Political Mobilization

The limits of the planet and of natural  resources  impede  pursuing  the  modern  project  based  on  permanent
growth  and  represent  a  major  challenge  for  humanity.  Drawing on an  agency-centred  approach,  this paper addresses two two  major  questions:
‘Who are the social actors who challenge the normative orientation at the core of modernization and promote alternative values and practices that may contribute to the rise of a global age, or may embody glimpses of a global age society?’ and ‘Can we grasp some dimensions of life and society in the global age  by studying current social movements?  ’

Tout autant que le contexte historique dans lequel se déroule l’action collective, le contexte spatial est amené à jouer un rôle central non seulement dans la détermination de l’action elle-même, de ses modes et de son issue, mais aussi dans la stimulation et le maintien de l’engagement individuel. Cet article donne des pistes méthodologiques pour le problématiser et le prendre en compte dans l'analyse sociologique.

In September 2019, the third Global Climate Strike organized by the Fridays For Future (FFF) protest campaign mobilized 6000 protest events in 185 countries and brought 7.6 million participants out onto the streets. This report analyses survey data about participants from 19 cities around the world and compares it to data from an international survey conducted in 13 European cities in March 2019. Both surveys collected data following the well-established “Caught in the Act of Protest” survey methodology in order to generate representative samples. What makes FFF new and particularly interesting is the involvement of schoolchildren and students as initiators, organizers and participants in climate activism on a large scale. The September mobilizations differed from the March events in the explicit call for adults to join the movement. Although older age cohorts were more strongly represented in September, young people continued to make up a substantial portion of the protestors – alm...

В монографии исследуются леворадикальные, популистские режимы Уго Чавеса в Венесуэле и Эво Моралеса в Боливии, ставшие составной частью «левого поворота» в Латинской Америке в конце ХХ — начале ХХI в. Отталкиваясь от определения понятий «популизм» и «популистские режимы», автор определяет историческое место современных лево-популистских режимов в общем ряду популистских режимов в Латинской Америке ХХ в. Проанализирована совокупность факторов — макроэкономических, институциональных и субъективных, способствовавших формированию политических режимов в Венесуэле и Боливии. Впервые в отечественной научной литературе проведен сравнительный анализ практик массовой мобилизации — дискурсивных, социальных и плебисцитарных, использовавшихся обоими режимами.

Voici la première étude sur la guerre civile syrienne faite à partir d’entretiens réalisés en Syrie même et dans les pays voisins. 2011 : des centaines de milliers de Syriens de toutes confessions et origines ethniques manifestent pacifiquement pour réclamer la démocratisation du régime. La violence de la répression les contraint à prendre les armes, à organiser une contre-société et à regrouper des unités militaires improvisées au sein de l’Armée syrienne libre.
Après 2013, cette logique inclusive et unanimiste cède progres- sivement devant la montée des groupes transnationaux comme le PKK et l’État islamique, marginalisant les groupes les plus modérés.
Comment se structure l’économie de guerre? Quels sont les effets de la guerre sur la société syrienne? Quelles nouvelles hiérarchies communautaires et sociales résultent de la violence généralisée? Comment les trajectoires sociales des Syriens sont-elles affectées?
Un livre unique qui combine une recherche de terrain – rare sur le conflit syrien – et une réflexion théorique novatrice sur les situations de guerre civile.

Uribismo, which refers to the political movement organized by,
and around, the former President of Colombia, Alvaro Uribe Velez
(2002–2010) and his political party Centro Democrático, is the
most important political force in Colombia today. Most journalists
and academics in the country characterize it as a multiclass Rightwing neo-populist movement that enjoys uniform support across
different social classes. I challenge this understanding, arguing
that it is a non-populist neoconservative political project that
enjoys higher levels of electoral support amongst the highest
social strata. Its political discourse combines the conservative preoccupation with preserving the status quo with neoliberal concepts such as the market, competition, and entrepreneurship as
the principal sources of socio-economic development. It does not,
however, articulate any of the key concepts of a populist ideology,
such as the antagonism between the people and the elite or the
idea that the people are the only source of political legitimacy. Its
electoral support even in Medellín, where it enjoys an almost
hegemonic status, is much higher amongst the upper classes.

Publikace analyzuje vývoj českého alterglobalizačního a protiválečného aktivismu mezi lety 2002 a 2009. Zaměřuje se při tom především na období útlumu alterglobalizačního hnutí a jeho transformaci na alterglobalizační subkulturu na straně jedné, a na součást „protiradarové“ koalice na straně druhé. Konkrétně se při tom snaží odpovědět na následující otázky: jaké procesy nebo mechanismy byly součástí interakce mezi českým alterglobalizačním a protiválečným aktivismem? Jaký byl dopad této interakce na spolupráci a kolektivní identitu alterglobalizačních skupin a organizací? Došlo současně se změnou protestních aktivit a partnerů rovněž ke změně jejich sdílené kolektivní identity?
Studie má rovněž obecnější ambici: tou je představení současných přístupů ke studiu sociálních hnutí založených na rozlišování dvou klíčových modů koordinace kolektivního jednání – tj. směny či sdílení zdrojů a procesů tvorby kolektivní identity. Zde se práce snaží předložit odpovědi na otázky týkající se vztahu mezi kolektivní identitou a strategiemi koordinace zdrojů českého alterglobalizačního aktivismu, charakteru tohoto vztahu napříč různými tematickými poli kolektivního jednání, a konečně jeho proměn v čase.

Based on the case-study methodology this research considers causes and consequences of public protests during 2011-2012 electoral cycle in Russia. Wide range of instruments was used for research purposes: public opinion polls, participant observations, and data from media, blogs and social networks on political events linked with protests. As a conclusion comparative cross-regional model of analysis is presented.

Sebastia˜o Salgado’s work is not for the faint of heart. His photographs deliberately provoke and disrupt; they are not easy to look at because they are not supposed to be easy to look at. With a clever combination of distance and intimacy, Salgado personalizes human suffering. We are accustomed to hearing the numbers—10 people killed in a car bombing, hundreds dead in mud-slides, entire villages ravaged by food shortages—but Salgado forces us to seethe people, the wrinkled skin of poverty, the bent shapes of hard labor. Hispictures are often disturbing because to personalize suffering is to make it horribly banal: isolation, poverty, exploitation, marginalization, and even genocide are part of everyday life in most of the modern world. These subjects are not easy to look at, Salgado argues, because those of us looking usually go to such lengths not to see them.

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Although Social Media Activism has been widely investigated following the latest social uprisings worldwide, the processes through which online-based protests are brought offline did not catch scholars' attention. Therefore, this study aims at filling the research gap by looking for elements and conditions that make Social-Media movements shift offline and if there are such, what are they. In order to do so, the study uses a qualitative approach by analyzing the divergent perspectives in the recent literature related to the topic of Social Media Activism. The analysis identifies several categories as potential elements to explain how are Social Media-based protests driven to the streets?: types of activism and Participation, Social Media Activism's structure and Leadership, common participant's profile, political context, the place of mainstream media, the use of Social Media platforms. The findings reveal that marketing strategies is the key factor that brings online-based protests to the streets. The study concludes by suggesting that further research using a quantitative approach should be conducted.

L’articolo esplora la rete di relazioni politiche che si sviluppò intorno al democratico meridionale
Casimiro De Lieto, dai primi scambi epistolari  - nel 1833 - sino alle cospirazioni per la liberazione
del Mezzogiorno del 1854-56. Attraverso l’analisi della leadership di De Lieto, la circolazione di
idee, programmi e immagini fra questi e i corrispondenti e le  trasformazioni della rete, l’articolo
intende contribuire allo studio delle rivoluzioni del XIX secolo nel Mezzogiorno d’Italia da un
duplice punto di vista: le motivazioni soggettive alla base delle scelte politiche; il contributo delle
relazioni interindividuali e dei gruppi territoriali alle rivoluzioni. La ricerca attinge al fondo del
patriota custodito presso il Museo Centrale del Risorgimento (Roma).

"Correspondence and Political Networks. Casimiro De Lieto's Network Between Italian Mezzogiorno and Roman Republic"
The article investigates the political network of the democratic, Southern Italian patriot Casimiro
De Lieto, starting with from his early epistolary exchanges – in 1833- to the conspirancies for the
liberation of Mezzogiorno in 1854-56. By analisyng the leadership of De Lieto, the circulation of
ideas, programmes and images between him and his correspondents and changes in his network, the
article aims at offering a contribution to the study of the XIX revolutions in Southern Italy. This
research  is  utilizing  two  approaches:  the  subjective  motivation  for  political  choice;    the
interpersonal exchanges and territorial groups contributing to revolution. The investigation draws
upon De Lieto’s personal fond in the Central Museum of Risorgimento (Rome).

The growing influence of new information and communication technologies (ICTs), in particular mobile phone technology, on many aspects of life has been noted, but detailed analysis of possible effects on politics has begun only recently. While the possibilities of e-voting are still being explored, the political influence of mobile phones can be noticed in the wider context of democracy, namely the building of networks, the provision of information and the mobilisation of activists. This article explores the evidence of mobile phone technology's effects on democracy and argues for its incorporation in future analyses of new ICTs and democracy and political participation.

This article examines a couple of Arabic-language songs about the death of the young Muhammad al-Durrah on the second day of the Second Intifada, September 2000. The songs as well as the videos that have been uploaded confirm the iconic status of al-Durrah and demonstrate the significance of the incident as a means for emotional mobilization in anti-Israeli protest. Following the World War I studies by historian George Mosse, I propose in this article to identify the central motif of the songs as a nationalistic myth of the fallen martyr.

The prevalence of anti-Asian and anti-immigrant rhetoric throughout the 2016 election season provides an opportunity to examine the factors shaping Asian Americans’ emotional responses to a threatening political environment. Comparing interracial trends in emotional expressions and political behavior in the 2016 Collaborative Multi-racial Post-election Survey (CMPS), we find Asian Americans expressing fear on par with other minority groups, while expressing less anger. In a significant
departure from scholarly expectations, we uncover a strong positive association between expressed fear and participation among Asian Americans. This mobilizing effect of fear distinguishes Asian Americans from other racial groups, providing better insight into the political behavior of this group in contexts of threat. We discuss how and why fear may shape Asian American participation, while mediating the effects of racial identity on action.

In addition to a citizen initiative to launch a criminal lawsuit against Tepco and Japanese state executives over their responsibility for the Fukushima nuclear disaster, more than thirty collective civil actions have been launched across the country. Thus far, thirteen verdicts have been handed down, with a large majority of courts ruling against Tepco and the state. Despite disappointingly small amounts of compensation, these verdicts carry important sociological significance as they challenge the government's efforts to restart nuclear power plants. This article provides an overview and typology of the lawsuits, showing that these civil actions build on a legacy of social movements organized by networks of lawyers and activists.

This is the pre-print working paper version, see the full printed version: http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/journal_of_democracy/v025/25.3.onuch.html

The protests that began in Ukraine’s capital of Kyiv on 21 Novem- ber 2013 and became known as the EuroMaidan took even seasoned observers of East European politics by surprise. By December, around 800,000 “ordinary” Ukrainians were demonstrating in Kyiv and other cities across the country. The rapid rise of mass protests, especially at a time when the world’s established democracies are struggling with growing political apathy and declining voter turnout, appears as what Timur Kuran has called one of those moments “when out of never you have a revolution.”1 These episodes may help the cause of democ- racy, but they can also destabilize countries by polarizing citizens and boosting extremists. In order to gauge what a protest outbreak will mean for a country’s democratic prospects, it is crucial to understand who the bulk of the protesters are and what goals they hope to achieve. Here follows original survey data that may help to shed light on Euro- Maidan protest participation and its implications for democratic hopes in Ukraine.

This paper explores the impact of the Internet on offline social movement mobilization from the perspective of identity building. It is based on a case study of a women’s group in Hong Kong, the Queer Sisters, and the bulletin board it created
on the World Wide Web. Content analysis, an online survey, interviews and observation conducted between September 1999 and December 2000 found that the bulletin board helped to foster a sense of belonging to the Queer Sisters among
participants. Bulletin board participants also shared a culture of opposition to the dominant order. But a collective consciousness was absent, so the bulletin board fell short of building a collective identity among its participants. This
paper, however, argues that the absence of a collective identity on the bulletin board is the result of the way the board was administered, constrained by the resources and the aims of the Queer Sisters. It suggests that the potential for the
Internet to build collective identities for social movements differs for different types of social movements.

This is a taste of our forthcoming book with Bloomsbury University Pres

The French Revolution brought momentous political, social, and cultural change. Life in Revolutionary France explores how those changes affected everyday life in both urban and rural France and the Atlantic World.  It offers innovative and student-friendly research by an international cast of distinguished academics and emerging scholars. The book follows a three- part structure: “Revolutionary Identities and Spaces,” “The Right To? – Revolutionary Justice at Work,” and “Revolutionary Experiences, Practices, Sensations.” Each of these sections is organized to resonate both with classic questions about the Revolution and with contemporary concerns. They address topics ranging from women’s political activism to revolutionaries’ belief in the “right to health,” from the treatment of prisoners of war to the impact of surveillance on daily lives, and from religious freedom to the controversial use of guillotine displays to bring revolutionary “news” to Atlantic audiences.

Essays also introduce readers to the rich sources of the Revolution—including newly exploited archives and the visceral legacies of art and material culture—and to creative methodologies, ranging from GIS mapping to the history of emotion. Each chapter includes a primary source for readers to explore further; many of these are translated into English for the first time.

Keywords: French Revolution. Atlantic World. Everyday Life. Primary Sources. Material Culture. Space. Urban History. Gender. Political Activism. Justice. Prisoners. History of Emotion.

Ambedkar stood with the most downtrodden and deprived sections of the Indian society; the sections which had no voice in public life. The social mobilization of these sections by Ambedkar helped in the national freedom movement. As the Chairman of the Drafting Committee, Ambedkar advocated a strong nation-state.

Политические мобилизационные технологии как отдельный вид политических технологий только формируются и в этом статусе не всеми признаются. Скорее можно говорить о мобилизационной составляющей некоторых давно известных технологий, именуемых социально-политическими, электоральными и давно применяемыми в политической практике, например, в процессе политической модернизации

In this chapter, I develop the critical framework of moments of political gameplay using an approach informed by radical relationism, microethnography, and performativity, in order to produce detailed readings of how video games and their players reproduce (far-right) political action. I form this concept through two qualitative case studies from two seemingly different games: Angry Goy II (AG2), a game developed with politics at its forefront; and Red Dead Redemption 2 (RDR2), a game that allows the players to “do whatever they want”. This concept does not consider video games as technologies that produce new violence on its players. Rather, this framework argues that in order to map the stages of gameplay that affect players, we must see political gameplay as made up of the coming together of multiple ingredients: the human, the technological, and the political. Each ingredient is fundamental in creating a final output: a racist, misogynist, or anti-progressive moment of gameplay. Hence, the object of study here is the processes by which players reproduce a political worldview from their involvement in gameplay. In doing so, I outline how spotting moments of political gameplay allows us to trace the processes which produce political features of play, mobilize the player to digitally enact and perform far-right play, concretize the political identities of its player, and outline the breadcrumbs that lead the player towards far-right recruitment.

In recent years, undocumented youth have come out of the shadows to claim their rights in the United States. By sharing their stories, these youth gained a voice in the public debate. This article integrates insights from the literature on narratives and emotions to study how story- telling is employed within the undocumented youth movement in Chicago. I argue that un- documented youth strategically use storytelling for diverging purposes depending on the context, type of interaction, and audience involved. Based on ethnographic research, I show that storytelling allows them to incorporate new members, mobilize constituencies, and legitimize grievances. In each of these contexts, emotions play a key role in structuring the social transaction between storyteller and audience. Storytelling is thus a community-building, mobilizing, and claims-making practice in social movements. At a broader level, this case study demonstrates the power of storytelling as a political tool for marginalized populations.

The presence of protests, sometimes during violent conflict and civil war, across the globe, seems to contradict the common view that civil war and protests are mutually exclusive episodes and do not belong to a continuum. Instead, peaceful – and less peaceful – protests can coincide with civil war and other forms of armed violence like civil war. This article reflects and questions the dominant understanding that violent conflict and protests are disconnected forms of conflict and contention. To achieve this aim, the chapter discusses how both phenomena have been explained and theorized.

The document starts examining similarities and differences in the definition and understanding of civil war, on the one hand, and protests and protest campaigns (Chenoweth & Lewis, 2013) . Departing from the important work of T.R. Gurr (2011) and others (Skocpol, 1979; Tilly, 2006), on protest, rebellion and violent conflict in the process of state-building, this article research aims to reevaluate how protest campaings and civil war can relate to each other over time.

The document discusses under which conditions, processes such as protest campaigns escalate into a low intensity or high intensity civil war, and on the circumstances that define the de-escalation from civil wars protest campaigns. The article argues that in the aftermath of civil wars, protests are more likely to be observed in post-agreement scenarios. In addition, it argues that before civil wars, protests campaigns do take place, and where venues for negotiation with dissidents are closed and state capacity is weak and armed conflict is more likely.

The article proceeds to present a theoretical framework for understanding different possible ‘patterns’ of transition between protest campaigns and civil war, and from civil war to protest campaigns. The possibility that civil war and protest campaigns belong to a continuum is thus theorized through a series of trajectories. These trajectories are conditioned, by a series of factors that relate to the nature of the state where the contention is taking place.

The chapter argues that two modes of political coalition-building, sandwich coalitions and anti-hegemonic alliances, characterize Indian political mobilization efforts in the modern era. Both provide flexible templates for addressing multiple cleavages under conditions of social change, but sandwich coalitions have been dominant.

This paper analyzes changes in regional electoral behavior and attitudes towards separatism and foreign policy orientation in Ukraine after the “Orange Revolution” and the “Euromaidan,” which turned into a violent internal conflict and one of the biggest international conflicts involving Western countries and Russia. The research question is whether the regional divisions concerning domestic politics, separatism and foreign orientation have changed significantly in Ukraine since the “Orange Revolution” in 2004 and the “Euromaidan” in 2014. This paper employs comparative and statistical analyses of voting results of the 2012, 2007, 2006, and 2002 parliamentary elections, and the 2014, 2010, and 2004 presidential elections, to examine effects of historical legacies, ethnicity, language, age, and economic factors on regional support for pro-nationalist/pro-Western and pro-Russian/pro-communist political parties and presidential candidates. The study also analyses support for separatism in Crimea and Donbas after the “Orange Revolution” and the “Euromaidan.” It uses a brief survey, conducted for this study by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) in April and May 2014, to examine determinants of pro-separatist attitudes. The paper also employs Razumkov Center and KIIS surveys to analyze changes in 2002-2014 in regional preferences for joining the European Union (EU), NATO, and a union with Russia. The analysis shows that Ukraine after the “Orange Revolution” remained divided along regional lines in terms of support for political parties and presidential candidates and attitudes towards joining the EU, NATO, and a Russia-led union. After the “Euromaidan,” such divisions in foreign policy orientation and, to a lesser extent, support for presidential candidates and political parties remained. A significant rise in separatist sentiments helped to fuel separatist takeovers of power in Crimea and Donbas and Russian military intervention in these regions.

While Western reactions to ISIS are commonly situated in a 'politics of fear', there has been surprisingly little reflection on what role fear plays in disciplinary arguments central to International Relations (IR). I argue this absence of reflection can explained by a shared doxa over fear's mobilizing potential in the politics of security. This doxa can be traced to a 19 th Century strand of social theorizing concerned with mass movements — crowds — which were envisioned as emotionally volatile and prone to manipulation. While subsequent social theorists were skeptical of how these claims reduced crowds to panic politics, scholarship in IR has uncritically reproduced them to argue fear remains a reliable pathway for expanding and intensifying the politics of security. Critical of this reasoning, I argue it leads to a dystopian vision of the politics of fear which obscures a more open and indeterminate politics of emotion.

"This paper uses the lens of Neo-traditionalism to elucidate the largely unexplored political aspect of the Chollima (or Flying Horse) Movement of North Korea. With its widespread use of a
mythical, speedy horse from China as a rallying cry to inspire workers, this late 1950s and early 1960s worker mobilization movement was above all a series of legitimacy-enhancing exercises and the primary means by which the North Korean regime preserved the hegemony of Kim Il Sung following the Korean War. The term Neo-traditionalism is reformulated to correspond with what the Chollima Movement involved: namely, the excavation and systematic reproduction of
some element of a culture’s past, the framing of that traditional element or return to some form of traditional authority as progressive or modern, and the practice of making the reprocessed fragments of tradition a pervasive and permanent part of modern culture."

Depuis quelques années, le PKK turc et le PYD syrien sont au centre de l'attention des gauches mondiales. Certains observateurs, comme l'anthropologue David Graeber, l'historien Immanuel Wallerstein ou le linguiste Noam Chomsky les considèrent comme une des rares lueurs d'espoir dans le chaos moyen-oriental et comparent leurs expérimentations politiques à celles des zapatistes du Chiapas. En effet, ces organisations apparaissent comme un point de convergence de nombreuses luttes « nouvelles » : le combat militaire contre l'« obscurantisme » de Daech ; une forme avancée de féminisme contre le « patriarcat » islamiste et traditionaliste ; une volonté de promouvoir un « confédéralisme démocratique » postmarxiste et libertaire ; ou encore une manière renouvelée de contester le capitalisme et le culte de la croissance, au profit d'une écologie radicale. Pourtant, le PKK et ses organisations soeurs restent très méconnus. Fondé en 1978 et dirigé par son chef Abdullah Öcalan, emprisonné depuis 1999, ce parti radical, d'abord indépendantiste puis autonomiste, revendique s'être défait de ses oripeaux marxistes-léninistes pour développer une forme d'autogouvernement proche de la conception municipaliste de l'anarchiste américain Murray Bookchin. Qu'en est-il en vérité ?

On August 9, 2020, presidential elections were held in Belarus. Despite blatant electoral fraud and procedural violations, the official results declared Aleksandr Lukashenka reelected for a sixth term. While in the past, even the most obviously fraudulent election results have been followed by an atmosphere of resigned acceptance, this time countless Belarusians took to the streets to contest the results. What made this election different? This analysis of current affairs looks at the 2020 events through the lens of authoritarian consolidation theory, suggesting the unprecedented political mobilization was enabled by erosion in the three pillars of authoritarian stability: repression, cooptation, and legitimation. A majority of the population had been accepting the political status quo out of fear, for social and monetary security provided in exchange for loyalty, or a general understanding that there were no alternatives. Lukashenka did not realize this had largely changed. Nine months later, the foundation of the authoritarian regime is in an even worse shape. The regime's reliance on repression further counteracts the legitimacy of the system. As a result, it seems it will be difficult for the authorities to re-consolidate authoritarianism, at least in the near future, no matter how the 'revolution' unfolds.

After conquering large swaths of Syria and Iraq, the IS undertook an aggressive sectarian campaign in which they not only enacted horrific violence against the Shia people, but also damaged or destroyed several key Shia mosques and shrines. Drawing on Social Movement Theory (SMT), this article analyzes the response by various Shia nonstate actors—militia leaders, religious clergymen, populist preachers, and seminal poets. It argues that they used the IS threat to Shia holy sites to develop and deploy a mobilization frame that has come to be referred to as the “shrine protection narrative.” The article also documents the manifold consequences of the shrine protection narrative: it underpinned a mass recruitment drive that saw tens of thousands enlist; it legitimized foreign Shia militias to enter the conflicts in both Syria and Iraq; it justified the formation of entirely new militias who declared the centrality of shrine protection to their mandate; and it mobilized them to enact political violence. In doing so, this article extends existing studies of SMT to demonstrate that “sacred spaces”—and particularly the need to protect religious sites from specific threats—can serve as a powerful mobilization frame towards political violence.