this is the correct name of Sudan) and b) the rise of a historically baseless and ignorant elite unable to run the country as per the indigenous peoples´ interests and incapable to properly assess the national history of the country.

2. Projection onto the Semitic Amhara and Tigray Abyssinians (who constitute the ruling elite of the colonial state that is fallaciously called ´Ethiopia´, and govern tyrannically the numerous subjugated non-Semitic, Kushitic and Nilo-Saharan nations) of a fake Ethiopianist doctrine that would make of the Semitic Amhara and Tigray Abyssinians (who originate from Ancient Yemen) "amalgamated Kushites and Semites", treacherously attributing to them the historical greatness and heritage of Ancient Kush (Cush) / Ethiopia. This would facilitate the (unlawful and fake) justification of the Abyssinian occupation of Kushitic Ethiopian lands belonging to Oromos, Afars, Sidamas, Kaffas, Kambaatas and others.

http://www.egyptsearch.com/forums/ultimatebb.cgi?ubb=get_topic;f=8;t=006830;p=1

Native Colonialism: Education and the Economy of Violence Against Traditions in Ethiopia examines the cause and consequence of native colonialism, the process whereby a country colonises itself with foreign institutions and ideals. Taking Ethiopia as its case study, it asks, why did a country that was never colonised replace its government, legal system and educational institutions with foreign imitations? How did it come to have a European language as its medium of higher education and why was the rich philosophy, literature and history of the country replaced by western knowledge? What is the impact of this process in the identities and daily lives of contemporary Ethiopian students? Based on a synthesis of historical, philosophical and empirical sources, the book delves into Ethiopia’s little-known wealth of traditional knowledge and practices of relating to the world before major historical events triggered subsequent changes in the political life of the country. The book draws its evidence from a variety of Ethiopian sources that have rarely been studied or utilised in academic research. It provides never-before seen interpretations of indigenous sources of knowledge and features ground breaking empirical research on traditional and modern schools in the county, as well as interviews with students, teachers and traditional leaders. The book offers comprehensive and fresh insights into rethinking colonialism, particularly when it is driven from within.

(Oromo Studies Association, 2005 Conference Proceedings, Washington D.C.) in: The Journal of Oromo Studies, vol. 14 no 1 (February/March 2007), p. 7 - 34
The volume containing the article is available online:
http://oromostudies.org/OSA-USER-FOLDER/josfiles/JOS%20volume%2014%20Number%201%20(2007).pdf
Slightly edited, the article (under the title "The Kushitic / Meroitic Origins of the Oromo Nation") is also available independently here: 
https://www.academia.edu/24273923/The_Meroitic_Ethiopian_Origins_of_the_Modern_Oromo_Nation_-_By_Prof._Dr._Muhammad_Shamsaddin_Megalommatis and
https://megalommatis.wordpress.com/2014/10/24/the-meroitic-ethiopian-origins-of-the-modern-oromo-nation/

Generally speaking, the coronation ritual as such reveals a message concerning the construction of power and the goals of a new ruler, as well as legitimizing his or her power. Empress Zawditu was crowned in February 1917. This ceremony initiated the long period of Tafari Makwannen’s rule, who initially took the position of heir to the throne, continuing his reign after 1930 as Emperor Hayla Sellase I. From this point of view, the coronation of 1917 began a new era in Ethiopian history. At the same time, in some aspects it marked a continuation of previously existing elements of the Ethiopian political scene. These would include the emphasis on the role of Christianity as a state religion, the move towards strengthening centralized power initiated during Tewodros II’s reign (1855-1868), and the attempt to maintain the dominant position of landlords from Shawa province, as was the case during the reign of Menelik II. The article searches for the message revealed during the coronation ceremony of Zawditu in 1917, including an attempt to describe Tafari’s role in the spectacle.
Keywords: Ethiopia, Zawditu, Ras Tafari, coronation, ritual

Fake Term "Nubian" – Why?

To clarify that the non-Egyptian antiquities of the Egyptian South and the Sudanese North cannot be called Nubian, I initiated a series of articles, presenting the historical interaction among the Hamitic – Kushitic Egyptians, the Kushitic Ethiopians (ancestors to today´s Arabic-speaking Sudanese, Oromos, Sidamas, and other Eastern African Kushites), and the Medjay – Nubians, who are ancestors to the modern Nubians.

The latter may now well be the quasi-exclusive inhabitants of a vast part of the territory of Upper Egypt (Kemet) and of North Sudan (Kush - Ethiopia), namely south of Luxor to Wadi Halfa and thence further to Debba, but in the Antiquity, their ancestors were only a minority among the Egyptians and the Kushites (Ethiopians) who inhabited the said territory (and the rest of Egypt and North Sudan).

More importantly, the Ancient Nubians never formed a state of their own in the pre-Christian times. So, the royal monuments, temples, palaces, military camps and outposts, administrative buildings and private homes that have been unearthed in the land where today's Nubians live were not built by their ancestors and consequently, they are not their own historical heritage, but mainly the heritage of today's Egyptians, Arabic speaking Sudanese, Oromos, Sidamas and eventually other, minor, Kushitic nations.

Today's Nubians therefore cannot be considered as either the only or the primary heir to either the Egyptian Past or the Kushitic / Ethiopian Antiquity, History, monuments, and Heritage. In other words, the Egyptian temple of Isis at Philae cannot be characterized as a Nubian temple, and the Kushitic / Ethiopian temple of Amun of Napata (in today´s Karima, North Sudan) cannot be labeled "Nubian temple"; the latter is valid for even one more reason, namely that there is no Nubian population living there today as well.

The term "Nubian" cannot be given to the kings of Kerma, Napata and Meroe – the three most important capitals of Pre-Christian Kush / Ethiopia – because these kings were not Nubians but Kushites / Ethiopians. Considering both, the ethnic and the linguistic levels, the Nubians were as different from the Egyptians and the Sudanese Kushites / Ethiopians as the Ancient Greeks from the Ancient Babylonians.

The fake term "Nubian" has been introduced in order to effectively detach the Arabic-speaking Sudanese from the search for their identity, prevent them from properly assessing their tremendous historical heritage, further engulf them into the Pan-Arabist fallacy, and definitely disconnect them from their brethren, namely the tyrannized Oromos, Sidamas, and the other subjugated Kushitic nations. These Kushitic nations have been comprised within the non-Kushitic, non-African, Semitic colonial state of the racist Amhara and Tigray Abyssinians, who are totally unrelated to the Oromos, the Sidamas, and the other subjugated Kushitic nations of Abyssinia. 

For the above reason, the Amhara and Tigray Abyssinians are absolutely irrelevant of the historical name of Ethiopia, which belongs only to he Arabic-speaking Sudanese, the Oromos, the Sidamas, and the other subjugated Kushitic nations of Abyssinia. The criminal colonial state of Abyssinia has to be forced - by any means - not to use the fair name of Ethiopia anymore in the future.
First published in AfroArticles, Buzzle and American Chronicle on 24th March 2010
Republished in the portal of the Oromo Parliamentarians:
https://www.oromoparliamentarians.org/English/Facts%20about%20Oromo/Kushatic%20_%20Oromo%20Nation%20Part%20VI.htm

The Western countries view Abyssinia transvestite into Ethiopia as a marginal, poor, and starving state, abandoned to permanent underdevelopment. Despite all the self-humiliating tactics, Westerners did not offer Abyssinia any guarantee that they would help the country build its dam in the Nile (nearby lake Tana). The country, plunged into terrible civil war as the oppressed Oromos, Ogadenis, Afars and Sidamas, is impotent and fearful even of Egypt, one of the weakest and poorest countries of the Middle East. They anticipate that if they build a dam, the Egyptians will bring it down.

Yet, the Western advisors of Haile Selassie, who convinced him to change the country’s name, aimed at the Sudan mostly. I will help illuminate a story that has not been widely known. The key person in influencing Haile Selassie to rename his country was Jean Leclant, currently Permanent Secretary of the French Academie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres. Leclant was asked personally by Haile Selassie in 1952 to found the Service des Antiquites de l' Ethiopie, which he did at the same time another French Egyptologist, Jean Vercoutter, founded the Service of Antiquities of Sudan.

Jean Leclant was my professor for the period 1978 - 1981 in Sorbonne, Ecole Pratique, and College de France. There was another influential Semitologist with Leclant in Abyssinia at those days; he was specialized in Ge'ez, Syriac, and Aramaic, and became later Professor at the College de France and academician: Andre Caquot. Leclant and Caquot explained to Haile Selassie the political benefits ensuing from the generalization of the use of the name Ethiopia by Abyssinia. I would like to report herewith that all Amharas working in the INALCO, like Argaw Mekonnen revered and venerated Leclant in extremis, because of his personal friendship with Haile Selassie. My great consideration for my former professor is still valid, limited exclusively in the academic sphere.
First published on 21th April 2007
http://www.afroarticles.com/article-dashboard/Article/Abyssinia--Ethiopia--Axum--Meroe--Yemen--History-and-current-Politics/20078

This report looks into the issue of media and ethnicity in contemporary Ethiopia. As any- one can witness, there have been immense changes in the local media situation since Dr. Abiy Ahmed assumed leadership in April 2018. In just two years, the country has improved its ranking on Reporter Without Borders’ Press Freedom Index by 51 places, which is the greatest leap of any country anytime – by far. There is a lot to celebrate. At the same time, the press situation in the country is deeply disconcerting. The reason for this is that the media landscape is as polarized as never before, and that parts of the media are being blamed for playing a pivotal role in the turbulence which have erupted in various parts of the country since 2019. The suspicion of many people is that the media are being exploited to propagate an ethnic agenda.
Towards this backdrop, the intention of the study is to examine the role of the media in ethnic tensions in contemporary Ethiopia. The methodology is twofold, combining in-depth interviews with framing analysis. For the interview part, we have met approximately 25 persons with key positions in all major parts of the media in the country. For the framing analysis, we have scrutinized the media coverage of eight crucial incidents between 2018 and 2020 in ten different media outlets.
We argue that the tendencies we’re ob- serving in the media can be described as an intensified ethnification process. By this we mean that ethnic belonging and identity politics are gaining significance as central
frames of reference in the current Ethiopian media discourse. Ethnicity is being employed as a key to interpret media messages, and it outlines a frame for classifying media channels and personalities. We identify two major frames, annihilation and othering, which are indicative of the tendency of journalists to align with their ethnic background. We also find that many media practitioners are deeply concerned about the developments. Research data point towards a more pluralistic media society in Ethiopia (albeit segmented pluralism), but also significantly more polarization. The polarization is fuel- led by ethno-nationalistic media of different origin and ownership, vis-à-vis pan-Ethio- pianist channels. The previous stronghold of the federal state media (EPRDF-supportive) has been overtaken by a fragmented state media structure with growing significance of regional mass media agencies. Journalists are beginning to form alliances along regional and ethnic fault lines, as illustrated by the launch of Amhara Journalists Association, Oromia Journalists Association, Tigray Journalists Association, and so forth. Journalists are highly inclined to use sources which support their own ideological interest, and avoid quoting sources from other ethnicities which could balance the story. When it comes to professional ideals, various channels practice a hybrid reporting style which blends acknowledged standards with an interventionist or activist agenda. We argue that ethnic and political agendas are at risk of being at odds with media professionalism.

This report reviews the legal framework regulating civil society organizations (CSOs) in ten countries of the greater Horn of Africa (HoA) (for the purposes of this report, the greater HoA is made up of Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Somalia, Somaliland, Sudan, South Sudan, and Uganda) evaluating them against existing international norms and national constitutional protections.

African Renaissance is a term which is used to describe new era in African his- tory and strongly serves propaganda reasons. The aim of the article is to analyse the role of this notion in terms of Ethiopia, i.e. how the term is being employed in Ethiopian politics and propaganda. It is stressed that even though the term it- self is a new introduction, the idea of building a strong state on the basis of grand tradition has been used in Ethiopian history on several occasions. Nowadays, the best examples of references to Renaissance by the state’s propaganda are to be found in symbolical meaning of the widely discussed and controversial project of construction the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam on Blue Nile. Other as- pects of how the term is being employed can be seen in a propaganda film mate- rial produced by the Foreign Ministry of Ethiopia in 2015 with the view to ad- vertise the achievements of the government.