Congressional district maps implemented after the 2020 census

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Redistricting after the 2020 census

The 2020 cycle
Congressional apportionment
Redistricting before 2024 elections
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Timeline of redistricting maps
2022 House elections with multiple incumbents
New U.S.House districts created after apportionment
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United States census, 2020
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Redistricting is the process of drawing new congressional and state legislative district boundaries. This article details the congressional district maps adopted during the 2020 redistricting cycle.

Status of congressional redistricting

As of May 2024, the following states were still engaged in the congressional redistricting process due to ongoing litigation.

Ohio

On March 2, 2022, the Ohio Redistricting Commission approved a redrawn congressional map in a 5-2 vote along party lines, meaning the map lasted for four years.[1] On March 18, the Ohio Supreme Court ruled that it did not have jurisdiction to overturn the map before the state's primary elections as part of the legal challenge that overturned the initial congressional map.[2] This map took effect for Ohio's 2022 congressional elections.

Utah

Utah enacted new congressional districts on November 12, 2021, after Gov. Spencer Cox (R) signed a map proposal approved by the House and the Senate. The enacted map was drafted by the legislature and differed from a proposal the Utah Independent Redistricting Commission released on November 5, 2021.[3] The congressional map passed the Utah House 50-22 on November 9, 2021, with five Republicans and all Democratic House members voting against it. The Senate approved the map on November 10, 2021, in a 21-7 vote. Before signing the congressional map, Cox said he would not veto any maps approved by the legislature, as “The Legislature is fully within their rights to actually make those decisions and decide where they want to draw those lines."[4] This map took effect for Utah's 2022 congressional elections.


Timeline of 2021/2022 map enactments

Media commentary on congressional redistricting and the 2022 elections

Below is a sampling of commentary regarding the effect that congressional redistricting after the 2020 census had on the 2022 mid-term elections, which were the first U.S. House contests that took place using the newly adopted districts.

Jessica Piper and Ally Mutnick at Politico wrote:[5]:

Both parties entered the latest redistricting cycle seeking to press their advantages where they could.

The first election held under the new lines showed both succeeded — though Democrats had their most ruthless gerrymanders thrown out in the courts and the GOP did not, giving Republicans an edge that just might have carried them to a narrow House majority.

“The Democrats’ redistricting strategy was right. I think it worked,” said Kelly Ward Burton, the president of the National Democratic Redistricting Committee, which oversaw the party’s 2022 mapmaking.

Democrats’ excesses in New York and Maryland — where they drew maps to excise the few Republican seats remaining — were checked by the courts, even though similarly gerrymandered GOP maps were allowed to stand by conservative jurists. But independent commissions and strategic Democratic maneuvering did help blunt larger Republican gains.

“If they would have been able to do everywhere what they did in Florida,” Ward Burton said of Republicans, who netted four districts in the state, “we would be having a totally different conversation about the House right now.”

Now that the 2022 midterms are in the books, here are five takeaways about how the map lines drove the results — and what comes next.

After a shockingly disappointing election night, Republicans will have a razor-thin majority of no more than five seats (and maybe as small as four). A margin that small means that the GOP could not have reclaimed control without their redistricting advantage.

Republicans drew several red districts in states where they controlled the redistricting process: one each in Tennessee, Texas and Georgia, and three in Florida. Without them there would be no GOP majority. Their machinations forced Reps. Jim Cooper (D-Tenn.); Carolyn Bourdeaux (D-Ga.); Stephanie Murphy (D-Fla.) and Charlie Crist (D-Fla.) into early retirements. Rep. Al Lawson (D-Fla.) ran in a new GOP-leaning district and lost to Rep. Neal Dunn (R-Fla.) by 20 points.

In blue states, Democrats netted themselves a seat each in New Mexico and Illinois — not enough to offset GOP gains.

The GOP also gained new safe districts through reapportionment in three states that added congressional seats: Texas, Montana and Florida. But Democrats largely matched them with gains in new seats in Colorado, Oregon and North Carolina — though some of those maps were drawn by courts or commissions.

Republicans notably declined to aggressively redistrict in several other states where they had total control to take out Reps. Frank Mrvan (D-Ind.), Emanuel Cleaver (D-Mo.) and John Yarmuth (D-Ky.). Those decisions, which irked some national strategists, could have given the GOP more of a cushion but also potentially provoke more lawsuits.

Blue-state Democrats headed into election night with a persistent concern: Did they stretch their voters too thin? Would a bad environment gut their delegations in Oregon, Nevada, Illinois and New Mexico?

The answer was a resounding no.

Democrats didn’t accidentally create any “dummymanders” — a term used to describe maps that end up harming the party that drew them. In contrast, Democratic-drawn maps performed remarkably well. Next year Republicans will hold just six of the 43 districts that were drawn by Democrats.

For example, in Nevada, Democrats pulled friendly voters from Rep. Dina Titus’ Las Vegas-centered district to shore up fellow Democratic Reps. Susie Lee and Steven Horsford in a move that prompted a foul-mouthed rebuke from Titus. Former President Joe Biden would have carried the districts by high single-digit margins. All three members survived.

In New Mexico, some operatives feared that Democrats may have endangered Democratic Rep. Teresa Leger Fernandez when they reshuffled the state’s lines to target GOP Rep. Yvette Herrell’s southern district. But Herrell narrowly lost to challenger Gabriel Vasquez as both Democratic incumbents won by double-digit margins, giving Democrats all three seats in the state.

Illinois was perhaps the biggest redistricting coup for Democrats. They reduced the GOP footprint to just three districts, shored up retiring Democratic Rep. Cheri Bustos’ district and netted a new seat anchored in Springfield. In anticipation of a possible Republican wave, Democratic groups threw some last-minute money to protect Reps. Sean Casten and Lauren Underwood, but both ended up winning by 8 points.

Democrats flirted with disaster the most in Oregon, which hosted three battleground races. Republicans did flip a Portland-area district that was open after moderate Rep. Kurt Schrader fell to a progressive primary challenger. But Democrats held onto retiring Rep. Peter DeFazio’s district and captured a new district created in apportionment. Rep.-elect Lori Chavez-DeRemer (R-Ore.), who will succeed Schrader, will be a top 2024 in a seat that Biden won by nearly 9 points.

New York was Democrats’ biggest disaster on Election Day. They won only 15 congressional districts compared to 11 for Republicans — an increase of three seats for the GOP, even though the state lost a seat in reapportionment. A slew of statewide races were also closer than Democrats had anticipated.

But the party’s challenges in congressional races started much earlier when the state’s highest court struck down new maps in April that were drawn to favor Democrats. The new maps established the following month forced incumbents to scramble, most notably DCCC Chair Sean Patrick Maloney, who opted to run in the new 17th District, where more than 70 percent of voters were new to him. Maloney ultimately narrowly lost to Republican Michael Lawler in November.

Redistricting is not solely responsible for Democrats’ losses in New York, but the episode is one example of how courts in blue states declined to allow Democratic gerrymanders to stand. In Maryland, courts similarly threw out a Democratic gerrymander to force a more neutral map, although the ultimate electoral impact was less there as Rep. David Trone (D-Md.) held on in a competitive seat that his party had unsuccessfully sought to make safer.

Democrats’ inability to gerrymander Maryland and New York stands in stark contrast with states such as Florida, where courts declined to block Gov. Ron DeSantis’ aggressive redistricting plan that allowed Republicans to pick up four seats despite an anti-gerrymandering amendment to the state’s constitution passed by voters a decade ago that states districts should not be drawn to advantage a political party, along with lawsuits that dismantling Lawson’s North Florida seat stripped away a district where Black voters could elect a candidate of their choice.

Democrats have a relatively easy task in drawing up targets for 2024. Although court fights could shift the maps in a few states, more than a dozen Republican incumbents will be running in districts Biden won with the Democratic president himself likely to be on the ballot.

Some of those Republicans are incumbents who survived this cycle despite being top Democratic targets — including Reps. Mike Garcia (R-Calif.) and Don Bacon (R-Neb.) — and battle-tested incumbents such as Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-Pa.) who will be tough to oust. But the group also includes newly elected members who took advantage of poor Democratic performances in states such as New York, where six Republicans will represent districts won by Biden.

By contrast, only five Democrats — Reps. Jared Golden of Maine, Matt Cartwright of Pennsylvania, Mary Peltola of Alaska, Marie Gluesenkamp Pérez of Washington and Marcy Kaptur of Ohio — represent districts won by then-President Donald Trump in 2020.

House Majority PAC, Democrats’ top congressional outside group, released a preliminary 19-district list of districts it would try to flip in 2024 full of Republicans in Biden-won districts. Among its targets: Garcia, Bacon, Fitzpatrick, Lawler, Chavez-DeRemer, along with Reps. David Schweikert (R-Ariz.), Young Kim (R-Calif.), Michelle Steel (R-Calif.) and Reps.-elect Juan Ciscomani (R-Ariz.), Tom Kean Jr. (R-N.J.), George Santos (R-N.Y.), Anthony D’Esposito (R-N.Y.), Marc Molinaro (R-N.Y.) and Jen Kiggans (R-Va.).

Several states could see another round of redistricting before 2024 as their current maps face legal challenges that were not resolved this year — although some states will depend on future court rulings.

In Ohio, the midterm elections were carried out under Republican-drawn maps that the state Supreme Court had deemed an illegal gerrymander — although Democrats actually managed to gain a seat anyway. The state’s redistricting commission is tasked with drawing new maps ahead of 2024. If it ends up in front of the state Supreme Court again, it might be handled differently, as the Republican justice who had sided with Democrats against the original maps retired this year.

Earlier this year, a divided U.S. Supreme Court blocked a district court’s ruling that Alabama should be forced to draw a new map with a second majority-black district, deeming such a move would come too close to the primary election. When the court heard the full case on its merits in October, the justices seemed skeptical of Alabama’s race-neutral interpretation of the Voting Rights Act. But several conservative justices also seemed wary of the claims from civil rights groups, and the high court has generally not been friendly to challenges based on the VRA in recent years.

Maps in Texas and Florida have also faced challenges on the basis of racial gerrymandering, although it’s unclear whether either state will be forced to redraw its maps.

But a second case before the U.S. Supreme Court could have broad implications for redistricting. The high court next month will hear oral arguments in Moore v. Harper, which argues that North Carolina’s maps — created by a court-appointed special master after the state Supreme Court ruled the maps drawn by the Republican-led legislature were an extreme gerrymander — are unconstitutional on the basis that only state legislatures, not state courts, can decide district lines.

A ruling in favor of the Republican legislators who challenged North Carolina’s special maste- drawn-map could potentially open up avenues for legal challenges to maps in a range of other states where courts were involved. But the high court could also rule against them and let North Carolina’s maps stand.[6]

Michael Macagnone wrote in Roll Call:[7]:

Republicans got a boost in the race to gain control of the House in this year’s elections because they held on to their advantage in redrawing congressional maps and got some key rulings from courts, experts said.

While both political parties have drawn maps that favor their candidates, experts said Republicans used the redistricting process after the 2020 census to retain a small, but measurable, advantage over Democrats in the midterm election.

More than a dozen races were still not called Monday, but it appeared Republicans were closing in on the 218 seats needed to take control of the chamber from Democrats — a result that means a change in just a few seats would make the difference.

In such an outcome, advantages in redistricting “almost certainly” contributed, said Michael Li, senior counsel for the Brennan Center for Justice at New York University Law School, who focuses on elections.

“It’s almost certain the way the maps were drawn, and the skews that exist in the maps, will play an outsize role,” Li said. “If Republicans win a majority there will almost certainly be a majority because of redistricting.”

Li said Republican control in places like Texas and Florida helped shore up Republican advantages in the maps.

Christopher Warshaw, an associate professor of political science at George Washington University, said the maps drawn by legislatures in Texas and Florida were "clearly helping Republicans," who now will have three more GOP-held congressional seats across the two state delegations.

But he said it was more difficult to pinpoint redistricting as the reason Republicans would get control of the House, with partisan redistricting on both sides in such a close election.

“I think it is worth pushing back on what people on Twitter are saying of, ‘Oh, this one state made the difference in the majority,’ when Republicans won the national popular vote,” Warshaw said. “It seems like this year Republicans won a majority of the votes, but the most small ‘d’ democratic result is they win a majority of the seats.”

Last week, voters went to the polls in districts that favored Republicans less than they did a decade ago, but the maps still favor Republicans overall, experts said. Partisan mapmakers can carve up the state in a way that gives their candidates the best chance of winning.

The decreased advantage for Republicans is partly due to long-term efforts to take redistricting out of the hands of state legislators in favor of nonpartisan commissions in states such as Colorado, Li said.

Republicans for the 2022 midterms controlled the line-drawing process in 20 states, compared with 11 for Democrats, according to a Pew Research Center analysis.

A decade ago, Republicans controlled the process in 22 states. Since then, Republicans have lost control of some legislatures, like Pennsylvania, others like Michigan have gone to commissions, and apportionment losses in places like West Virginia took seats out of mapmakers' hands.

In states where Republicans and Democrats drew congressional lines, they concentrated more on protecting safe seats and incumbents this cycle, according to David Canon, a political science professor at the University of Wisconsin.

Canon called the results a “surprisingly status quo election” because of how redistricting ended up protecting many incumbents. The few competitive races largely came from states with maps drawn by nonpartisan commissions.

“If you look at the exit polls and how ticked-off voters are, you would think this would be a really bad year for incumbents,” Canon said.

In 2012, the first election after the 2010 census redistricting cycle, Democrats won 1 percentage point more of the vote nationally, but Republicans won a 234-seat majority.

This year, Republicans are on a path to win the national popular vote by about 1 percentage point, which could mirror a small House majority, Warshaw said.

Democratic-drawn maps helped that party’s candidates in Illinois, Nevada and Maryland. But Warshaw pointed out that court decisions in other states that broke in favor of Republicans might have washed out those advantages.

Over the course of the redistricting process and dozens of lawsuits, courts tossed Republican-favored maps in North Carolina and Democrat-favored maps in Maryland and New York. Separately, courts in Pennsylvania mandated a court-drawn map after legislative deadlock.

But a few court fights ended up favoring Republicans.

In Ohio, the state Supreme Court threw out several legislatively drawn maps for unfairly favoring Republicans — but the court does not have the power to force a new map on the legislature, so they were used for the midterm election.

Prentiss Haney, co-executive director of the Ohio Organizing Collaborative, argued that a “fair” Ohio map would have about seven Republicans and six Democrats, up from the five who won last week. The court fight brought some progress from the initial 12-2 split that mapmakers proposed, Haney said.

“While it is not fully representative of Ohio's choices it is far better and gives more opportunities than what we had in 2012,” Haney said.

The New York Supreme Court also tossed a Democratic-drawn map where former President Donald Trump would have won four of the state’s 26 congressional seats. In last week’s elections under the court-approved map, Republicans have won seven of the state’s 26 seats, with one race still undecided.

The U.S. Supreme Court also allowed Alabama to use a map that a lower court ruled had violated the Voting Rights Act for having only one Black opportunity district in the state. Following that ruling in February, pending a broader argument over the VRA, courts allowed Louisiana and Georgia to move forward with maps found to similarly violate the VRA.

Adia Winfrey, co-founder of Black voting rights group Transform Alabama and previously one of the plaintiffs in the VRA suit in the state, pointed out that a favorable map does not guarantee success.

Winfrey said that even if the Supreme Court sides with voters to mandate a second Black opportunity district in her state, organizers like her would still have to push voters to show up at the polls.

“Yes, having fair maps is important, but even more important than the maps is the turnout,” Winfrey said.

Warshaw pointed out that redistricting will continue after this election, even in the absence of Supreme Court rulings on the Voting Rights Act. There is a pending redraw of maps in Ohio and North Carolina that could net Republicans as many as five seats in 2024.

“The story of redistricting is still being written here,” Warshaw said.[6]

Nathaniel Rakich and Elena Mejia wrote at FiveThirtyEight:[8]

The 2022 election for the House of Representatives was so close that if any number of things had gone differently, Democrats might have kept their majority. And one of the biggest things that affected the battle for the House was redistricting — the decennial redrawing of congressional districts’ lines to account for the results of the 2020 census.

But was the impact of redistricting significant enough to swing the House to the GOP? As I wrote in June, the 2021-22 redistricting cycle didn’t radically change the partisanship of the national House map, so I mostly agree with those who say redistricting didn’t cost Democrats the House. But at the same time, those who say Republicans won only because they gerrymandered are also technically correct. How can both things be true? Allow me to explain.

One way to test the claim that “redistricting cost Democrats the House” is to assess whether Democrats would have held onto the chamber if redistricting had never happened. We at FiveThirtyEight have already calculated how many percentage points each district swung left or right thanks to redistricting. For example, a district that went from a partisan lean of R+2 to D+3 got 5 points bluer. Then I compared this swing to the current 2022 House margin in that district. Suppose a party lost by less than the district swung away from that party in redistricting. In that case, it’s likely that redistricting cost that party the seat.

Of course, this is a hypothetical — and imperfect — exercise. Some districts changed substantially and wouldn’t have swung uniformly like that had they not been redrawn. In addition, if they had not changed, different districts might have attracted different candidates and different levels of spending from national groups, each of which could have affected the result. But this method can still give us a rough idea of what might have happened in a redistricting-less world.

Using this method, we can see that Republicans flipped a net six seats because of redistricting.

Republicans flipped three seats in Florida alone thanks to the extremely GOP-friendly map pushed through by Gov. Ron DeSantis. They also used their control over the Georgia and Tennessee redistricting processes to convert the Democratic-held Georgia 6th and Tennessee 5th into safely red seats.

But Democrats also caught a few bad breaks in states with ostensibly nonpartisan redistricting processes. For example, the Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission made the 2nd and 6th districts about 10 points more Republican-leaning. In Michigan, the state’s Independent Citizens Redistricting Commission redrew the 10th District to be light red. And court-appointed experts nudged the New York 17th and Virginia 2nd rightward enough that they flipped too. Meanwhile, Democrats on the New Jersey Congressional Redistricting Commission voluntarily sacrificed the 7th District to protect vulnerable Democrats in other districts.

On the other hand, Democrats flipped a few seats thanks to redistricting. They drew some very Democrat-friendly maps in Illinois and New Mexico, enabling them to pick up the Illinois 13th and New Mexico 2nd. A court reconfigured North Carolina’s 13th District from a solidly red seat into a swing district that Democrats narrowly carried. And Republicans made the Ohio 1st District and Texas 34th District bluer, with the unfortunate (for them) side effect of handing those seats to Democrats.

But we also need to consider seats that didn’t flip but would have if redistricting had not occurred. And this is where Democrats benefited the most, gaining six seats on net — and canceling out Republicans’ gains from the flips that did occur.

Democrats drew maps that likely allowed them to avoid losing the Illinois 14th, Illinois 17th, Nevada 3rd, Nevada 4th and Oregon 4th. They also held onto the New Jersey 3rd thanks partly to their sacrifice of the 7th District. Meanwhile, court-ordered maps probably kept the New York 18th and Virginia 7th in the Democrats’ column. And Democrats may even have DeSantis to thank for them holding Florida’s 9th District: The district got 12 points bluer in redistricting.

Meanwhile, Republicans redrew Nebraska’s 2nd District to be a tad redder, which may have saved their Bacon. The court-ordered map in New York also may have enabled Republicans to hold onto the New York 22nd. And Rep. Lauren Boebert probably would have lost without the Colorado Independent Congressional Redistricting Commission making the Colorado 3rd a bit redder.

Democrats also gained a net three seats from reapportionment, the process of subtracting congressional districts from states with sluggish population growth and giving them to states whose populations have exploded. Six of the seven districts that were eliminated by reapportionment were held by Republicans — slow-growth areas tended to be in rural and/or postindustrial areas, where Republicans usually dominate. But Republicans won only three of the seven districts that were created in reapportionment, for a net Democratic gain of three seats.

By my reckoning, Democrats actually gained three seats from redistricting overall. In other words, without redistricting, Republicans’ majority would be closer to 225-210.

“But wait,” I hear you saying. “There was no world in which redistricting wouldn’t have occurred in 2021-22. So isn’t it better to calculate how the 2022 election would have gone down if redistricting had gone differently, not if it hadn’t happened at all?” You have a point — but the problem is, there is no objective alternative map. The congressional map could have changed in a thousand ways depending on individual, state-level decisions.

Still, let’s engage in a few of the most commonly cited what-ifs.

Over the past year and a half, Democrats have filed several lawsuits against Republican-drawn congressional maps, arguing that they are illegal partisan or racial gerrymanders. Some of these were successful, like in North Carolina. But most weren’t resolved in time to prevent the Republican-drawn maps from being used in 2022.

But what if they had been? Specifically, let’s pose a set of hypotheticals:

  • The Supreme Court had instead agreed with lower-court rulings that Alabama’s and Louisiana’s maps violated the Voting Rights Act, and that each state adopted a new map with a second Black-majority district.
  • A Florida judge’s decision to reinstate a Black-plurality district in North Florida (which DeSantis’s map had eliminated) hadn’t been overturned on appeal.
  • The Ohio Supreme Court, which found in July that the state’s congressional map is unconstitutionally gerrymandered but left the map in place for 2022 because it was too close to the election, had instead imposed this map drawn by Democratic state representatives that scores well on various metrics of fairness.
  • A court in Utah had rejected the map passed by Republican legislators in favor of this fairer map drawn by the state’s (toothless) independent redistricting commission.

In this world, Democrats probably would have won five more seats than they actually did.

This doesn’t even account for other lawsuits that voting-rights advocates filed in states like Georgia, South Carolina and Texas. There, we don’t have good alternative fair maps to compare with, but it’s safe to say that if the courts had ruled in Democrats’ favor, Democrats would have won a few more extra seats too. Regardless, five additional seats for Democrats would have been enough for them to hold onto a slim 218-217 majority. So yes, if every Republican gerrymander had been undone in court before the 2022 election, Democrats may have kept control of the House.

But that’s assuming no additional Democratic gerrymanders were thrown out in court. Republicans also filed suit against several congressional maps that were biased toward Democrats. What if a court had overturned New Mexico’s map and replaced it with this map drawn by the state’s advisory redistricting commission? Republicans would have almost certainly kept control of the state’s 2nd District. Or what if a court had struck down Nevada’s map and imposed a plan closer to the status quo? The GOP very well could have flipped the 3rd or 4th districts there.

The reality is, it’s impossible to say whether Democrats would have won the House in a world where no state was gerrymandered. The definition of a “fair map” is subjective, and there’s uncertainty about what type of map a court might have imposed in states like Nevada or Texas. The one thing we do know is that it would have been close.

But let’s also not lose sight of the bigger picture. Votes are still being counted in some states, but it looks like Republicans won the national popular vote for the House by about 3 points. The national congressional map used in the 2022 election may not have been fair, but a map that gave Democrats the majority despite losing the popular vote definitely wouldn’t have been. So it’s somewhat beside the point whether redistricting cost Democrats the House: Republicans won the most votes, so the most democratic (lower-case “d”) outcome prevailed.[6]

Congressional maps by state

Alabama

See also: Redistricting in Alabama after the 2020 census

On October 5, 2023, a three-judge panel of the United States District Court for the Northern District of Alabama approved a new congressional district map. The map created a new district with a 48.7% Black voting-age population. In its decision, the panel said that "this plan satisfies all constitutional and statutory requirements while hewing as closely as reasonably possible to the Alabama legislature’s 2023 Plan."[9]

A three-judge panel of the United States District Court for the Northern District of Alabama ruled on September 5, 2023, that the revised congressional district boundaries that the Alabama legislature enacted on July 21, 2023, were not in accordance with the Voting Rights Act.[10] The state adopted the revised congressional map after the U.S. Supreme Court ruled 5-4 on June 8, 2023, that the state's congressional redistricting plan adopted on November 4, 2021, violated the Voting Rights Act and must be redrawn to include a second majority-black district.[11][12] The federal district court's order said, "this Court concluded that the 2023 Plan did not remedy the likely Section 2 violation found by this Court and affirmed by the Supreme Court. We, therefore, preliminarily enjoined Secretary Allen from using the 2023 Plan in Alabama’s upcoming 2024 congressional elections."[10]

On September 26, 2023, the U.S. Supreme Court rejected the state's request to use the district boundaries overturned by the United States District Court for the Northern District of Alabama. The decision was unanimous, with none of the justices dissenting. The ruling allowed for the continuation of Special Master Richard Allen's proposed district maps by a panel of federal judges. Lead plaintiff Evan Milligan said the ruling was a "victory for all Alabamians" and "definitely a really positive step." Attorney General Steve Marshall’s office had not issued a statement on the decision as of September 26.[13]

The federal district court ordered its Special Master to submit three proposed remedial plans with the court by September 25, 2023, that comply with the Voting Rights Act and "traditional redistricting principles to the extent reasonably practicable."[10] Alabama Secretary of State Wes Allen's office said it would appeal the federal court's decision to the U.S. Supreme Court. A spokesperson for Allen issued a statement which said, "While we are disappointed in today’s decision, we strongly believe that the legislature’s map complies with the Voting Rights Act and the recent decision of the U.S. Supreme Court. We intend to promptly seek review from the Supreme Court to ensure that the State can use its lawful congressional districts in 2024 and beyond."[14] Special Master Richard Allen submitted the three maps for the judges' consideration on September 25. One map would create a second congressional district in southeastern Alabama with a 50.1% Black voting-age population, while the other two would create districts with either a 48.7% or 48.5% Black population.[15]

Alaska

See also: Redistricting in Alaska after the 2020 census

Alaska was apportioned one single at-large U.S. House seat, making Congressional redistricting after the 2020 census unnecessary.

Arizona

See also: Redistricting in Arizona after the 2020 census

On January 24, 2022, Arizona enacted its new congressional map after the Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission transmitted its finalized congressional map plan to the secretary of state.[16] The commission initially voted to finalize and certify the congressional map plan on Jan. 18.[17] The commission's nonpartisan chairwoman, Erika Neuberg, joined the two Republican members—David Mehl and Douglas York—voting in favor of the map. The commission's two Democratic members—Shereen Lerner and Derrick Watchman—were opposed. This map took effect for Arizona's 2022 congressional elections.[17]

The commission previously voted in favor of the congressional map by a 5-0 vote on Dec. 22, 2021, which was followed by a period for counties to request administrative changes before the final vote on Jan. 18.[18]

Arkansas

See also: Redistricting in Arkansas after the 2020 census

On January 14, 2022, Arkansas' congressional map went into effect.[19] The Arkansas General Assembly approved the congressional map plan on Oct. 6, 2021.[20] On October 13, 2021,Gov. Asa Hutchinson announced he would not sign the plans into law, and, instead, let them go into effect without his signature.[21] On November 4, 2021, Attorney General Leslie Rutledge (R) released a legal opinion establishing January 14, 2022 as the map's effective date.[22] This map took effect for Arkansas' 2022 congressional elections.

Lawmakers approved two separate bills, both of which contained identical proposed lines: House Bill 1982 (HB 1982) and Senate Bill 743 (SB 743). The House voted 59-30 in favor of HB 1982 and 53-35 in favor of SB 743. The Senate voted 21-12 in favor of HB 1982 and 22-10 in favor of SB 743.

California

See also: Redistricting in California after the 2020 census

The California Citizens Redistricting Commission voted 14-0 in favor of a new congressional district map on December 20, 2021, and delivered those maps to the secretary of state on December 27, 2021.[23][24] California was apportioned 52 seats in the U.S. House of Representatives after the 2020 census, a net loss of one seat compared to apportionment after the 2010 census. This map took effect for California's 2022 congressional elections.

Colorado

See also: Redistricting in Colorado after the 2020 census

On November 1, 2021, the Colorado Supreme Court approved the congressional redistricting plan that the state's Independent Congressional Redistricting Commission approved on September 28, 2021. Colorado was apportioned eight seats in the U.S. House of Representatives after the 2020 census, a net gain of one seat as compared to apportionment after the 2010 census. This map took effect for Colorado’s 2022 congressional elections.

The Denver Post's Alex Burness said that the approved map "gives comfortable advantages to each of Colorado’s seven incumbent members of Congress" and that the newly created 8th District would be competitive based on recent results.[25][26]

Connecticut

See also: Redistricting in Connecticut after the 2020 census

On February 10, 2022, Connecticut enacted new congressional district boundaries when the Connecticut Supreme Court adopted the redistricting plan submitted by a court-appointed special master.[27][28] The court had appointed Nathaniel Persily to that position on December 23, 2021, and Persily submitted his proposed congressional district plan to the court on January 18, 2022. The state supreme court assumed control over congressional redistricting on December 21, 2021, after the Connecticut Reapportionment Commission missed an extended deadline to complete the process by that date. Under state law, the Reapportionment Commission had assumed responsibility over congressional redistricting after the state’s Reapportionment Committee failed to meet a statutory September 15, 2021, deadline due to delays in the release of census data.

According to Bloomberg Government's Greg Giroux, the special master's "map moved just 71,736 people into new districts—the minimum number necessary to achieve population equality—and shifted the lines in only four municipalities, all of which are already divided between two districts."[29]Giroux also wrote, "Republicans sought more significant changes to the current map, which Persily drew last decade and under which Democrats won all five districts every two years."[29] Mark Pazniokas of The Connecticut Mirror wrote that in the adopted plan, "Three of the five districts are solidly Democratic, but the 2nd and the 5th are competitive, while leaning Democratic. Republicans have carried those districts in statewide races, including the 2018 gubernatorial election."[30]

Delaware

See also: Redistricting in Delaware after the 2020 census

Delaware was apportioned one single at-large U.S. House seat, making Congressional redistricting after the 2020 census unnecessary.

Florida

See also: Redistricting in Florida after the 2020 census

On March 27, 2024, the U.S. District Court for Northern Florida upheld the state's congressional map after it was struck down by a lower court on Sep. 2, 2023. As a result, this map will be used for Florida's 2024 congressional elections. According to the U.S. District Court for Northern Florida's order:

This case involves constitutional challenges to the congressional districting map proposed by Governor Ron DeSantis and enacted by the Florida Legislature in 2022 ... Plaintiffs had to prove both discriminatory effects and a discriminatory purpose. They proved neither. Thus, [we] concur in the decision to grant judgment in the Secretary’s favor.[31][6]

On September 2, 2023, Leon County Circuit Court Judge J. Lee Marsh struck down enacted North Florida congressional districts and ordered the Legislature to redraw district boundaries.[32] On June 2, 2022, the Florida Supreme Court had declined to block Florida's enacted congressional map, which Governor Ron DeSantis (R) signed into law on April 22.[33]

The Florida First District Court of Appeal had reinstated the congressional district boundaries on May 20, overruling Leon County Circuit Court Judge Layne Smith's temporary hold on the map.[34][35] On May 11, Smith issued an order declaring Florida's enacted congressional map unconstitutional, saying, "The enacted map is unconstitutional under the Fair District amendment. It diminishes African-Americans’ ability to elect the representative of their choice." Smith also said a map drawn by a court-appointed special master should be substituted for the enacted map in the 2022 elections.[36] The plaintiffs in the case filed an emergency appeal with the Florida Supreme Court on May 23, 2022, seeking a hold on the enacted congressional map.[37]

DeSantis signed the original congressional map into law on April 22, 2022.[38] The map bill was proposed and approved by the Florida State Legislature during a special session called for the purposes of redistricting. The Florida State Senate voted 24-15 to approve the map on April 20, and the Florida House of Representatives voted 68-34 to approve the map on April 21.[39][40]

This was the second congressional map bill approved by the state legislature. DeSantis vetoed the first on March 29. Republican leaders in the legislature said on April 11 that they would wait to receive a map from DeSantis to support.[41] DeSantis submitted a map to the legislature on April 13, which became the enacted map.[42]

Georgia

See also: Redistricting in Georgia after the 2020 census

On December 8, 2023, Governor Brian Kemp (R) signed revised congressional maps into law. Legislators in the Georgia House of Representatives voted 98-71 to adopt the new congressional map on December 7. The Georgia State Senate voted 32-22 to adopt the congressional map on December 5.[43][44]

On October 26, 2023, the United States District Court for the Northern District of Georgia ruled that the state's congressional and legislative district boundaries violated the Voting Rights Act and enjoined the state from using them for future elections.[45] The court directed the Georgia General Assembly to develop new maps by December 8, 2023.[45]

On December 28, 2023, the U.S. District Court for the Northern District upheld the maps enacted on December 8 and found them in compliance with the Voting Rights Act.

The Court finds that the General Assembly fully complied with this Court’s order requiring the creation of a majority-Black congressional district in the region of the State where vote dilution was found. The Court further finds that the elimination of 2021 CD 7 did not violate the October 26, 2023 Order. Finally, the Court declines to adjudicate Plaintiffs’ new Section 2 claim based on a coalition of minority voters. Hence, the Court OVERRULES Plaintiffs’ objections ... and HEREBY APPROVES SB 3EX.[46][6]

Hawaii

See also: Redistricting in Hawaii after the 2020 census

The Hawaii Reapportionment Commisssion approved a new congressional district map on January 28, 2022.[47] Two congressional district maps were presented to the commission at their meeting on September 9, 2021. One map kept the congressional lines as they were drawn following the 2010 census. An alternate map slightly adjusted the lines along the western coast of Oahu.[48] On October 1, the commission voted to adopt the alternate proposal, shown here.[49] After hearing public testimony, the commission drafted a final proposal on January 26.[50] This map took effect for Hawaii's 2022 congressional elections.

Idaho

See also: Redistricting in Idaho after the 2020 census

On November 12, 2021, the Idaho Independent Redistricting Commission formally submitted its final congressional map to the secretary of state. On November 10, 2021, the commission voted 4-2 in favor of the final congressional map with Nels Mitchell and Dan Schmidt, both Democratic appointees, voting against the map.[51] The commission had earlier voted in favor of the map on November 5, 2021, but chose to recast their votes on November 10, 2021, due to concerns regarding Idaho's open meetings laws.[51][52][53]

Illinois

See also: Redistricting in Illinois after the 2020 census

Illinois enacted a congressional map on November 24, 2021, after Gov. J.B. Pritzker (D) signed the proposal into law.[54] The Illinois State Senate voted 41-18 in favor of the map on October 28, 2021, followed by the Illinois House of Representatives voting 71-43 in favor on October 29, 2021.[55]

State Sen. Don Harmon (D), president of the Senate, said the map "reflects the diversity of the state of Illinois," and combined communities "that shared political philosophies and policy objectives."[56] State Sen. Don DeWitte (R) said, "This will be the most gerrymandered map in the country, and this process will be used as the poster child for why politicians should never be allowed to draw their own maps."[57]

According to The Chicago Tribune's Rick Pearson, the approved proposal drew the following pairs of incumbents into the same district:[58]

Indiana

See also: Redistricting in Indiana after the 2020 census

The Indiana General Assembly approved new congressional district maps on October 1, 2021, which were signed into law by Gov. Eric Holcomb (R) on October 4, 2021.[59] The Indiana House Republican caucus released draft congressional boundaries on September 14, 2021. The Indiana state Senate approved the new district plans by a vote of 36-12, with all votes to approve by Republicans. Eleven Senate Democrats joined State Sen. Ron Grooms (R) in voting against the maps. The Indiana House of Representatives approved the new district boundaries by a vote of 64-25. All votes in favor were by Republicans and 22 Democrats and three Republicans voted against.[60][61] This map took effect for Indiana's 2022 congressional elections. Indiana was the fourth state to enact congressional redistricting after the 2020 census.

In a statement issued after signing the maps, Gov. Holcomb said, "Today I signed HB 1581, completing this once-in-a-decade constitutionally required process. I want to thank both the House and Senate for faithfully following through in an orderly and transparent way. And, a special thanks to every Hoosier who participated in the process by sharing their local perspective and input." Kaitlin Lange of the Indianapolis Star wrote that the "congressional map also likely will enable Republicans to keep seven of the nine congressional seats in Indiana and make the 5th District, which contains suburban Hamilton County, a more reliably Republican district.”[62]

Iowa

See also: Redistricting in Iowa after the 2020 census

On November 4, 2021, Iowa Gov. Kim Reynolds (R) signed new congressional and state legislative maps into law after the state's Legislative Services Agency had proposed them on October 21, 2021. The Iowa legislature approved the maps on October 28, 2021, by a vote of 48-1 in the state Senate and 93-2 in the state House.[63] The legislature could only vote to approve or reject the maps and could not make any amendments. These maps took effect for Iowa's 2022 congressional and legislative elections.

Kansas

See also: Redistricting in Kansas after the 2020 census

On May 18, 2022, the Kansas Supreme Court overturned a district court's ruling that found that the state's enacted congressional district boundaries were unconstitutional. In a two-page order, Justice Caleb Stegall wrote for the court, "A majority of the court holds that, on the record before us, plaintiffs have not prevailed on their claims that Substitute for Senate Bill 355 violates the Kansas Constitution."[64] On April 25, 2022, Wyandotte County District Court Judge Bill Klapper had struck down Kansas' enacted congressional map. The judge's ruling stated, "The Court has no difficulty finding, as a factual matter, that Ad Astra 2 is an intentional, effective pro-Republican gerrymander that systemically dilutes the votes of Democratic Kansans."[65]

Klapper's opinion also said that the state's new district boundaries "intentionally and effectively dilutes minority votes in violation of the Kansas Constitution’s guarantee of equal protection."[65] The ruling had enjoined Kansas Secretary of State Scott Schwab (R) and local election officials from using the previously enacted maps for the state's upcoming elections and directed the legislature to "enact a remedial plan in conformity with this opinion as expeditiously as possible."[65]

Kansas enacted congressional district boundaries on February 9, 2022, when both the state Senate and House overrode Gov. Laura Kelly's (D) veto of a redistricting plan that the legislature passed. The House of Representatives overrode Kelly’s veto 85-37 on February 9, 2022, with all votes in favor by Republicans, and 36 Democrats and one Republican voting to sustain the veto. The Senate overrode Kelly’s veto 27-11 strictly along party lines on February 8, 2022, with all votes in favor by Republicans and all votes opposed by Democrats.[66] The state Senate originally approved the congressional district map proposal on January 21, 2022, and the state House of Representatives approved it on January 26, 2022.[67][68][69][70] Kelly had vetoed the congressional map on February 3, 2022.

Andrew Bahl of the Topeka Capital-Journal wrote that the "maps were hotly contested, largely for the decision to split Wyandotte County and put part of the Kansas City, Kan., area in the 2nd Congressional District, a move that endangers the state's lone Democrat in Congress, U.S. Rep. Sharice Davids, and, Democrats argue, unfairly divides minority communities."[71] John Hanna of the Associated Press wrote that the congressional district plan "politically hurts the state’s only Democrat in Congress, likely plunging Kansas into a national legal brawl amid the contest for control of the U.S. House."[72]

Kentucky

See also: Redistricting in Kentucky after the 2020 census

Kentucky adopted new congressional district boundaries on January 20, 2022, after the general assembly overrode Gov. Andy Beshear’s (D) veto of legislation establishing the state’ new congressional map. Beshear vetoed Senate Bill 3 —the congressional redistricting legislation —on January 19, 2022. The vote to override the governor’s veto was 26-8 in the state Senate with 23 Republicans and three Democrats in favor and five Democrats and three Republicans opposed. The override vote was 64-24 in the state House, with all votes in favor by Republicans and 21 Democrats and three Republicans voting to sustain Beshear’s veto.[73][74][75]

Senate Bill 3 was introduced in the Kentucky State Senate on January 4, 2022. The Senate voted 28-4 in favor of the map on January 6 followed by the House voting 65-25 in favor on January 8.[76]

Greg Giroux of Bloomberg Government wrote that the "congressional map [is] designed to preserve a 5–1 Republican advantage in Kentucky’s U.S. House delegation." Giroux added, "The map most notably boosts Rep. Andy Barr (R), whose central 6th District in and around Lexington will become more Republican-friendly in part by transferring the state capital of Frankfort to the western 1st District of Rep. James Comer (R)."[77]

Louisiana

See also: Redistricting in Louisiana after the 2020 census

On May 15, 2024, the U.S. Supreme Court blocked an April 30 ruling by the U.S. District Court for Western Louisiana striking down the state's congressional map. As a result, the map will be used for Louisiana’s 2024 congressional elections.[78] According to ScotusBlog,

In a brief unsigned order the justices blocked a ruling by a federal court that had barred the state from using the new map on the ground that legislators had relied too heavily on race when they drew it earlier this year. The order cited an election doctrine known as the Purcell principle – the idea that courts should not change election rules during the period just before an election because of the confusion that it will cause for voters and the problems that doing so could cause for election officials. The lower court’s order will remain on hold, the court indicated, while an appeal to the Supreme Court moves forward.[78][6]


Gov. Jeff Landry signed the congressional map into law on January 22 after a special legislative session. The state House of Representatives voted 86-16 and the state Senate voted 27-11 to adopt this congressional map on January 19.[79][80]

According to NPR, "Under the new map, Louisiana's 2nd District, which encompasses much of New Orleans and surrounding areas, will have a Black population of about 53%. Democratic U.S. Rep. Troy Carter represents that district, which has been Louisiana's only majority-Black district for several years. Louisiana's 6th District now stretches from parts of Shreveport to Baton Rouge and will have a Black population of about 56%."[81]

On November 10, 2023, a three-judge panel of the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals vacated a 2022 injunction that blocked the implementation of Louisiana’s congressional district maps, for violating the Voting Rights Act by diluting the power of African American voters. The court also issued a deadline for the state to enact new maps for the 2024 election cycle.[82] On November 30, 2023, the U.S. District Court for Middle Louisiana extended the deadline for the creation of new maps that comply with the Voting Rights Act to January 30, 2024.[83] Gov. Jeff Landry called a special session of the Louisiana state legislature on January 15, 2024--days after he assumed office on January 8--to draw new maps in compliance with the court's order.[84]


Maine

See also: Redistricting in Maine after the 2020 census

On September 29, 2021, Gov. Janet Mills (D) signed legislation enacting redrawn congressional district boundaries as a result of the 2020 census. The Maine Apportionment Commission approved a final congressional district plan and submitted it to the legislature on September 24, 2021. The Maine State Senate and House of Representatives unanimously approved the state’s new congressional map on September 29, 2021.[85] This map took effect for Maine’s 2022 congressional elections.

According to the Bangor Daily News, “The only changes to the state’s congressional maps will take place in Kennebec County, where about 54,000 Mainers will switch districts. Augusta, the capital city, will move from the 1st to the 2nd District, along with Chelsea, Farmingdale, Hallowell, Manchester, Readfield and Winthrop. Meanwhile, Albion, Benton, Clinton, Litchfield, Unity township and West Gardiner will move from the 2nd District to the 1st.”[85]

Maryland

See also: Redistricting in Maryland after the 2020 census

Maryland adopted new congressional district boundaries on April 4, 2022, when Gov. Larry Hogan (R) signed revised redistricting legislation that the General Assembly had finalized on March 30, 2022.[86] Hogan signed the new map after state Attorney General Brian Frosh withdrew his appeal of Circuit Court Judge Lynne Battaglia's ruling overturning the state's previous congressional redistricting plan.[86] The state Senate approved the revised congressional district boundaries 30-13 with all votes in favor by Democrats and all votes opposed by Republicans on March 29, 2022.[87] The House of Delegates approved the revised map on March 30, 2022, by a vote of 94-41 with all 'yes' votes by Democrats and 40 Republicans and one Democrat voting 'no.'[88]

Massachusetts

See also: Redistricting in Massachusetts after the 2020 census

Massachusetts Gov. Charlie Baker (R) signed the state’s new congressional maps into law on November 22, 2021. Both chambers of the legislature approved the new maps on November 17, 2021. The state House approved the plan by a vote of 151-8 with 127 Democrats, 23 Republicans, and one independent voting in favor and six Republicans and two Democrats voting against. The state Senate approved the new congressional maps 26-13, with 24 Democrats and two Republicans voting in favor and 12 Democrats and one Republican opposed. In the previous redistricting cycle, Massachusetts adopted its congressional map almost ten years ago to the day—on Nov. 21, 2011. This map took effect for Massachusetts’ 2022 congressional elections.

As Nik DeCosta-Klipa wrote at Boston.com after the legislature approved the maps, "unlike the partisan redistricting fights happening across much of the country, the map has been an argument among Democrats in reliably-blue Massachusetts. While the proposal does not dramatically alter the general contours of the state’s nine Democrat-held House districts...some of the tweaks around the edges have elicited vocal — to some, surprising — outcry."[89] State Sen. Will Brownsberger (D), chair of the Special Joint Committee on Redistricting, said that he was unhappy that some members objected to the new maps. He said, "It’s always my goal to assure that every single senator is satisfied with the results of the redistricting process."[89]

Michigan

See also: Redistricting in Michigan after the 2020 census

Michigan’s congressional district boundaries became law on March 26, 2022, 60 days after the Michigan Independent Citizens Redistricting Commission (MICRC) published its report on the redistricting plans with the secretary of state.[90][91] On December 28, 2021, the Michigan Independent Citizens Redistricting Commission (MICRC) approved what was named the "Chestnut" map by a vote of 8-5. Two Democrats, two Republicans, and four nonpartisan members voted to approve the plan with the five remaining commissioners in favor of other plans. As required, "at least two commissioners who affiliate with each major party, and at least two commissioners who do not affiliate with either major party" voted in favor of the adopted map.[92]

The MICRC was established after voters approved a 2018 constitutional amendment that transferred the power to draw the state's congressional and legislative districts from the state legislature to an independent redistricting commission. Under the terms of the amendment, "Within 30 days after adopting a plan, the commission shall publish the plan and the material reports, reference materials, and data used in drawing it, including any programming information used to produce and test the plan." The adopted plan becomes law 60 days after the MICRC publishes that report.[92]

Beth LeBlanc of The Detroit News wrote that, “Unlike other congressional maps the commission had to choose from, Chestnut was set apart by its inclusion of Grand Rapids and Muskegon in the same district, its grouping of Battle Creek and Kalamazoo and its ability to keep Jackson County whole, instead of breaking off part of the county into an Ann Arbor area district.”[93] According to Clara Hendrickson and Todd Spangler of the Detroit Free Press, "According to three measures of partisan fairness based on statewide election data from the past decade, the map favors Republicans. But those measures also show a significant reduction in the Republican bias compared to the map drawn a decade ago by a Republican legislature, deemed one of the most politically biased maps in the country. One of the partisan fairness measures used by the commission indicates Democratic candidates would have an advantage under the new map."[94] This map took effect for Michigan’s 2022 congressional elections.

Minnesota

See also: Redistricting in Minnesota after the 2020 census

Minnesota enacted new congressional district boundaries on February 15, 2022, when a special judicial redistricting panel issued an order adopting final maps. In its unanimous order, the panel wrote, "To afford counties and municipalities time to complete local redistricting, the statutory deadline for completing congressional and legislative redistricting is '25 weeks before the state primary election in the year ending in two.' In this decennium, that date is February 15, 2022. That date has arrived, and the legislature has not yet enacted a congressional redistricting plan. To avoid delaying the electoral process, the panel must now act."[95]

After the panel issued their order, Dave Orrick of the Twin Cities Pioneer Press wrote, "The impacts of the new maps weren’t immediately clear...Since Minnesota averted losing a congressional seat, the state’s eight districts for U.S. House members don’t appear jarringly different from current maps."[96] Briana Bierschbach and Hunter Woodall wrote in the Star Tribune, “Under the new maps, the eighth Congressional district grew larger geographically to accommodate population declines in many rural counties.”[97]Kyle Brown of Saint Paul television station KSTP wrote, “The state’s current balance of four Republican and four Democratic representatives in the U.S. House could be thrown for a loop with a radical shift in geography for the 2nd Congressional District, which by far had the most competitive race in 2020.”[98]

Mississippi

See also: Redistricting in Mississippi after the 2020 census

Gov. Tate Reeves (R) signed the state's congressional redistricting plan—House Bill 384—on January 24, 2022. The state House of Representatives approved the plan, 75-44, on January 6, 2022, with 73 Republicans, one Democrat, and one independent voting in favor and 41 Democrats, two Republicans, and one independent voting against. The state Senate approved the new congressional map, 33-18, on January 12, 2022, with all votes in favor by Republicans and 16 Democrats and two Republicans voting against.[99] The Mississippi Joint Legislative Committee on Redistricting approved the proposal on December 15, 2021.[100]

After the state Senate approved the plan, Lee Sanderlin wrote in the Mississippi Clarion Ledger, “The bill preserves the current balance of congressional power in Mississippi, keeping three seats for Republicans and one for lone Democrat Bennie Thompson, D-Bolton.”[101] Sanderlin also wrote, "This is the first time since the 1965 passage of the Voting Rights Act passed Mississippi's redistricting will go on without federal oversight after a 2013 Supreme Court decision ended the requirement certain states get federal approval for redistricting changes. A federal judge drew the congressional districts in 2002 because legislators could not agree on a map, and again in 2011 because legislators felt they didn't have enough time to do it during session."[101]

Missouri

See also: Redistricting in Missouri after the 2020 census

Missouri enacted new congressional district boundaries on May 18, 2022, when Gov. Mike Parson (R) signed them into law. According to Rudi Keller of the Missouri Independent, "No change in the partisan makeup of the Missouri delegation, currently six Republicans and two Democrats, is expected as a result of the map." Keller also wrote, "nine counties that have shifted almost wholly or entirely into new districts. Boundaries shifted in the five large-population counties that were previously split and a new split was introduced in Boone County in central Missouri."[102] This map took effect for Missouri’s 2022 congressional elections.

The Missouri House of Representatives approved the final version of the new congressional districts on May 9, 2022, by a vote of 101-47. Eighty-six Republicans and 15 Democrats approved the new map and 28 Democrats and 19 Republicans voted against it.[103] The state Senate approved the legislation (known as HB 2909) on May 11, 2022, by a vote of 22-11. Sixteen Republicans and six Democrats voted to approve the new map and seven Republicans and four Democrats voted against.[104]

After the Senate passed the maps, Keller wrote, "The first plan, released in December with backing from the Republican leaders of both chambers, essentially kept the partisan breakdown of the state’s delegation unchanged, with six safe Republican districts and two Democratic districts in Kansas City and St. Louis. The House passed that bill in January and, after weeks of on-and-off debate, the Senate passed a significantly altered version in late March. The seven members of the Senate’s conservative caucus demanded a map that cracked the Kansas City district and combined it with a huge swath of rural counties to make it possible for the GOP to capture the seat. The “6-2” vs. “7-1” debate came to a head in February when the conservative caucus began a filibuster that blocked progress not only on the redistricting plan but also on basically every other bill. At one point, two Republican Senators got into a shouting match and had to be physically separated."[105]

Montana

See also: Redistricting in Montana after the 2020 census

On November 12, 2021, the Montana Districting and Apportionment Commission (MDAC) enacted a new congressional map following the 2020 redistricting cycle. The commissioners voted 3-2 to approve the map and to transmit it to the Montana Secretary of State. Both Republican commissioners and Maylinn Smith, the nonpartisan tiebreaker, voted in favor of the map, and the two Democratic commissioners voted against the map.[106] This map took effect for Montana's 2022 congressional elections.

A version of the congressional map enacted by the commission had previously been approved on November 4, 2021. The map that received final approval on November 12, 2021, made a minor change in Pondera County, allocating a smaller portion of it to the Western district.[107]

Nebraska

See also: Redistricting in Nebraska after the 2020 census

On September 30, 2021, the Nebraska State Legislature approved a new congressional map, 35-11. Gov. Pete Ricketts signed the map into law shortly afterwards.[108] This map took effect for Nebraska's 2022 congressional elections.

Following the approval of the maps, Sen. Justin Wayne (D) said: “It was a very frustrating process, but we got to a good result.” Sen. Lou Ann Linehan (R), chairwoman of the redistricting committee, expressed approval of the maps and said she was “constantly reminded how capable Sen. Wayne is” during the negotiations.[109]

Nevada

See also: Redistricting in Nevada after the 2020 census

Governor Steve Sisolak (D) signed the congressional map into law on November 16, 2021.[110] This map took effect for Nevada's 2022 congressional elections. On November 14, 2021, the Nevada State Senate voted 12-9 to approve the Democratic congressional and legislative map proposals. In a press release, Democratic lawmakers said they planned to issue an amendment to the draft maps in the Nevada State Assembly that would aim to address requests from tribal communities in the state and the allocation of incarcerated individuals.[111] On November 16, the Nevada State Assembly voted 25-17 to approve the amended maps.[112]

New Hampshire

See also: Redistricting in New Hampshire after the 2020 census

On May 31, 2022, the New Hampshire Supreme Court gave final approval to a new congressional map drawn by a redistricting special master.[113] This map took effect for New Hampshire's 2022 congressional elections.

The New Hampshire House of Representatives approved an initial congressional map 186-164 on January 5, 2022.[114] On March 17, the New Hampshire State Senate voted 13-11 to approve the map. On the same day, Gov. Chris Sununu (R) said he planned to veto the map.[115][116]

On April 11, the New Hampshire Supreme Court announced it would take jurisdiction over the redistricting process if the legislature and governor were not able to draw a new congressional map.[117] The action was in response to a lawsuit filed by former New Hampshire House Speaker Terie Norelli (D) and several voters.

A revised congressional map was approved by a 176-171 vote in the New Hampshire House and a 14-10 vote in the New Hampshire Senate on May 26, 2022.[118] On the same day, Sununu said he planned to veto the revised map.[119] On May 27, the New Hampshire Supreme Court released a draft map drawn by redistricting special master Nathaniel Persily.

New Jersey

See also: Redistricting in New Jersey after the 2020 census

The New Jersey Congressional Redistricting Commission enacted a new congressional map on December 22, 2021.[120] This map took effect for New Jersey's 2022 congressional elections. The commission voted 7-6 to approve the Democratic map proposal, with all six Democratic members and the tiebreaker, former New Jersey Supreme Court Judge John Wallace voting to approve. All six Republican members of the commission voted against the map.

New Mexico

See also: Redistricting in New Mexico after the 2020 census

On December 17, 2021, Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham signed new a congressional map into law.[121] The New Mexico State Senate approved the bill 25-15 on December 10, 2021, and the New Mexico House of Representatives approved the bill 44-24 on December 11, 2021.[122] The map was based on the New Mexico Citizen Redistricting Committee's H congressional map concept. This map took effect for New Mexico's 2022 congressional elections. On November 27, 2023, the New Mexico Supreme Court upheld the state's congressional map and dismissed the remaining litigation against it.[123]

New York

See also: Redistricting in New York after the 2020 census

On February 28, 2024, Gov. Kathy Hochul (D) signed a new congressional map into law. The state Assembly voted 115-35 to approve the map on February 27. The state Senate voted 45-18 to approve the map the same day.[124][125][126]

According to Nicholar Fandos of The New York Times, "Although a pair of swing districts would become more Democratic, lawmakers in Albany left the partisan makeup of 24 of the state’s 26 districts largely intact. The middle-ground approach reflected a desire to avoid another protracted court fight like the one in New York that helped swing control of the House to Republicans in 2022, while still better positioning Democrats in key districts."[125]

On December 12, 2023, the New York Court of Appeals, the state's highest court, ruled in a 4-3 decision that the independent redistricting commission did not follow the state's congressional redistricting process and ordered the commission to reconvene and re-draw congressional district boundaries by February 28 for use in the 2024 elections.[127] The court's majority opinion stated, "In 2014, the voters of New York amended our Constitution to provide that legislative districts be drawn by an Independent Redistricting Commission (IRC). The Constitution demands that process, not districts drawn by courts. Nevertheless, the IRC failed to discharge its constitutional duty. That dereliction is undisputed. The Appellate Division concluded that the IRC can be compelled to reconvene to fulfill that duty; we agree. There is no reason the Constitution should be disregarded."[128]

North Carolina

See also: Redistricting in North Carolina after the 2020 census

On October 25, 2023, the North Carolina General Assembly adopted new congressional district boundaries.[129] The legislation adopting the new maps passed the State Senate by a vote of 28-18 and the State House by a vote of 64-40.[130] Both votes were strictly along party lines with all votes in favor by Republicans and all votes against by Democrats.[131][132]

The New York Times' Maggie Astor wrote, "The map creates 10 solidly Republican districts, three solidly Democratic districts and one competitive district. Currently, under the lines drawn by a court for the 2022 election, each party holds seven seats. The Democratic incumbents who have been essentially drawn off the map are Representatives Jeff Jackson in the Charlotte area, Kathy Manning in the Greensboro area and Wiley Nickel in the Raleigh area. A seat held by a fourth Democrat, Representative Don Davis, is expected to be competitive."[129]

North Dakota

See also: Redistricting in North Dakota after the 2020 census

North Dakota was apportioned one single at-large U.S. House seat, making Congressional redistricting after the 2020 census unnecessary.

Ohio

See also: Redistricting in Ohio after the 2020 census


Governor Mike DeWine (R) signed a new congressional map into law on November 20, 2021.[110] The Ohio State Senate voted 24-7 to approve the map on November 16.[133] The Ohio House of Representatives voted 55-36 to approve the map on November 18.[134]

On January 14, 2022, the Ohio Supreme Court struck down the state's enacted congressional map and ordered the Ohio State Legislature to redraw it.[135] On February 9, 2022, legislative leaders said they would not draw a new map, meaning the Ohio Redistricting Commission assumed responsibility for drawing the map.[136]

On September 7, 2023, the Ohio Supreme Court dismissed a lawsuit challenging the state's congressional district boundaries after the petitioners who filed the original lawsuit requested that the court dismiss the case and leave the boundaries in place for the 2024 election.[137]The U.S. Supreme Court had vacated a 2022 state supreme court decision that had overturned the state's 2022 congressional district boundaries[138] Since the congressional district boundaries that the state's redistricting commission adopted in March 2022 and which were used in the 2022 elections did not have support from members of the minority party, they will be in effect for only two U.S. House elections with the commission required to enact a new map after the 2024 elections.

On March 2, 2022, the Ohio Redistricting Commission approved a redrawn congressional map in a 5-2 vote along party lines, meaning the map lasted for four years.[139] On March 18, the Ohio Supreme Court ruled that it did not have jurisdiction to overturn the map before the state's primary elections as part of the legal challenge that overturned the initial congressional map.[140] This map took effect for Ohio's 2022 congressional elections.

On July 19, 2022, the Ohio Supreme Court ruled in a 4-3 decision that the congressional district boundaries that the Ohio Redistricting Commission adopted on March 2, 2022, were unconstitutional.[141] The 2022 congressional elections took place using the boundaries the redistricting commission adopted in March 2022 since primary elections were held using those districts on May 3, 2022.[141] Since the congressional district boundaries that the commission enacted did not have support from members of the minority party, the boundaries were in effect for only four years with the commission required to enact a new map after the 2024 elections. The state supreme court's order directed the Ohio General Assembly to pass a compliant plan within 30 days, and if the general assembly fails to do so, the court required that the redistricting commission adopt such a plan within an additional 30 days.[142]

Oklahoma

See also: Redistricting in Oklahoma after the 2020 census

Gov. Kevin Stitt (R) signed a new congressional map into law on November 22, 2021. [110] On November 17, 2021, the Oklahoma House of Representatives voted 75-19 to approve the map.[143] On November 19, 2021, the Oklahoma State Senate voted to approve the map 36-10.[144]This map took effect for Oklahoma's 2022 congressional elections.

Oregon

See also: Redistricting in Oregon after the 2020 census

Gov. Kate Brown (D) signed a new congressional map into law on September 27, 2021. The map was approved by the Oregon House of Representatives 33-16, and approved in the Oregon State Senate 18-6.[145] This was the third time the Oregon State Legislature successfully enacted a congressional redistricting map since 1910 without gubernatorial veto, court ordered re-drawing, or authority for map drawing being passed to the secretary of state.[146] This map took effect for Oregon’s 2022 congressional elections.

Before the maps were approved, all but one House Republican did not attend the special session on Sept. 25, expressing dissatisfaction with the process and proposed maps. Sixteen of the twenty-three House Republicans returned when the session resumed on Sept. 27, meaning the House was able to reach a quorum and move forward with the redistricting votes. Rep. Suzanne Weber (R) said "Many of us [Republicans] are only here because we don’t trust the secretary of state Shemia Fagan (D) to draw these maps."[147]

The Oregonian said the map created three safe Democratic seats, one safe Republican seat, one seat that leans Democratic, and one seat that is a toss-up.[147]

Pennsylvania

See also: Redistricting in Pennsylvania after the 2020 census

On February 23, 2022, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court ruled to enact a new congressional map.[148] Over a dozen maps were submitted to the supreme court, including the map approved by the legislature. The court ultimately selected the Carter map in a 4-3 ruling, which was submitted by a group of Pennsylvania citizens who were petitioners in a redistricting-related lawsuit. Justices Debra Todd (D), Sallie Mundy (R), and Kevin Brobson (R) dissented.[149] Spotlight PA's Kate Huangpu wrote that the map is "as similar as possible to the current congressional map, with nearly 90% of residents staying in the same district."[149] This map took effect for Pennsylvania's 2022 congressional elections.

The state supreme court took authority over the redistricting process after Gov. Tom Wolf (D) vetoed the legislature's enacted map on January 26.[150] The Pennsylvania House of Representatives voted to approve the initial map 110-91 on January 12, and the Pennsylvania State Senate voted 29-20 to approve the map on January 24.[151][152] Following Wolf's veto, the authority for determining a new map initially rested with a lower court, but in a February 2 ruling the supreme court ruled that it would have control over the process to select a new congressional map.[153]

Rhode Island

See also: Redistricting in Rhode Island after the 2020 census

Rhode Island enacted new congressional district boundaries on February 16, 2022, when Gov. Dan McKee (D) signed redistricting legislation that the General Assembly had approved the day before. The State House of Representatives passed the district boundaries, 57-6, with 53 Democrats and four Republicans voting in favor and four Republicans and two Democrats voting against. The State Senate approved the new maps 29-9 with all 'yes' votes from Democrats and five Republicans and four Democrats voting 'no.'[154][155][156]

Patrick Anderson and Katherine Gregg wrote in The Providence Journal that "ruling Democrats didn't make major map changes to protect the state's Second Congressional District from a GOP takeover attempt, even after incumbent U.S. Rep. Jim Langevin announced he would not run for reelection. In the last redistricting a decade ago, the Assembly shifted tens of thousands of Democratic voters from the second district into the first district, benefitting Rep. David Cicilline, who was facing his first reelection campaign."[157]

South Carolina

See also: Redistricting in South Carolina after the 2020 census

On May 23, 2024, the U.S. Supreme Court reversed a lower court's Jan. 6, 2023, decision striking down South Carolina's congressional map as unconstitutional. As a result, this map will be used for South Carolina's 2024 congressional elections. According to the U.S. Supreme Court's majority opinion:

A plaintiff pressing a vote-dilution claim cannot prevail simply by showing that race played a predominant role in the districting process. Rather, such a plaintiff must show that the State 'enacted a particular voting scheme as a purposeful device to minimize or cancel out the voting potential of racial or ethnic minorities.' ... In other words, the plaintiff must show that the State’s districting plan 'has the purpose and effect' of diluting the minority vote.[158][6]

On May 15, 2023, the U.S. Supreme Court agreed to hear the South Carolina legislature's appeal of a federal three-judge panel's ruling that the state's 1st Congressional District was unconstitutional.[159] That three-judge panel ruled on January 6, 2023, that the state's 1st Congressional District violated the Voting Rights Act and enjoined the state from conducting future elections using it. The ruling ordered the General Assembly to submit a remedial map for its review by March 31, 2023.[159] South Carolina enacted new congressional district maps on January 26, 2022, when Gov. Henry McMaster (R) signed a proposal approved by the South Carolina House and Senate into law.[160]

On January 19, the Senate Judiciary Committee voted 14-8 in favor of the "Amendment 1" proposal.[161] On January 20, the South Carolina Senate approved the congressional district proposal in a 26-15 vote along party lines, with Republicans supporting the proposal and Democrats opposing it.[162] The South Carolina House approved the amended proposal on January 26 in a 72-33 vote along party lines, with Republicans voting for the proposal and Democrats voting against it.[163] This map took effect for South Carolina's 2022 congressional elections. Click here for more information.

South Dakota

See also: Redistricting in South Dakota after the 2020 census

South Dakota was apportioned one single at-large U.S. House seat, making Congressional redistricting after the 2020 census unnecessary.

Tennessee

See also: Redistricting in Tennessee after the 2020 census

On February 6, 2022, Gov. Bill Lee (R) signed new congressional districts into law, approving a proposal passed by both chambers of the Tennessee legislature.[164] On January 18, 2022, the Senate Judiciary Committee recommended a congressional district proposal for consideration by the full Senate in a 7-2 vote along party lines, with all Republicans supporting the proposal and all Democrats opposing it.[165] The Senate approved proposals for congressional and Senate maps in a 26-5 party-line vote on January 20.[166] The House approved the congressional plan in a 70-26 party-line vote on January 24.[167] This map took effect for Tennessee's 2022 congressional elections.

On November 15, 2021, Tennessee Democrats released a congressional district map keeping major cities like Nashville whole and putting Williamson, Rutherford, and Wilson counties in the state's fourth congressional district.[168] The House Select Committee on Redistricting released a proposal on January 12, 2022.[169]

Texas

See also: Redistricting in Texas after the 2020 census

Texas enacted new congressional districts on October 25, 2021. The Senate released a proposed congressional map on September 27, 2021, and approved an amended version of the proposal on October 8, 2021.[170] On October 13, 2021, the House Redistricting Committee approved an amended version of the congressional map, and both chambers of the legislature approved a finalized version of the map on October 18, 2021. The Senate approved the proposal in an 18-13 vote, and the House approved the bill in an 84-59 vote.[171] Gov. Greg Abbott (R) signed the map into law on October 25, 2021.[172] This map took effect for Texas' 2022 congressional elections.

Utah

See also: Redistricting in Utah after the 2020 census

Utah enacted new congressional districts on November 12, 2021, after Gov. Spencer Cox (R) signed a map proposal approved by the House and the Senate. The enacted map was drafted by the legislature and differed from a proposal the Utah Independent Redistricting Commission released on November 5, 2021.[173] The congressional map passed the Utah House 50-22 on November 9, 2021, with five Republicans and all Democratic House members voting against it. The Senate approved the map on November 10, 2021, in a 21-7 vote. Before signing the congressional map, Cox said he would not veto any maps approved by the legislature, as “The Legislature is fully within their rights to actually make those decisions and decide where they want to draw those lines."[174] This map took effect for Utah's 2022 congressional elections.

Vermont

See also: Redistricting in Vermont after the 2020 census

Vermont was apportioned one single at-large U.S. House seat, making Congressional redistricting after the 2020 census unnecessary.

Virginia

See also: Redistricting in Virginia after the 2020 census

The Virginia Supreme Court unanimously approved congressional maps for the state on December 28, 2021.[175] The Virginia Redistricting Commission released two statewide congressional map proposals on October 14, 2021, and another on October 15, 2021.[176] After the commission missed its deadline for approving map proposals and the Virginia Supreme Court assumed authority over the process, the two special masters selected by the court released proposals for congressional districts on December 8, 2021.[177]

Washington

See also: Redistricting in Washington after the 2020 census

The Washington House approved a final congressional map proposal 88-7 on February 2, 2022, and the Senate approved the congressional plan on February 8, 2022, in a 35-14 vote.[178][179] Washington’s four redistricting commissioners each released their proposed congressional maps on September 28, 2021. On November 16, 2021, the commission announced that it was not able to produce new maps by its November 15 deadline and had submitted plans to the Washington Supreme Court for consideration, as authority to draw new maps passes to the court if the commission fails to agree on maps before the deadline. The court decided to accept the final map drafts the commission submitted, ruling that it had "substantially complied" with the deadline. This map took effect for Washington's 2022 congressional elections.

West Virginia

See also: Redistricting in West Virginia after the 2020 census

West Virginia enacted a congressional district map on October 22, 2021. On September 30, 2021, the House and Senate Redistricting Committees released a total of 18 congressional district map proposals.[180] On October 13, 2021, the West Virginia Senate passed Sen. Charles S. Trump IV's (R) 8th proposed congressional map in 30-2 vote, which was then approved by the House on October 14 in an 84-12 vote.[181] Gov. Jim Justice (R) signed the congressional district map into law on October 22, 2021.[182] This map took effect for West Virginia's 2022 congressional elections.

Wisconsin

See also: Redistricting in Wisconsin after the 2020 census

Wisconsin enacted its congressional districts on March 3, 2022, when the Wisconsin Supreme Court approved congressional proposals submitted by Gov. Tony Evers (D). Evers vetoed a legislatively-approved congressional district map on November 18.[183] Those maps had passed the state Senate on October 20 by a 21-12 vote split along party lines, with all Republicans in the chamber voting for the proposal and all Democrats voting against it. They had passed the House on November 11 by a 60-38 party-line vote.[184][185]

After Evers' veto, the Wisconsin Supreme Court assumed control of the drafting process, as the court had agreed in September to decide new districts if the legislature and governor failed to do so.[186] On November 30, the court announced it would seek to make as few changes as possible to the current legislative and congressional maps adopted in 2011.[187] Evers submitted the now-approved congressional district map to the supreme court on December 15.[188]

On January 10, the Supreme Court issued a 4-3 ruling in which it denied congressional Republicans' request to submit an additional, amended map for the court's consideration and granted Evers the ability to make corrections to the map he submitted.[189]On March 3, 2022, the court decided to adopt Evers' proposal.[190]This map took effect for Wisconsin's 2022 congressional elections.

Wyoming

See also: Redistricting in Wyoming after the 2020 census

Wyoming was apportioned one single at-large U.S. House seat, making Congressional redistricting after the 2020 census unnecessary.

See also

External links

Footnotes

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