Excerpt of More Precious Than Peace by Notre Dame Press

MORE PRECIOUS THAN PEACE A New History of America in World War I

JUSTUS D. DOENECKE University of Notre Dame Press Notre Dame, Indiana

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CONTENTS

Acknowledgments

Abbreviations in the Notes

Maps

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xiii

Introduction

one

Raising an Army

two

The Naval War

three

Mr. Creel Administers a Committee

four

Legislating Unity

five

The Ramparts We Watch

six

Foes of Our Own Household

seven

The Anti-Radical Crusade

eight

“Living on a Volcano”: Russia Amid Revolution 147

nine

“Walking on Eggs”: The Decision to Intervene

177

ten

Wrestling with War Aims, 1917

203

eleven

Wilson’s Peace Offensive, 1918

231

twelve

The Matter of Preparation

257

thirtee n

Checking Ludendorff

279

fourteen

Towards Allied Victory

293

117

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viii contents

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fifteen

Final Negotiations with the Germans

305

sixteen

The Colonel’s Last Mission

329

seventeen

“Not Ordinary Times”: The 1918 Elections

341

eighteen

Armistice

359

Conclusion

367

Notes

377

Bibliographic Essay

445

Index

471

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Introduction

W or l d Wa r I m a r ks on e o f t he m o s t re m a r k a bl e eriods in our nation’s history. The United States sent nearly p 2 million troops overseas, created an unparalleled war machine, and established a propaganda apparatus the envy of any nation. Such efforts are particularly extraordinary in a nation whose leadership was totally inexperienced in such matters. A decade before the nation entered the conflict, its president headed a major eastern university, its secretary of war served as a solicitor of a leading midwestern city, its secretary of the navy edited a metropolitan daily in the South, and the secretary of the treasury had just helped create a subway connecting Manhattan to Jersey City. Its postmaster general was attorney for a judicial district outside of Austin, Texas. Its leading general administered a fort outside of Manila. The man who headed the nation’s war propaganda ran a newspaper in Kansas City. The president’s alter ego, a confidant who would be entrusted with the most delicate of diplomatic missions, had recently been an intimate of several Texas governors and was just becoming immersed in national Democratic politics. Only the secretary of state had some experience befitting his station as a respected international lawyer whose specialty lay in arbitration. Of all the wartime ambassadors to Europe, just one had ever held a diplomatic post before. Given such lack of experience, in some ways the U.S. war effort achieved remarkable success, especially since the United States participated as a belligerent for merely a year 1

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2 introduction

and a half. While still a newcomer to the coalition fighting the Central Powers, President Woodrow Wilson articulated peace aims that forced all the warring leaders, friend or foe, to respond to his agenda. Presenting an alternative vision to V. I. Lenin’s dictum of an immediate peace with no annexations or reparations, Wilson captured the popular imagination both at home and overseas with his stress on self-determination of peoples and an entirely new global order, thereby strengthening liberals everywhere. Even his military intervention in Russia drew little contemporary dissent, with quarrels over his motives remaining left for historians to debate decades later. Certain other cabinet members possessed genuine strengths. Secretary of State Robert Lansing framed an agreement with Japan, nebulous to be sure, that reduced tensions at a critical point in the conflict. Navy Secretary Josephus Daniels directed massive convoy operations and engineered a “Bridge of Ships” that sent hordes of doughboys overseas with few losses. William Gibbs McAdoo, secretary of the treasury, raised $17 billion in massive publicity drives while authorizing $7.3 billion in loans to the Allies, money crucial to their survival. He also coordinated a complex U.S. railroad system, one that had been so chaotic that briefly in the winter of 1917–18 much of the economy was barely functioning. The Wilson administration suffered less corruption than had existed under Abraham Lincoln. It showed more imagination than did a host of subsequent wartime presidents, ranging from Franklin D. Roosevelt to George W. Bush, particularly in the ability to propagate the nation’s war aims. Waging its first total overseas conflict in its entire life—manpower, factories, farms, indeed its thinking—the United States was welded into a militarized behemoth. As part of a production miracle, several million inductees were supplied with 30.7 million pairs of shoes, 21.7 million blankets, 13.9 million wool coats, and 131 million pairs of socks. George Creel, chairman of the Committee on Public Information (CPI), distributed close to 100 million pieces of literature throughout the world. Most important of all, U.S. shipments to Europe, ranging from steel and copper to textiles and raw cotton, were crucial in making victory possible. Furthermore, in the fall of 1918, the American Expeditionary Force (AEF) played a major role in the Allied triumph.

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introduction

As expected, the Wilson administration set a premium on national unity. Americans, the president pledged in his war message of April 2, 1917, would “dedicate our lives and fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have” to the common effort. Two weeks later, in a proclamation urging sacrifice, he remarked, “We must all speak, act, and serve together!” In his Flag Day address delivered in June, he warned, “Woe be to the man or group of men that seek to stand in our way in this day of high resolution.” Speaking to Congress close to a year later, in May 1918, Wilson went so far as to claim “politics is adjourned.”1 The story of the war, however, is not one of consensus. Although the success of four Liberty Loan campaigns indicates massive popular support for the military effort, few realize the degree of dissidence manifested in the nation. Not only was politics never “adjourned,” but from the time the country entered the war, attacks on the Wilson administration remained strong and bitter. Early in April 1917, six senators and fifty members of the U.S. House of Representatives voted against entering the conflict. At the time, at least four other antiwar senators and up to fifty representatives still opposed full-scale U.S. participation in the war. However, they did feel pressured by the need to express national unity and, if they were southerners, by Democratic Party loyalty. Final congressional tallies supporting conscription belie strong initial dissent over the matter, expressed over several weeks and lodged within the highest ranks of the president’s own party. The CPI and particularly Director Creel drew impassioned congressional attack, as did the original espionage bill of June 1917 and the Sedition Act of May 1918. The nation experienced persecutions of German Americans, an ethnic group totaling at least 8 million. It saw wide- sweeping repression of political radicals, who nonetheless offered surprising resistance that continued well into the war. Moreover, in other ways the war was no success story, the administration showing itself woefully inept and occasionally downright destructive. Postmaster General Albert Sidney Burleson refused mailing privileges to scores of dissident journals, especially if they were on the political left. Before the United States entered the conflict, Colonel Edward Mandell House, Wilson’s primary adviser, had already proven himself out of his depth in negotiating with the British. Critically, as

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4 introduction

the war drew to an end, U.S. and Allied obstinacy concerning any sort of negotiated peace cost countless lives on all sides. The sheer waging of war had its own problems. Secretary of War Newton Baker was hesitant in grasping the full implications of the struggle, long permitting War Department bureau chiefs to exercise an autonomy that resulted in painful slowdowns. For close to a year, army chiefs of staffs remained equally inept, overwhelmed by the complexities of modern warfare. U.S. Army commander John J. Pershing’s stress on an frontal assault, unaccompanied by supporting artillery, led to many needless casualties. Particularly within the past decade, amid the centennial of World War I, many fresh accounts have been written concerning the U.S. role in the struggle. Some narratives paint with a broad brush, covering such matters as the nature of Wilsonianism and the United States’ rise to global financial dominance. Not surprisingly, the story of U.S. ground forces has received fresh treatment, with attention now given to the role played by war correspondents. New biographies have been written on such diverse figures as President Wilson, Colonel House, Theodore Roosevelt, Robert Lansing, William Gibbs McAdoo, Newton D. Baker, Josephus Daniels, and journalist Roy W. Howard. My account in this book often deals with the domestic controversies regarding the nature of U.S. participation. As one who has spent much of his career examining Americans who took a dim view of U.S. foreign policy from 1931 to the early Cold War, I am now continuing to examine foes of U.S. intervention, this time scrutinizing their opposition to the way the nation waged World War I. Hence, I offer extensive coverage of critics of Wilson’s policies, both those who found him insufficiently belligerent and those who sought immediate negotiation with the Central Powers. I explore diplomatic ineptitude, as reflected in a Russian policy singularly incompetent in execution; production snags, leading to AEF reliance on Allied weapons during the entire involvement; and military incompetence, as revealed in crucial battles and campaigns. When historians have differed over various topics, their diverse views are included. My narrative is the second in a series dealing with the administration of Woodrow Wilson in regard to World War I and its aftermath. My first volume, Nothing Less Than War: A New History of America’s Entry into World War I (2011), covers the period beginning in August

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introduction

1914, when the European powers found themselves embraced in deadly struggle, and it ends in April 1917, when the United States entered what was once known as the Great War.2 As with the previous volume, I hope to share with both the general reader and the specialist my research in both primary sources and secondary literature. This book begins with the first great controversy of the war, the conscription issue, and in the process reveals lively debates as to what America’s general role should be in the conflict. It moves to the nation’s first military participation in the war, that involving the navy, which played a crucial part as the United States initially entered the conflict. Because, from the outset, the Wilson administration deemed national unity essential to achieving victory, the book takes up in turn the Creel Committee, legislation designed to suppress dissident opinion, the activities of those responsible for enforcing “100% Americanism,” ethnic targets of the “patriotic” crusades, attacks on publisher William Randolph Hearst and Senator Robert M. La Follette, and assaults on the political left. The narrative continues with U.S. reaction to the Russian revolutions of March and November 1917, events that challenged war aims throughout the entire West, increased radical s entiments everywhere, and soon led to Allied military intervention. These topics are succeeded by Wilson’s vision of a just peace, scandals in military training and production, and U.S. combat in Western Europe. After describing the nation’s final negotiations with both the Germans and Allies and the politics leading up to the 1918 congressional elections, the book concludes with the armistice of November 11. The published Wilson Papers, the New York Times, and the Congressional Record remain indispensable. Certain vehicles of opinion have proven particularly helpful. Both the Literary Digest and Current Opinion combine news accounts with press summaries. The Nation strongly reflected the views of pacifist leaning Oswald Garrison Villard, who in January 1918 became editor in chief. The New Republic, another liberal weekly, harbored editors who were personally close to Colonel House. Lyman Abbott’s Outlook shared the views of Theodore Roosevelt, who had resigned as contributing editor just before war broke out in Europe. The conservative North American Review published its own War Weekly (hereafter referred to as George Harvey’s War Weekly), which became an increasingly venomous critic of the Wilson administration. There existed the pro-German weeklies,

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such as Viereck’s: The American Weekly and Issues and Events, both of which miraculously escaped the sting of Post Office Department censors. An analysis of the newspaper chain of William Randolph Hearst puts to rest many stereotypes, for the press mogul strongly backed the Wilson administration while casting aspersions on almost every U.S. ally. Seeking to keep references under control, I have often limited notes to direct quotations, diplomatic documents, and the contemporary press. When several newspapers treat an event, I have sought to cite the one with the largest circulation. For readers who seek to ascertain my sources for sheer narrative, be the topic violations of civil liberties, the turmoil in Russia, or battles fought by U.S. troops, I have provided an extensive bibliographic essay.

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ONE Raising an Army

On July 20, 1917, at 2:40 p.m., in the judiciary chamber of the Senate Office Building, a slightly built, youthful- looking, bespectacled man told several hundred people, “This is an occasion of great dignity and some solemnity. The young men selected today are honored by the privilege of serving their country.” Then, wearing a blindfold, Secretary of War Newton Diehl Baker reached into a large glass container fifteen inches high and thirty in circumference. He drew a capsule from the 10,500 in the bowl and remarked, “I have drawn the first number,” giving the object to Provost Marshal Enoch Crowder, who intoned “Number 258.” Except for the whirl of a movie camera, the room was silent, for those present were breathless. All realized that the 258th man in each of 4,557 local boards would be registered for the draft. Once called up for a physical examination, Number 258 faced the strong possibility that he would soon be part of the U.S. Army. Subsequent drawings were made in turn by the chairmen of the Senate and House Military Affairs committees and by the ranking minority members.1 For the next sixteen hours and forty-six minutes, other officials dipped into the bowl until 2:16 the following morning. It had taken wartime United States several months and much congressional debate to reach 7

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8 more precious than peace

this step—the United States had only become a belligerent power on April 6. On the eve of entering the conflict, the United States remained woefully unprepared. Its army was antiquated, ranking seventeenth among the nations of the world. Historian Robert H. Ferrell labeled it “a home for old soldiers, a quiet, sleepy place where they killed time until they began drawing their pensions.” Because the bulk of its soldiering had been on the Great Plains, military scholar David R. Woodward finds it essentially a constabulary force usually fighting Native Americans.2 The regular army numbered 121,000 men; about 180,000 were enrolled in the National Guard, long an entity of dubious quality. As for weaponry, the army fell short in just about every essential— tanks, mortars, grenades, gas masks, flamethrowers, heavy howitzers— and had fewer than two thousand machine guns. Field artillery did not have enough rounds to sustain a bombardment for more than a few minutes. If the Springfield rifle was possibly the world’s best, there were far too few of them to outfit a massive expeditionary force. The fifty-five aircraft were obsolete, and in any case only thirty-five officers knew how to fly. Lacking motorized transport, troops depended on horse and mule. Ammunition sufficed for just one and a half days of combat. Organized field armies, army corps, and combat divisions did not exist; the very few surviving regiments were undermanned. The small National Guard was most inadequate, despite its recent service on the Mexican border. Since the Spanish–American War, only Major General John J. Pershing had a commanded a large body of combat troops. War Secretary Baker possessed practically no military experience, having been mayor of Cleveland before occupying his post. Relatively speaking, the United States had been better prepared in the American Revolution and the War of 1812. Existing war plans bore little semblance to reality: they ignored the creation of an industrial base needed for mobilizing massive forces, much less the needed reorganize all of American society. Until Germany announced unrestricted submarine warfare, the U.S. General Staff had focused solely on the defense of the North American continent—with one exception, a harebrained scheme hatched late in 1916 to send half a million men to the Balkans.3 Once Uncle Sam had committed himself, the U.S. Army War College took a quite different direction. It sought the conscription of

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1.5 million men, a force not immediately scheduled for overseas duty; instead, U.S. troops would receive extensive training at home until they became battle-ready. As Major General Tasker H. Bliss, assistant chief of staff under Major General Hugh L. Scott, summarized War College studies on March 31, 1917, U.S. cooperation must initially be limited to naval and economic support. Only after two years, Bliss maintained, would the United States possess the ground troops needed to fight on the western front against Germany.4 Others concurred. In mid-March, Colonel Edward Mandell House, by far Woodrow Wilson’s closest adviser, had written the president concerning Allied needs. He claimed that the British and French governments, with whom he was in contact, stressed the delivery of matériel, France in particular focusing on steel, coal, and other raw materials: “No one looks with favor upon our raising a large army at the moment, believing that it would be better if we would permit volunteers to enlist in the Allied armies.” Treasury Secretary William Gibbs McAdoo doubted America’s ability to furnish troops in Europe, stressing loans as the chief form of aid.5 During the debate of early April 1917 over U.S. entry into war, several members of Congress surmised that the nation’s role would be limited to shipping supplies and conducting naval operations. Seldom was full-fledged combat on the European continent mentioned. Fiorello La Guardia (R-N.Y.), at the time a newly elected member of the U.S. House, later maintained that at least 60 percent of those House members who voted for war did not think the United States would send a single soldier overseas.6 Through April most of the administration agreed, assuming that the navy would do most of the fighting. Any expeditionary force would be a token one, composed of army regulars and volunteers. In early May, British prime minister David Lloyd George told Allied leaders that the United States lacked the shipping needed to send a large force to Europe. “America is still an unknown,” he said. “We must not count upon her aid in a military way for a long time to come.”7 Yet raising large masses of ground troops for combat soon became a crucial matter. On March 5, 1917, a month before the United States entered the conflict, the War Department submitted a plan providing for the mobilization of half a million men within six months. Wilson and Secretary Baker had been cool to a compulsory draft, believing

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10 more precious than peace

that voluntary enlistment was sufficient and also in best accord with the American tradition. Only late that month did both men deem conscription necessary. In his April 2 war message, Wilson called for half a million men, preferably through “universal military liability to service,” a request that drew particularly strong applause. On the 5th, Baker submitted his draft proposal to Congress. The war secretary sought a regular army that would reach almost 300,000 men; a “federalized” National Guard that would tally 440,000; and a conscripted force of half a million between the ages of nineteen and thirty-five. If necessary, another 500,000 could be drafted. In this way, at least 1.2 million troops could be raised.8 Not surprisingly, except for the declaration of war, the draft produced more letters to Congress than did any other issue of the year. The subsequent debates forced the legislators to deal with the most fundamental of questions: What would be the nature and scope of the nation’s commitment and how could the United States best fulfill any major military enterprise? Groups reacted differently. Samuel Gompers, president of the American Federation of Labor (AFL), claimed that organized labor had always opposed conscription, for “institutions and relations of a free people can and should be based upon the voluntary principle.” The Black community was divided, but most of its leaders, including Crisis editor W. E. B. Du Bois, saw a chance to gain equality. Urban support for the draft was revealed when 383 mayors of cities of more than 5,000 people backed universal military training, including James M. Curley of Boston and John Purroy Mitchel of New York City. Various preparedness societies supported the bill, including the National Security League (NSL), the American Defense Society (ADS), and the American Rights League. In noting a NSL survey of 470 newspapers taken in mid-April, the Literary Digest reported that 270 favored universal training, 49 opposed it, and 157 were uncommitted.9 At first the issue seemed in doubt. On April 10, a dispatch from the New York Tribune’s Washington Bureau reported that if all members of the House voted the way they talked, “the majority against the President’s conscription plan would be tremendous.” A day later, Congressman Edward William Pou (D-N.C.), chairman of the House Rules Committee, wrote Wilson aide Joseph Tumulty saying that

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House sentiment overwhelmingly favored the voluntary system. He predicted a bitter and uncertain floor fight were the matter challenged. On April 21, a poll of the House showed only 43 percent of the membership favored an immediate draft.10 Much of the congressional establishment opposed conscription, including such political powerhouses as Speaker of the House Champ Clark (D-Mo.), House majority leader Claude Kitchin (D-N.C.), House minority leader James Mann (R-Ill.), and former Speaker Joseph G. Cannon (R-Ill.). The House and Senate military committees split over the matter. The House Committee on Military Affairs chair, Hubert S. Dent Jr., a conservative Democrat and lawyer from Montgomery, Alabama, introduced legislation that undercut administration plans. His bill did establish a selective service system with accompanying registration, but only if and when the president had determined that voluntarism had failed. By creating both volunteer and conscripted forces, it raised the possibility that only volunteers would serve overseas. Passing the committee 13 to 8 on April 18, the bill was backed by southern and western congressmen but opposed by easterners and such westerners as Julius Kahn (R-Calif.), who led the House’s pro- conscription forces. Born in the Grand Duchy of Baden and moved to California at age five, the colorful Kahn—the son of a cattle rancher— had performed on the stage with Edwin Booth before becoming a trial lawyer and representing San Francisco in Congress. Ironically, it was therefore a German-born Republican who spearheaded administration policy on the House floor. Conscription had an easier time in the Senate Military Affairs Committee, which reported the bill in the form desired by Wilson, Baker, and the General Staff. The committee chair, George E. Chamberlain (D-Ore.), had introduced a bill for universal military service two years earlier. After narrowly voting down a two-track measure similar to the Dent bill and sponsored by Kenneth McKellar (D-Tenn.), on April 18 the Senate committee voted 10 to 7 to back the administration. The lineup was usually regional, with the South and West often opposing the president and metropolitan districts in the Northeast or on the West Coast supporting it. By now debate was bitter, for it quickly involved the entire role the United States should play in the conflict. Seldom, if ever, during the

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war would the United States experience such impassioned arguments. Congressman Robert Crosser (D-Ohio) called the matter “the gravest question which has confronted this country in a half century, if not in its whole history.”11 If Crosser was exaggerating, an examination of the congressional debates shows that the stakes were enormous. Nevertheless, contrary to stereotype, the issue, at least in the House, was not voluntarism versus draft but giving voluntarism a trial run before conscription was instituted. As conscription historian John Whiteclay Chambers II notes, despite public protestations, many rural southern Democrats and midwestern Republicans believed in a wartime draft but sought a measure acceptable to their constituents. Hence, they desired to first try the volunteer system or at least permit the raising of volunteers while the draft was put into effect.12 For some supporters of conscription, imperial Germany put the entire world in peril. To Senator Frank B. Kellogg (R-Minn.), the Reich was “the greatest military power in the world history.” Senator Henry Myers (D-Mont.) saw the kaiser ranking with Julius Caesar, Alexander the Great, and Napoleon. Senator Thomas (“Tom-Tom”) Heflin (D-Ala.) warned, “A mad monarch, dreaming of world power, now threatens every free government in the world.”13 Certainly, so pro-draft legislators argued, the United States was directly threatened. Were Britain and France defeated, so warned Congressman Clifton McArthur (R-Ore.), “the common enemy will be on our shores, with a combined fleet outnumbering ours two to one with a seasoned army of millions of veteran soldiers.” Senator Albert B. Fall (R-N.Mex.) feared that if the Germans reached Paris, they—accompanied by 15 million Mexicans—would “next reach Chicago and cut your great United States in two.”14 Little wonder many such legislators agreed with Congressman Irvine L. Lenroot (R-Wis.): “We must fight autocracy in Germany in order to preserve democracy in America.” Given the danger of Russia’s collapse, so both Representatives Asbury Lever (D-S.C.) and Royal C. Johnson (R-S.Dak.) admonished, the United States might have to bear the brunt of the war. At any rate, this conflict, warned Congressman Thomas D. McKeown (D-Okla.), was no mere “gala occasion for the American Navy to engage in a little target practice and our torpedo destroyers to have a little game of hide and seek upon the high seas with a few German submarines.”15

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To its defenders, it was the draft that was more democratic. Conscription, several congressmen argued, was no more coercive than taxation, jury duty, or compulsory education. Indeed, the draft could be downright wholesome. John Miller (R-Wash.) said, “Bring the young fellow out of the poolroom, away from the bright street lights of the night, jerk him away from his cigarettes and let us make a man of him of some use to his country—let us compel him to be a man.” Outside of Congress, administration publicist George Creel found conscription regenerating “the heart, liver, and kidneys of America,” all in “sad need of overhauling.”16 Some senators conceded a loss of freedom but found it necessary. To Wesley Jones (R-Wash.), the United States could not win victories without militarism. Hiram Johnson (R-Calif.) conceded that the war would temporarily destroy “the last proud tradition that made us a Nation of sovereign free men,” but spoke of the need to foster democracy in a wider world.17 To conscription advocates, the volunteer system would always be found wanting. Chamberlain called the arrangement “undemocratic, unreliable, extravagant, inefficient, and, above all, unsafe.” Only Nevada, noted Congressman John M. C. Smith (R-Mich.) in late April, supplied its quota of volunteers. Speaking more cautiously, Kahn asserted, “Some days volunteering is good; some days it is bad.” At the current rate of a thousand volunteers a day, commented Senator John Sharp Williams (D-Miss.), it would take three years to create an army.18 To some draft backers, their opponents might be suspect in their loyalties, indeed downright subversive. Heflin claimed that “every German agent and sympathizer in the United States is to-day advocating the voluntary system.” John Sharp Williams saw conscription separating “the loyal from the disloyal.”19 Draft opponents sought to meet all such arguments. None was more pronounced in denying any threat to the United States than the Senate’s most outspoken dissenter, Robert Marion La Follette. In a speech lasting close to two and a half hours and delivered on April 27, the Wisconsin Republican maintained that no German soldier or battleship could endanger America’s coasts. If the Germans could not crack the submarine blockade so as to feed their hungry people, then surely they could not spare ships to transport troops across the At lantic. Conversely, hundreds of thousands of U.S. soldiers might be

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14 more precious than peace

caught in a situation similar to Britain’s “desperate and foolish undertaking at the Dardanelles or face “the double risk of being blown up at sea and being killed in the trenches.”20 Indeed, conscription foes argued that the Allies were not en dangered. Congressman James L. Slayden (D-Tex.) commented that Britain itself had not yet been invaded. House colleague Harvey Helm (D-Ky.) claimed that the Entente was smashing the Hindenburg Line on the western front and driving the Turks back to their own borders. With Berlin’s manpower being exhausted at a tremendous rate, Germany resembled the U.S. South in the closing year of the Civil War.21 Moreover, some lawmakers argued, a United States with limited war aims would have no need for conscription. To Representative Denver Church (D-Calif.), “We are simply fighting to establish the right to run the German submarine blockade, and we would be able to do that at the end of the war just the same whether we enter it or not.”22 Above all, according to anticonscription legislators, the United States had no business fighting for the material goals of the Allies. Once it deposed the kaiser, Congressman Isaac R. Sherwood (D-Ohio) asked, was the United States going to overthrow the monarchs of Spain, Rumania, Serbia, Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, or the Sultan of Turkey and the Mikado of Japan? Senator Thomas W. Hardwick (D-Ga.) opposed sending young Georgians into the trenches “to decide who shall have Alsace or Lorraine or Bosnia or Herzegovina, or some other outlandish country over there.” The lone Socialist congressman, Meyer London (N.Y.), was not surprised that only one out of 20,000 eligible men had volunteered: “They do not understand what it means to be asked to fight for democracy in Germany or Austria- Hungary and Turkey and Bulgaria so as to fix the boundary lines between contending European nations. . . . Most of the people do not know whether Hamburg is in Switzerland or in Palestine.”23 Certain House members who favored retaining the volunteer system stressed matters of ability, willpower, and morale. To Henry I. Emerson (R-Ohio), one volunteer equaled two conscripts. James W. Wise (D-Ga.) proclaimed, “I want an army of free men; not slaves.”24 Conversely, House conscription foes scorned draftees. Asked James F. Byrnes (D-S.C.), “Are you going to defeat Germany with an army of pool-room sharks?” Addressing his colleagues for more than

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an hour, Speaker Clark drew much attention for saying, “I protest with all my heart and mind and soul against the slur of being a conscript placed upon the men of Missouri! In the estimations of Mis sourians, there is precious little difference between a conscript and a convict.” John M. C. Smith took particular exception to Champ Clark’s convict analogy: “There is no more connection between conscript and convict than there is between preacher and prisoner.”25 To conscription foes, however, draftees were far too young to serve overseas. One should not, argued Congressman John Morin (R-Pa.), send America’s youth to Europe, where women were treated disdainfully and the Christian Sabbath not observed. Senator William F. Kirby (D-Ark.) saw in the draft corroboration of the old statement of “a rich man’s war and a poor man’s fight.” Congressman Mark Bacon (R-Mich.) spoke of “sons between the age of 18 and 21 . . . shot down or return sightless, armless, legless, dying of disease, or their health wrecked for life.”26 Some conscription opponents saw sinister interests behind the draft. Senator Lawrence Sherman (R-Ill.) condemned the belligerency of “the metropolitan newspapers.” Representative Daniel R. Anthony (R-Kans.) attacked the pressure exercised by such “bogus” organizations as the American Defense Society, accusing many of their members of holding munitions stock. Congressman Jouett Shouse (D-Kans.) sought to meet Anthony’s accusation by asking how a stockholder in a munitions factory would profit more through selling munitions under the conscription system than under the volunteer one. Alabama representative George Huddleston (D), noting that New York’s prestigious Union League Club had endorsed the draft, found such backers needing “big armies and navies to protect their investments in foreign lands, to secure for them the safe return of dividends from concessions of mines, railroads, and so forth, and the exploitation of weak and undeveloped peoples.” U.S. entry into the war, he continued, was merely the last in a series of capitalist involvement, ranging from “seizure” of the Philippines to the sending of troops to Haiti, Santo Domingo, and Costa Rica.27 The nation, draft critics warned, was losing its democratic character. Congressman Thomas Sisson (D-Miss.) saw the arrival of “Prussianism.” Representative Harold K. Claypool (D-Ohio) commented

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that Russia’s czar would have blushed at such a system. Senator Hardwick said conscription conferred more power “than was ever conferred upon any German Hohenzollern, Russian Romanoff, or any Roman Caesar, or any despot in the history of the world.” To Congressman Robert Y. Thomas Jr. (D-Ky.), conscription was simply another name for slavery.28 Conscription foes saw the present system working. If the president called for a million volunteers, Daniel E. Garrett (D-Tex.) promised, “men would be standing at the doors waiting.” At the current enlistment rate of two thousand a day, remarked Senator James A. Reed (D-Mo.), the nation could raise from three to five first-class regi ments within twenty days; the regular army would be at full war strength within seventy-five.29 Draft foes cited the role of the British Empire in the ongoing conflict. Congressman Edward E. Browne (R-Wis.) pointed to the examples of Britain, Canada, New Zealand, and Australia, all of which currently or just recently had depended on a volunteer army. Representative Wise reported that Britain was able to raise half a million troops under the volunteer system, Canada between 400,000 and 500,000, and Australia between 300,000 and 400,000, with New Zealand and Ireland doing equally well. Senator Reed even went so far as to claim that the English and Canadian volunteer, once trained and equipped, was a better fighting man than the German.30 Race played a role in the debate. Even before the congressional debates began, arch-racist James K. Vardaman (D-Miss.) warned that drafting African Americans would lead to “arrogant strutting representatives of the black soldiery in every community.” Conversely, Alabama’s Heflin claimed that southern white men were willing to volunteer but did not want to “leave the negro boys at home to become the tools of German spies and agents in stirring up trouble for our people.”31 At times, the debate became frivolous. Representative Alben Bark ley (D-Ky.) quipped that “Moses himself was a drafted man.” Congressman William Adamson (D-Ga.) added that “Jesus selected or drafted all of his Disciples, and when Judas went out his successor was selected.”32 By April 28, the anticonscription forces were worn down. Within three weeks, the House had completely reversed itself, pivoting—in

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historian Chambers’s words—“like a weathervane in a wind.” First, Dent’s volunteer plan was voted down 313–109 in favor of the Kahn amendment embodying the draft. Then the House approved conscription 397–24, with 10 not voting. At this point even Chairman Dent and Speaker Clark supported it. The majority staged a great demonstration as the administration victory was announced, with several members engaging in a snake dance down the aisle.33 On the same day a few minutes before midnight, the Senate passed conscription 81–8. The success did not alleviate some bitterness. Senator Henry Cabot Lodge (R-Mass.) wrote a close friend concerning President Wilson: “He has not even the decency to say ‘thank you’ to the Republicans of the military committee who are standing by him. He did right in going to war but he is not the kind of animal who changes his spots.”34 Two other matters came before the Senate that day, showing that certain issues still needed resolution. First, the House had fixed the age range between twenty-one and forty, the Senate twenty-one to twenty-seven. The General Staff had sought all men between nineteen and twenty-five. Second, the Senate, by a vote of 56–31, adopted the amendment of Warren Gamaliel Harding (R-Ohio) that in essence gave permission for Theodore Roosevelt to lead four volunteer infantry divisions. Twenty Democrats favored the TR proposal, including such long-standing Wilson critics as Reed, Vardaman, Hardwick, and Thomas P. Gore (D-Okla.). On the previous day, April 27, the House had rejected the Roosevelt proposal by 170 to 106.35 Once it had become clear that the United States had broken off diplomatic relations with Germany, Roosevelt (often called “colonel”) had sought to head a division, possibly totaling 54,000 men. An ardent militarist, TR once claimed that “no triumph of peace is quite so great as the supreme triumph of war.” In the spring of 1917, he offered to raise a force that would complement, not replace, universal service, which he had always endorsed. As early as February 16, he promised French ambassador Jules Jusserand and British ambassador Sir Cecil Arthur Spring Rice he could supply the trenches with 20,000 men within six months: “I should be profoundly unhappy unless I got into the fighting line.” Such a gesture, he believed, would raise Allied morale while terrifying the German high command. As he wrote a friend on March 7, a month before the United States became a belligerent, “I

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shall endeavor to free this country from the disgrace of seeing it embark in a war without fighting, for such a war can only be ended by a peace without victory.”36 Weeks before the United States entered the war, Roosevelt wrote Newton Baker three times, asking permission to raise his division. In the last letter he referred to having been a past commander in chief of the army, a title that came with the presidency, and to his leading the Rough Riders in the war with Spain. On March 30, TR spoke at New York’s Union League Club, declaring he expected to die in France and to be buried on French soil. Former secretary of state Elihu Root responded, “Theodore, if you can convince Wilson of that I am sure he will give you a commission.”37 The administration was always discouraging. Baker’s responses were perfunctory, replying that the War Department would call upon Roosevelt if needed. Four days after the United States entered the war, TR visited the White House, conversing with the president for twenty- five minutes. “He is a great big boy,” Wilson later told his secretary, Joseph Tumulty. “I was, as formerly, charmed by his personality. There is a sweetness about him that is very compelling. You can’t resist the man.” Three days after the meeting, Roosevelt admitted to journalist John Callan (“Cal”) O’Laughlin that all his former attacks on his successor were “true and justified and necessary to say.” (As late as November 1916, TR had accused Wilson of downright cowardliness, attacking the president’s efforts to maintain neutrality.) He went on to remark, however, that he would “let it all drift into oblivion” if the president “will now go into the war with all his heart, and with single- minded patriotism serve this country.”38 Any surface cordiality went for naught when, on April 13, Baker wrote Roosevelt that the Army War College had unanimously recommended against his proposal. The decision, wrote the secretary of war, was “purely military,” based on the tenet that any expeditionary force should be commanded by experienced professional officers. Baker wrote economist Alvin Johnson, “We could not risk a repetition of the San Juan Hill affair, with the commander rushing his men into a situation from which only luck extricated them.”39 There were several reasons for administration reluctance. Wilson biographer John Milton Cooper Jr. notes that the president “would not

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have been human if thoughts of foiling a bitter rival had not crossed his mind. Moreover, Roosevelt could not hide his desire to horn in on running the war.” Certainly, Wilson recalled TR’s desire for “an allout, shoulder-to-shoulder crusade” against all the Central Powers at the very time Wilson sought to avoid military involvement. More important, the old colonel would seek a total triumph, not a “peace without victory.” Obviously Wilson recalled his predecessor’s remarks during the 1916 presidential campaign, when TR found Wilson’s neutrality policy revealing him as worse than Pontius Pilate. Yet Cooper downplays motives of personal revenge and political considerations, claiming that Wilson realized that the Rough Rider, cavalry-charge style of war was tragically outmoded in twentieth- century technological warfare. Roosevelt was now fifty-eight years old, blind in one eye, and at times victim to poisoning created by equatorial fever, a consequence of his 1913 journey down the Amazon River. He had not seen combat for nearly two decades. Most important of all, TR’s crusading stance, desire for “total victory,” and closeness to the Entente contrasted strongly with Wilson’s more distant and dispassionate approach. Historian Chambers goes so far as to find Wilson’s endorsement of the draft the direct result of TR’s challenge.40 Besides, the War Department convincingly argued that TR’s zeal would hamper efficiency, for he planned to recruit the most experienced officers for his volunteer force. The War Department’s Tasker Bliss remarked that Roosevelt’s plan would result in poorly trained troops experiencing excessive losses. Lieutenant General George Bridges, chief military adviser to British foreign secretary Arthur Balfour, convinced his superiors that conditions were too serious for any such amateurs.41 Two days after Baker turned TR down, Roosevelt publicly asked Congress to take up the matter. In a letter to Senator Chamberlain and Representative Dent, he spoke in terms of a division of three regimental infantry brigades, one divisional brigade of cavalry, an artillery brigade, a regiment of engineers, a motorcycle machine-gun regiment, an air squadron, a signal corps, and a supply service. He referred to “intensive training in gas-work, bomb-throwing, bayonet- fighting, and trench work.” Lodge soon recruited Senator Harding to

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introduce a resolution authorizing Roosevelt to raise and command three divisions. The bid to Harding would foster intraparty unity, for as chairman of the 1916 Republican Convention, the Ohio senator had maneuvered to block TR’s presidential nomination. Within days Harding expanded the amendment, empowering the president to appoint up to four volunteer divisions. Though Roosevelt was not specifically named, the intent of the proposal was obvious. Harding claimed that TR bore the standard “New World liberty, New World Civilization, and New World humanity,” leading a force that would “put new life in every allied trench and a new glow in every allied campfire.”42 Serving with Roosevelt would be Major General Leonard Wood, former army chief of staff and an outspoken TR protégé. Captain Frank McCoy would be divisional chief. McCoy had been wounded in the Spanish–American War, helped suppress the Philippine rebellion, served in the occupation of Cuba, and spent two years as military aide to President Roosevelt. Henry L. Stimson, William Howard Taft’s secretary of war, would be commissary general. TR even offered Wilson aide Joe Tumulty a commission.43 TR was quick to find volunteers. Among the thousands who offered to serve under him were Senator William E. Borah (R-Idaho), who had voted against conscription, and War Secretary Baker’s own brother Julian. So did a budding army captain in San Antonio named Dwight David Eisenhower. Evangelist Billy Sunday told an audience of 2,000 gathered at New York’s Tabernacle that he would join the colonel’s expedition, “if it was just to black his boots.”44 For Roosevelt advocates, his celebrity status was a crucial factor. William Randolph Hearst’s New York American, conceding it had “never worshipped at Mr. Roosevelt’s shrine,” remarked that “there is no other American who looms up so large in the eyes of Europe.” To Congressman Augustus P. (“Gussie”) Gardner (R-Mass.), Roosevelt was “one of the greatest moral forces that the modern world has ever known,” a man who had commanded in “the biggest land battle the U.S. had fought since the Civil War.”45 Roosevelt’s backers made other points. Chicago congressman William E. Mason (R) accused the hostile General Staff of jealousy. Representative Walter M. Chandler (Prog.-N.Y.) compared TR favorably to John J. Pershing, whom Wilson had designated to lead the American Expeditionary Force (AEF) in Europe, calling “Black Jack” “the man

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who could not capture [Pancho] Villa after several months of trial.” Congressman William S. Vare (R-Pa.) denied that Roosevelt’s efforts would interfere with the conscription system, for men called by selective service had already volunteered for his division. “Uncle Joe” Cannon denied he was ever a Roosevelt backer but wryly found it “more dangerous to leave him at home.”46 Roosevelt drew Republican opposition too. Many among the Old Guard never forgave Roosevelt for his “Bull Moose” bolt in 1912, as the resulting schism had cost the Grand Old Party the election. The party’s pro-war faction had never been large. Antiwar representatives, centering around James Mann and other midwesterners, could not forget that Roosevelt had called them traitors when they backed Wilson’s “peace without victory” position. Such critics found TR’s reputation much overrated. On April 9, ex-president William Howard Taft wrote James Bryce, former British ambassador to the United States: “It would involve great risk to entrust 25,000 men to a commander so lacking in real military experience and so utterly insubordinate in his nature.” Congressman Tom Connally (D-Tex.) exclaimed that “the charge of the Light Brigade was a magnificent thing, but it slaughtered great numbers of soldiers uselessly.” Senator William J. Stone (D-Mo.) even attacked Roosevelt’s Cuban record, claiming his regiment in Cuba would have been cut to pieces had it not been rescued by Black troops of the regular army. The ultraconservative North American Review, edited by Wilson critic George Harvey, suggested that TR’s “Western cowboys and Eastern sports” patrol the Mexican border!47 More important, Wilson backers realized that some pro-volunteer forces were obviously using TR’s cause as a means of avoiding conscription altogether. The New York Times, though finding Roosevelt’s bid “a manly act,” claimed it would “derange” the plans of the War Department. New York’s World commented: “The volunteer system is vicious and indefensible except when he personally wishes to raise a division of volunteers.” In a public letter, Joseph Leiter, president of the Army League and Chicago grain merchant, went so far as to accuse Roosevelt of “giving aid and comfort to the enemy in Congress.”48 For a brief time, it looked as if the “Roosevelt Volunteers” amendment had a chance. On May 10, after setting the draft age between twenty-one and thirty, the three Republican delegates to the conference

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committee agreed to eliminate all proposals for raising volunteer units. However, it gave the president the option of bestowing a general’s commission on the old colonel in the newly created forces. A day later, TR cabled Senator Harding and Congressman Gardner, saying he did not want his proposal to hold up conscription legislation. Nonetheless, he claimed, his own expeditionary force could have “sailed for France tomorrow.”49 A surprise House motion presented by Daniel R. Anthony on May 12 would recommit the conference report with instructions to support the provision giving TR an independent command. Percy E. Quin (D-Miss.) accused the Roosevelt forces of “waving a red flag in the face of the War Department,” thereby delaying the passage of the draft bill. Charles P. Caldwell (D-N.Y.) alleged that the whole purpose of the amendment was to turn Roosevelt into a martyr, hence advancing his presidential hopes in 1920. Gardner countered that there was no more politics in the Anthony proposal than there had been when President William McKinley gave Confederate general “Fighting Joe” Wheeler a command in the Spanish–American War.50 After such spirited debate, the House voted that day 215–178 to accept Roosevelt’s offer. Forty-five Democrats voted with the majority of the Republicans. Historian Chambers notes that the antiadministration Republicans and antidraft Democrats from the South and Midwest reflected considerable national sentiment.51 Four days later, May 16, the conferees had reached a final compromise. The president was permitted but not required to accept up to half a million men in four volunteer divisions, something that—in the words of historian Thomas Fleming—“every man, woman and child over the age of six knew was never going to happen.” On the same day, the House adopted the conference report without a roll call. A day later, the Senate, voting 65 to 8, adopted the conference report. Never gracious in defeat, Roosevelt immediately wrote his sister Anna, “It is exactly as if we were fighting the Civil War under Buchanan—and Wilson is morally a much worse man, and much less patriotic, than Buchanan.”52 The president merely added to Roosevelt’s humiliation by publicly saying such a move “would contribute practically nothing to the effective strength of the armies now engaged against Germany.” “The

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business now in hand is undramatic, practical, and of scientific definiteness and precision.” Responding directly to TR’s cable seeking permission to raise two divisions, Wilson replied, “I need not assure you that my conclusions were based entirely upon imperative considerations of public policy and not upon personal or private choice.” Pershing privately backed the president. Opposing the calling of any volunteers, he believed that the day of waving your hat, yelling “Come on, boys!” and charging up a hill was past. As the general’s biographer Donald Smythe notes, “The Germans were not the Spanish.”53 Roosevelt would not let the matter go. Writing Baker directly, he accused the secretary of listening to the “doubtless well-meaning military men, of the red-tape and pipe-clay school, who are hidebound in the pedantry of . . . wooden militarism.” In a public statement disbanding his skeleton force released on May 20, TR noted “certain errors” in Wilson’s announcement. He did not want an “independent” command in Europe but only to serve under such generals as Pershing and Wood. His initial division would only have about fifty regular officers, one-tenth of the number going to Europe with Pershing. Wilson’s plan, he claimed, would take ten times as many men as his. He also envisioned German American and African American regiments, the latter officered by white men.54 The Roosevelt controversy would not die. Meeting with TR in May at a private dinner in New York’s Frick Mansion, French general Joseph Joffre—serving as part of an Allied mission in the United States—told him that a march by his troops down the Champs-Élysées would electrify French morale. Later that month, Georges Clemenceau, head of the French senate’s commission on the army, appealed publicly to Wilson. Writing in his own paper, L’Homme Enchaîné, the future premier said that to French troops Roosevelt’s mere name was magic. In his reply, TR maintained that the first division of 25,000 men could head for France immediately, other divisions departing at intervals of fifteen to thirty days. Wilson, TR remarked, “is merely a rhetorician, vindictive and yet not physically brave,” a man who “cannot really face facts.”55 Historians differ concerning the wisdom of Roosevelt’s proposal. Richard Striner finds Wilson missing “a priceless opportunity to turn an enemy into a friend—and an asset.” Furthermore, there was no

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r eason why the training of Roosevelt’s men would have impaired the training of other units. Conversely, to David R. Woodward, the scheme threatened to politicize U.S. land forces and, because of TR’s pro- British leanings, hinder Wilson’s efforts to effect a balanced peace. David M. Kennedy suspects that “the aging Colonel and his ill-trained hodgepodge of glory-seekers would have blustered about in France, and, if the fates were not too cruel, retired with minimum harm done to the Allied cause and only a few lives squandered.”56 One could well argue that temperament alone would disqualify Roosevelt from any commanding role, for the ex-president was constitutionally unable to accept any subordinate position. Even a general of Pershing’s far more lengthy experience found it difficult to adjust to the type of mechanized warfare being waged in Europe. For TR, the challenge would be much more daunting. As the final touches were being put on conscription legislation, Allied pressure for an overt troop commitment in Europe became increasingly intense. A mission led by British foreign secretary Arthur Balfour and René Viviani, recently France’s prime minister, pressed the matter. French general Joseph Joffre, who had received wide acclaim for repulsing Germany’s initial offensive on the Marne in September 1914, spoke with urgency. Conversing with Wilson in early May, Joffre stressed the need for a division, asserting it would boost morale. He had fifteen to twenty more in mind by the next calendar year, that is, 300,000 to 400,000 men. The president responded that such a force would be sent as soon as possible.57 Because the United States possessed only a small number of trained troops, the General Staff opposed the move, but Wilson saw the need to “show the flag.” Neither the president nor his military realized just how weak the Allies were; most Americans still thought that shipping, loans, materials, and naval support would suffice. On May 18, 1917, Wilson signed the conscription bill, which required 10 million men between ages twenty-one and thirty-one to register. Wilson’s proclamation stressed that the draft was “in no sense a conscription of the unwilling” but rather “selection from a nation which has volunteered in mass.” Certainly, as future chief of staff General Peyton C. March later noted, the law embodied the single most important piece of legislation Congress passed during the entire

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war. Historian Edmund Morris writes, “This stroke of the pen made him [Wilson] the most powerful commander in chief in American history.”58 Recalling the New York draft riots of 1863, when it took four days before federal troops could restore order, Provost Marshal Crowder turned responsibility for meeting quotas over to more than 4,500 local boards. Civilian officials—mayors and governors—offered supervision. All potential draftees registered at their local polling precinct, giving the illusion of making the process as easy as casting a ballot. Forty-three percent of all registrants were married men with dependents and thus deferred. So, too, were many farmers and workers employed in defense industries. Exemption decisions were made by one’s own neighbors. Yet the War Department was taking no chances. Even before the draft act had become law and the needed funds appropriated, Secretary Baker had the Government Printing Office secretly print more than 10 million blank forms. The cellar of the Washington Post Office was stacked to the ceiling with them, but both public and Congress remained ignorant. Local sheriffs maintained confidentiality. The officer in charge, Major Hugh Johnson, later a top New Deal administrator, acted without legal authority. His assistant, Major Cassius M. Dowell, later told Crowder that “success would mean a medal of honor, failure would spell court-martial. . . . Delayed and inefficient action will merely confirm Germany in her notion that we are militarily impotent.”59 Even before registration, anticonscription activity was taking place. Anarchist Emma Goldman predicted to novelist Upton Sinclair that antidraft rioting would resemble civil war. Speaking at New York’s Harlem River Casino on May 18, the very day the Senate vote ensured the bill’s passage, Goldman told 5,000 people that the city alone contained 50,000 people who would refuse to fight. The nation’s leading Socialist weekly, the Appeal to Reason, found conscription unconstitutional; it specifically denied that the conflict was either “a war for defense or a war for liberty.” In Snyder, Texas, seven men were charged with seditious conspiracy for “planning to resist conscription by force.” By June 1, similar arrests had taken place in such cities as Minneapolis, Detroit, Milwaukee, Cleveland, Cincinnati, and C hicago.

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In at least six hundred towns, more than 80,000 members of the American Protective League (APL), a vigilante group, patrolled the streets, ordering police to arrest summarily any antidraft agitators. Since most of those seized were radicals—socialists, anarchists, members of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW)—historians H. C. Peterson and Gilbert C. Fite suspect such action was aimed at the wider purpose of suppressing dissident groups altogether.60 June 5 marked Registration Day. The law could have been administered within a week of the bill’s signing, but officials decided to allow more time for publicity. Throughout the nation, between 7 a.m. and 7 p.m., more than 9.5 million men registered at 12,000 local registration boards staffed by 125,000 personnel. In a speech that day given in Washington to the United Confederate Veterans, the president used typically Wilsonian rhetoric: “Now we are to be an instrument in the hand of God to see that liberty is made secure for mankind.” Most of the press found the event most significant, the New York Telegram calling it “the most eventful day, perhaps, in the history of the world’s greatest democracy.”61 The tone was often one of celebration, in the words of historian Fred Davis Baldwin, “half carnival, half Lent.” A month before, Baker had written the president, saying that he hoped to make Registration Day “a festival and patriotic occasion.” Now everywhere mayors, clergy, and Chamber of Commerce leaders addressed the young men in rousing terms, all conveying the sentiment that the war would be a great adventure. In Hollidaysburg, Pennsylvania, citizens sent draftees off with a bonfire of German textbooks, the band playing “Keep the Home Fires Burning.” In a Philadelphia suburb, a goat carried the sign “Frog Hollow will get the Kaiser’s goat.” At Versailles, Indiana, as a train of volunteers rolled away, a citizen yelled, “Get the sons of bitches, men! Get the sons of bitches!”62 By Armistice Day, November 11, 1918, slightly less than a year and a half away, 44 percent of American males, about 24 million men, had registered. 2.8 million draftees received the telegram that began, “Greetings from the President of the United States. You have been selected by a committee of your neighbors for service in your country’s armed forces.” Of the more than 4 million mobilized soldiers, more than 67 percent were draftees. The rest included 1.5 million enlisted in

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the army, 520,000 in the navy and marines. Within a year the U.S. Army had increased twentyfold, now with 4.75 million men and women. Eventually, more than 2 million U.S. troops were in Europe, together with 45,000 horses, nearly 40,000 cars and trucks, and 2,000 airplanes. Nationwide reports, however, revealed that the majority of registrants claimed exemptions, with the national average being 60 percent. Of the 315,000 who registered in Chicago, 151,000 sought immunity. Outside of Chicago’s Cook County, 60 percent of Illinois’s registrants made similar appeals. Figures for Ohio ran up to 60 to 70 percent. Not all males obeyed the summons. Provost Marshal Crowder himself estimated that as many as 3.6 million never registered. Of those who did register and were deemed fit, 12 percent—around 2.8 million—were draft dodgers, some fleeing the training camps for Canada or Mexico, but nearly half the offenders were eventually apprehended. Crowder noted an unusual number of self-mutilations, including blinding an eye or removing a finger or toe.63 Usually it was not, however, cosmopolitan, young, middle- or upper-class radicals who failed to register. Rather, most were poorer men, such as agricultural laborers hailing from the Appalachian Mountains. They would come from backcountry areas of Louisiana, Missouri, Oklahoma, Texas, and southern Illinois, and the lumber, farming, and mining regions of Minnesota and Colorado. Many arrests took place among unskilled ethnic immigrants populating such cities as Boston, New York, Jersey City, Paterson, Cleveland, and Detroit. Registration Day itself did not go unopposed. On its eve, soldiers charged 10,000 protesters in the Bronx. Along the California coast, IWW members distributed antidraft material. In Rockford, Illinois, two hundred resisters marched to the courthouse, where they were immediately arrested. In a few places, locals took up arms, fighting a few pitched battles that resulted in from fifteen to twenty deaths. On July 30, Wilson wrote Tumulty: “Anybody is entitled to make a campaign against the draft law provided they don’t stand in the way of the administration of it by any overt acts or improper influences.”64 One of the most visible protests took place in southeast Oklahoma. On August 3, tenant farmers cut telephone and telegraph wires and blew oil pipelines leading out of the town of Healdton. Such radicals hung posters such as this:

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Now is the time to rebel against this war with Germany boys. Get together boys and don’t go. Rich mans war. Poor mans fight. If you don’t go J. P. Morgan Co. is lost. Speculation is the only cause of the war. Rebel now. Joined by several Blacks and Native Americans and calling themselves the Working Class Union, they gathered along the banks of the South Canadian River to begin a march on Washington, D.C., living on beef and corn as they traveled. Like Coxey’s Army, a massive nationwide march of the unemployed that took place in 1894, they expected to recruit huge numbers of protesters along the way. They had not gone several miles when a posse routed them. After some bloody skirmishes with backwoods renegades, about seventy-five were imprisoned.65 What became known as the Green Corn Rebellion ended quickly. Legislative dissenters were not entirely through with the matter. In a poll of his constituents, Representative Ernest Lundeen (R) found three-to-one opposition in his Minnesota district. In a similar survey, Chicago’s Mason declared that 90 percent of his respondents opposed conscription. On June 19, he cited a pamphlet by Hannis Taylor, constitutional expert and former U.S. minister to Spain, claiming that Congress had no authority to send conscripted men overseas. The leaflet had already upset the president’s cabinet, with Wilson saying, as reported by Navy Secretary Josephus Daniels, “some examples must be made of men who circulated statements calculated to aid the enemy.” When Mason proposed an amendment to a pending food bill specifying that only volunteers should be sent to the European front, Congressman William W. Hastings (D-Okla.) accused the Illinois congressman of treason. He withdrew his words after House members sought to halt a personal altercation.66 In mid-August, Senator Thomas P. Gore offered an abortive amendment to the War Revenue Bill forbidding the sending of drafted men overseas if they had not so volunteered. Citing the protests in his home state of Oklahoma, he claimed that new law infringed on “the Constitutional right to the pursuit of peace and happiness.” Furthermore, so he argued, the Allies needed not men but munitions, which the United States could supply better than any one else. Indeed, the

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United States could possibly maintain a Chinese army of 5 million at less cost than maintaining an American one of 2 million.67 In early September, Senator Hardwick introduced a provision to an income tax bill that would require a $50-a-month bonus to any enlistee or draftee serving abroad. When the United States had entered the war, he claimed, Americans assumed that conflict would largely be a naval one, conducted on the high seas, where the nation’s rights had been denied. John Sharp Williams accused his Georgia colleague of endorsing illegal resistance to the draft, by which “some poor, ignorant devil will be thrown in jail.” Knute Nelson (R-Minn.) found such a “bribe” insulting, recalling that as a Civil War corporal he received only $11 a month, payment eventually being raised to $16. The amendment mustered only five votes, drawing Reed, Vardaman, Hardwick, La Follette, and Asle Gronna (R-N.Dak.) to its support.68 The general debate over conscription revealed one thing above all: despite the nation’s declaration of war, there remained strong skepticism concerning any full-scale undertaking. Even echoes of Senator George Norris’s (R-Neb.) accusation of putting the dollar sign on the American flag remained among several dissenters.69 Wilson skillfully bided his time until the opposition exhausted itself. In the end, however, it was Republican Party support that gave the president the backing he needed. It remains uncertain, however, whether he fully realized this fact. He certainly did not publicly acknowledge it. Historian Chambers cites army authorities to support the claim that extensive enlistment by volunteers could have easily produced a million men in 1917.70 One wonders, though, if after the great German spring offensive of 1918, it would have been hard getting U.S. recruits, particularly in face of increasingly severe casualties suffered by the AEF. If conscription was still meeting with occasional protest, far more significant events were taking place abroad. On the western front, Allied offenses were failing and the U.S. Navy was becoming the first branch of the armed forces to see action.

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