A MERI CAN S TATESMANSHIP Principles and Practice of Leadership
EDITED BY
Joseph R. Fornieri, Kenneth L. Deutsch, and Sean D. Sutton
University of Notre Dame Press Notre Dame, Indiana
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CONTENTS
Acknowledgments xi Introduction: What Is Statesmanship?
1
Ke n n e t h L . D e u t s c h
1
The Statesmanship of George Washington
11
G a ry L . G r e g g II
2
Benjamin Franklin, Democratic Statesman
35
D av i d Tu c k e r
3
Publius the Lawgiver: The Statesmanship of The Federalist 59 Se a n D. S u t t o n
4
John Adams: Statemanship and the Limits of Popularity
85
B r u c e P. Fr o h n e n
5
Presidential Statesmanship: The Jeffersonian Example
109
Ste p h an i e P. Ne w b o l d
6
John Marshall as Constitutional Statesman
133
Ph i l l i p G. He n d e r s o n
7
Alexander Hamilton: Democratic Statesmanship, Spiritedness, and Audacity
167
M i c h a e l P. Fe d e r i c i
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viii Contents
8
Andrew Jackson: One Man’s Demagogue, Another Man’s Populist
191
Tr oy L . K i c k l e r
9
Daniel Webster: The Statesman as Constitutional Conservative
217
Joh n at h an O’ Ne i l l
10 John Calhoun: Statesmanship and Popular Rule
245
H . Lee C h e e k , Jr . , an d C ar e y Ro be rts
11 Henry Clay the Great Compromiser
267
H a n s S c h me i s s e r
12 Lincoln as Philosopher Statesman
305
Jose p h R. Fo r n i e r i
13 Frederick Douglass: The Agitator as Statesman
351
Pe te r C . M y e r s
14 Elizabeth Cady Stanton
383
Em i ly K r i c h b au m
15 Susan B. Anthony: The Prophetic Eye Discerns the Woman Politician
407
N ata li e Tay l o r
16 Theodore Roosevelt: Progressive Crusader
431
J ea n M . Yar b r o u g h
17 Woodrow Wilson and Modern Leadership
445
Ch r i st o p h e r B u r k e t t
18 Franklin Delano Roosevelt
471
Wi l l M o r r i s e y
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Contents ix
19 Harry S. Truman: American Statesmanship in World War and Cold War
509
El i zab e t h E dwar d s S p al d i n g
20 Dwight David Eisenhower’s Leadership
533
Ph i l l i p G. He n d e r s o n
21 John F. Kennedy: The Courage of His Convictions
565
Patr i c k J. G a r r i t y
22 The Statesmanship of Martin Luther King, Jr.
593
G i o r g i Ar e s h i d ze
23 Lyndon B. Johnson: The Abuse of Power
619
Wi l l i a m J. A t t o
24 Richard Nixon
645
D av i d B . Fr i s k
25 The Statesmanship of Ronald Reagan
677
Mark Blitz
26 Presidential Statesmanship in the New Media Era
699
J ef f r e y C r o u c h an d M ar k J. R oze l l
List of Contributors
721
Index 729
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INTRODUCTION
What Is Statesmanship? Kenneth L. Deutsch
W
e honor greatness in the respective domains of entertainment, sports, art, science, and finance. But what of political greatness? Of what qualities does it consist? By what standard should it be measured? Does it require an apprenticeship, a disciplined study of the great masters, like the successful practice of other crafts? Our Founders certainly thought so. George Washington went so far as to propose a national university that would train future citizens and leaders alike in the rights and respon sibilities of democratic governance. Similarly, in Article XVIII of the Massachusetts Constitution of 1780, John Adams emphasized the need for a continual return to first principles as a means to revitalize the political faith of the country: A frequent recurrence to the fundamental principles of the constitu tion, and a constant adherence to those of piety, justice, moderation, temperance, industry, and frugality, are absolutely necessary to pre serve the advantages of liberty and to maintain a free government. The people ought, consequently, to have a particular attention to all those principles, in the choice of their officers and representatives; and they have a right to require of their lawgivers and magistrates 1
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2 Kenneth L. Deutsch
an exact and constant observation of them, in the formation and execution of the laws necessary for the good administration of the commonwealth. This title of this volume, American Statesmanship: Principles and Prac tice of Leadership, is an effort to take seriously Washington’s and Adams’s advice in returning to those founding principles and practices that help sustain the American regime. The example of past greatness combined with the power of enduring principle prepares each generation to con front future threats to the inseparable bonds of liberty and union. In deed, the present may be renewed in light of the success and failures of the past. While the authors and contributors of this volume may differ over who should be included among the ranks as a statesperson, they nonetheless all agree that statesmanship makes a crucial difference in the life of a nation and that its example is sorely needed today. The purpose of this volume is to contemplate the nature and legacy of American statesmanship through the speech and deeds of some of its most influ ential leaders. The reader should be aware that not all the leaders in cluded in the volume have reached the high standard of statesmanship. Some fell short and are included as a cautionary tale. Others might ob ject that reformers like Frederick Douglass, Martin Luther King, Jr., and Susan B. Anthony should not be included in the volume since they pres sured government from outside the citadels of power rather than ruling directly through an official position in government. While there are dif ferences between reform leadership and statesmanship, most notably in terms of the requirements of official duty, a too-restrictive definition of statesmanship would deprive us of studying the important influence re form leaders have had on American politics, their unique type of public service, and their dynamic interaction with elected officials. In what fol lows, we hope readers will ponder the qualities or virtues of statesman ship as displayed fully or even partially in the leaders in this volume. As the great twentieth-century political philosopher Leo Strauss put it, we constantly need to be reminded of what constitutes political great ness, human greatness, and the peaks of human excellence. In doing so, we must remind ourselves concerning statesmanship “never to mistake mediocrity, however brilliant, for true greatness.” We must, Strauss claims, make every effort to describe and understand “these rare peaks
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What Is Statesmanship? 3
of political life, which put ordinary and prosaic forms of leadership in their proper perspective.” True political greatness, statesmanship, does not make us despise the run-of-the-mill or transactional leaders who merely provide services to their constituents, but it does allow us to see their limits.1 There is a tendency in our democratic life to homogenize reality—to ignore those qualitative distinctions that constitute political reality. The study of political greatness—statesmanship—is a good anti dote to this leveling tendency of a hyper-democratic age. All forms of leadership are not the same. We must be able to make thoughtful dis tinctions between the ambition of the noble statesman such as Lincoln, who aimed to be worthy of the esteem of his fellow citizens, the imperial ambition of Napoleon that gradually became indistinguishable from cold despotism, and the crude ambition of mediocre or selfish politicians who crave political success pursuing custodial management or utopian dreams. As a self-governing nation, we especially must make moral dis tinctions and judgments about leadership, thereby recognizing political greatness whenever it occurs and fostering its development wherever possible. Statesmanship is a conjunction of superior natural ability—high theoretical and practical intelligence along with acquired political expe rience that enables a public person to pursue the common good. It com bines the arts of political strategy, political oratory, and political judgment with the art of utilizing the different skills and talents of diverse indi viduals in the service of the general well-being of society. To put it briefly, it involves the political skills and characteristics to know when and how to persuade subordinates and the public, and when and how to exercise necessary methods of coercion. This proper mix of persuasion and coer cion in serving the common interest is the major part of what statesman ship is about. Now a statesman is to a politician what a true virtuoso musician is to a mere player. The statesman does not simply exercise power—he or she effectively advances the quality of life of a people in terms of (a) the nation’s founding principles, (b) the requirements of immediate deci sions, and (c) the concern for future generations. What, then, are the qualities or virtues of a statesman? The nineteenth-century American public intellectual Orestes Brownson gave us a good start in answering this question when he stated that “What is
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4 Kenneth L. Deutsch
e specially needed in statesmen is public spirit, intelligence, foresight, broad views, manly feelings, wisdom, energy and resolution.”2 In pre senting such a long list of ideals there is a real risk of creating some mythical figure one would find impossible to identify in real life. We should consider them to be qualities of character or virtues that poten tial statesman would strive to reach in practice, though falling somewhat short in some respects. These virtues or qualities are indeed rare in any era. Yet they are needed to sustain ordered liberty, most especially when facing a national crisis. We need to take seriously these virtues as citizens or political analysts by judging our past, present, or future leaders. As citizens in a constitutional democracy, such judgments enable us to make sound political choices and train ourselves for possible leadership roles. While there will continue to be a debate over what standard should be used to measure statesmanship, some qualities seem to be enduring. These include the cardinal virtues of prudence or practical wisdom, courage, moderation, and justice. For Aristotle, a statesman must master and embody the three rhe torical appeals of ethos, pathos, and logos.3 Ethos pertains to the states man’s character. It is the source of one’s credibility as a speaker and leader. Pathos refers to the leader’s ability to move people emotionally. It appeals to the audience’s heart. Logos denotes the ability to provide sound arguments for particular political decisions, thereby moving people intellectually. In sum, statesmanship requires an extraordinary person who possesses both an uncommon as well as a common touch— uncommon enough to inspire people to struggle and sometimes sacrifice to achieve a good end and common enough so that the public can trust, identify, and empathize with such a leader. In regard to logos, the statesman must have considerable native intelligence—possessing insight combined with sound and rapid judg ment. Ideally, he or she should possess a theoretical grasp of the common good and the founding principles of the regime. This virtue is called theoretical wisdom. It involves a noble vision of what “ought to be” and of the proper norms that should guide the regime. One of the common themes in this volume is the leader’s understanding and relationship to the founding principles of the American regime. Secondly, he or she also possesses the practical wisdom of prudence, the ability to realize as much
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What Is Statesmanship? 5
of this noble vision as possible under the circumstances. Guided by a noble vision, the statesman diagnoses the core of a nation’s problems, analyzing cause-effect relations and thereby reaching sound prudential judgments without undue delay. This means grasping the particular con text of decision-making and different personality types. In sum, the in tellectual resources for a statesman to make sound and decisive political choices are derived from both theoretical knowledge of the common good and of the nation’s ideals and the practical knowledge of the actual political conditions and resources available. Although a statesman must take note of public opinion in a democ racy, he or she resists subservience or intimidation. Neither can the statesman be bought. Like Plato’s master weaver in The Statesman, he or she recognizes how private groups such as the family, religious insti tutions, and corporations provide appropriate forms of leadership that pertain to what belongs to them. This is also known as the principle of subsidiarity: the recognition of discrete levels of authority within a so ciety and the appreciation of the distinction between the public and private sphere. However, when these groups impinge upon the public interest, the statesman must act. As noted in appealing to ethos, pathos, and logos, the statesman must possess the rhetorical skill to communi cate his or her nation’s true needs to both colleagues and the public at large. In sum, the transcendent purpose of a statesman is to impart the central ideas of the regime to the public. In the American regime this means ordered liberty, the equal rights to consent to be governed, the rule of law, and limited government. The statesman must be a public educator with regard to those central ideas and the true public needs of the nation by promoting educational excellence, military security, fiscal integrity, realistic environmental protection, infrastructure supports, and public order. In addition to the persuasive appeals of ethos, pathos, and logos, what are some other qualities displayed by great statesmen? The statesman must demonstrate resolution. He or she must possess firm convictions as to what truly constitutes the common good of the nation. Nothing can dissuade a true statesman from addressing the greatest concerns of the regime—whether it is Lincoln with the exten sion of slavery, or Charles de Gaulle in facing the colonial Algerian re bellion, or Winston Churchill addressing the Nazi menace to his nation.
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6 Kenneth L. Deutsch
Resolutely, the statesman, when necessary, risks everything in dealing with these common goods—reputation, career, safety, and even life itself. The statesman cannot get the problems of the people off his or her mind. As Werner Dannhauser once put it, “the very essence of statesmanship is difficulty and the surmounting of obstacles.”4 Very often when keep ing the people constantly in mind, the statesman must be concerned with their hearts and minds—constantly being focused on forming the habits of public spirit. The statesman must possess the energy that produces resolve and confidence in serving the people. The statesman must be well ahead of his or her fellow citizens in considering possible or probable long-term political developments—this is foresight! It enables him or her to detect difficulties when they are far enough ahead to be diverted or reduced in scale. A statesman can often see what many others cannot. The statesman must also be a public educator. Cicero notes how statesman speakers are scarce, for “one has to acquire knowledge about a formidable quantity of different matters.” In order to do this, his or her education must have been of such quality as to bring profound theoretical and practical knowledge through study, travel, and life experiences of diverse social problems and individual personalities. The statesman’s own education should include the liberal arts and sciences, being widely read and having lifelong intellectual curiosity. A fine education for a potential statesman must include moral and political philosophy, American and world history, political biography (especially the lives and writings of great statesmen and tyrants), and the study of foreign cultures and how these different cultures lead to different national characters. All of this should contribute to producing a thoughtful statesman with both posi tive and negative models to reflect on. Finally, humility and magnanimity (or greatness of soul) are abso lutely necessary for a sober statesman to be formed. The virtue of hu mility shows self-awareness of one’s own limitations and the limitations of the human condition. The statesman is willing to acknowledge mis takes and to learn from his or her mistakes, avoiding utopian fantasies. This quality of humility will also mean preparing his or her successors to pursue and accomplish what the statesman was not able to accomplish in his or her term in office. Moderating one’s own expectations, those of
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What Is Statesmanship? 7
the people, and those of one’s possible successors is perhaps the toughest job of a statesman. The statesman’s moderation and humility may pro vide a powerful model of inspiration that can teach statecraft to a future generation. All of this reveals the final virtue of a statesman—namely, magnanimity or greatness of soul. This is found in two senses of the term—to be a sacrificial servant and protector of a people’s well-being and full recognition that whatever talents one possesses as a statesman must be approached with a spiritual sense of gratitude to nature or to God. Coupled with this sense of gratitude is a great sense of public spirit and public service. Statesmanship as we have presented it is, to be sure, a rare phenomenon. But so are the most excellent singers, guitar players, basketball players, teachers, or scientists. It may be argued that the American presidency in our political context discourages statesmanship. The students and practitioners of the American presidency place heavy emphasis on skill alone rather than character and ethos. They emphasize transformational innovations, managerial skill, or subservience to democratic sentiment. We have a great difficulty understanding, respecting, and promoting statesmanship because we are now somewhat prisoners of the Woodrow Wilson view of leadership in a democracy. Wilson believed that the popular statesman must incarnate the spirit of the people by selecting from currents of public opinion those that he or she regards as a progressive (based on administrative expertise) and then transforming those opinions from la tency to actuality. Instead of acting on the basis of the virtuous qualities discussed above, the Wilsonian popular so-called statesman operates entirely on the currents of popular opinion alone. For Wilson, both the demagogue and the so-called statesman simply respond to the common inclinations of the people: the demagogue trims to the inclination of the moment, while the popular, Wilsonian “statesman” obeys what he or she considers to be the general progressive inclinations of the public mind. Gone are the moral principles of the common good, the qualities of reso lution, wisdom, foresight, personal sacrifice, humility, magnanimity, or risking public displeasure when necessary. Gone is a concern for edu cating and ennobling public sentiment! As our society is more deprived of a well-educated citizenry, strong private groups, stable families, and vibrant religious organizations that foster timely instruction and self- discipline, we require ever more the principled and courageous vision
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8 Kenneth L. Deutsch
and public dedication of the true statesman. Today’s cancellation of the Founders and Lincoln deprives us of sorely needed models that once in spired future political greatness. Just when we need such statesmanship the most, we experience little public recognition of greatness in leader ship. In addition to the Wilsonian example, current educational models seem to conflate statesmanship with salesmanship or with technical ex pertise apart from character. These models produce resistance rather than assistance in renewing the prospects of true statesmanship in this nation. Citizens, public intellectuals, and political analysts must perse vere in fostering excellence in the realm of public leadership. It will be a tough pursuit both intellectually and politically. Our republic requires it, needs it, and deserves it. This book will examine some of the most significant leaders in American history in terms of the nature, virtue, and task of statesman ship. The inclusion of some leaders and the omission of others will always be a matter of debate. While the editors do not necessarily share the views of the contributors, we do agree upon the political influence of each of these leaders on the development of the American regime. To be sure, each is judged in terms of being more or less statesmanlike. This volume also includes some notable failures of statesmanship. Just as a physician must have an understanding of both health and disease, so we should have an understanding of political health and pathology. Above all, the statesman is committed body and soul to public ser vice and to the preservation of the nation both physically and in terms of its moral character. Which of our leaders are more or less effective in bringing along the public by personal example, by argument, by coercive measures when necessary, and by a rhetoric that uses words in our lan guage that enhance support for the public good?
Notes 1. Spontaneous remarks by Leo Strauss on hearing of the death of Chur chill, University of Chicago, January 25, 1965. See Statesmanship: Essays in Honor of Sir Winston Churchill, ed. Harry V. Jaffa (Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press, 1981), ix. 2. Orestes A. Brownson, “The Need of Statesmen,” in Literary, Scientific, and Political Views of Orestes A. Brownson (New York: Benziger Brothers, 1893), 175.
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What Is Statesmanship? 9 3. These three qualities correspond to Aristotle’s three rhetorical appeals based on ethos (character), pathos (feeling), and logos (reason). See Aristotle’s Rhetoric (1356a) in The Rhetoric and Poetics of Aristotle (New York: Modern Library College Editions, McGraw Hill, 1984), 24–25. 4. Werner Dannhauser, “Reflections on Statesmanship and Bureaucracy,” in Bureaucrats, Policy Analysts, Statesmen: Who Leads, ed. Robert A. Goldwin (Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute, 1980), 118.
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