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  • I am a writer, scholar and researcher. Coming from a scholarly background but with a passion for art and culture, I b... more
    (I am a writer, scholar and researcher. Coming from a scholarly background but with a passion for art and culture, I bring to my work the best of both worlds: rigorous analysis and high attention to detail. My work is multidisciplinary: I am is interested in the intersections of art, development studies, political science and sociology, and this is reflective of my education, work experience and skills set. <br /><br />I am a Visiting Fellow at the University of New South Wales&#39; Social Policy Research Centre and Non-Resident Senior Fellow of the China Policy Institute at the University of Nottingham. I was Visiting Fellow in the Department of Social Policy at the London School of Economics and Political Science and associate professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of Alberta (Edmonton, Canada). I have also previously taught in the Department of Sociology at the State University of New York, Binghamton. I received my PhD in Development Studies and Land Economy at the University of Cambridge.)
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China’s rapid socio-economic transformation has generated extraordinary movements of people from rural areas to urban centres. At the peak of labour migration in the early 2000s, some 100 to 200 million people moved to cities in search of... more
China’s rapid socio-economic transformation has generated extraordinary movements of people from rural areas to urban centres. At the peak of labour migration in the early 2000s, some 100 to 200 million people moved to cities in search of higher wages and better standards of living.

State of Exchange examines how – despite the authoritarian nature of the Chinese state – non-governmental organizations in China have increased dramatically as central and local states tacitly allow migrant NGOs to deliver community services to workers in Beijing and Shanghai. Interacting with spaces and layers of the state at various levels of government, NGOs conduct and scale up their programs, while the state, in turn, engages with NGOs as a means to remain relevant and further legitimize its own interests. Jennifer Hsu uses a new conceptual framework to assess state-NGO relations and ultimately to reveal how NGOs navigate the complex web of central and local government bodies to lend stability to, and form mutually beneficial relationships with, the Chinese state. 

As North Africa and the Middle East move into a new era of politics, the Chinese experience outlined in this book will serve as a blueprint for better understanding the best practices and lessons learned for state-society relationships at the central and local levels.
"As China becomes increasingly integrated into the global system there will be continuing pressure to acknowledge and engage with non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Suffice to say, without a clear understanding of the state’s... more
"As China becomes increasingly integrated into the global system there will be continuing pressure to acknowledge and engage with non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Suffice to say, without a clear understanding of the state’s interaction with NGOs, and vice versa, any political, economic and social analysis of China will be incomplete.

This book provides an urgent insight into contemporary state-NGO relations. It brings together the most recent research covering three broad themes, namely the conceptualizations and subsequent functions of NGOs; state-NGO engagement; and NGOs as a mediator between state and society in contemporary China.  The book provides a future glimpse into the challenges of state-NGO interactions in China's rapidly developing regions, which will aid NGOs strategic planning in both the short- and long-term. In addition, it allows a measure of predictability in our assessment of Chinese NGOs behaviour, notably when they eventually move their areas of operation from the domestic sphere to an international one.

The salient themes, concepts, theories and practice discussed in this book will be of acute interest to students, scholars and practitioners in development studies, public administration, and Chinese and Asian politics."
"The modern Chinese state has traditionally affected every major aspect of domestic society. With the growing liberalization of the economy, coupled with increasingly complex social issues, there is a belief that the state is retreating... more
"The modern Chinese state has traditionally affected every major aspect of domestic society. With the growing liberalization of the economy, coupled with increasingly complex social issues, there is a belief that the state is retreating from an array of social problems from health to the environment. Yet, a survey of China’s contemporary political landscape today reveals not only a central state which plays an active role in managing social problems, but also new state actors at the local level which are increasingly seeking to partner with various non-governmental organizations or social associations.

This book looks at how NGOs, social organizations, business associations, trade unions, and religious associations interact with the state, and explores how social actors have negotiated the influence of the state at both national and local levels. It further examines how a corporatist understanding of state-society relations can be reformulated, as old and new social stakeholders play a greater role in managing contemporary social issues. The book goes on to chart the differences in how the state behaves locally and centrally, and finally discusses the future direction of the corporatist state.

Drawing on a range of sources from recent fieldwork and the latest data, this timely collection will appeal to students and scholars working in the fields of Chinese politics, Chinese economics and Chinese society."
South and East Asia may well become the epicentres of the global HIV/AIDS pandemic. More than three-quarters of a million people are now estimated to be living with HIV/AIDS in China. In 2009, AIDS had already become the leading cause of... more
South and East Asia may well become the epicentres of the global HIV/AIDS pandemic. More than three-quarters of a million people are now estimated to be living with HIV/AIDS in China. In 2009, AIDS had already become the leading cause of death by infectious disease. Yet, even despite China’s recent economic and social progress, a number of development issues - not least the emergence of glaring inequalities - have also emerged. The expansion of the HIV/AIDS epidemic is also an important longer term development challenge.

This book analyses China’s HIV/AIDS epidemic, with particular attention to the nature and impact of current economic and social changes and how these changes may be driving the epidemic. It examines aspects of income and gender inequality; rural-urban migration; commercial sex work; healthcare and civil society organizations. Health care reforms and the role of NGOs are also considered as well as general government policy. Overall, this book provides a full discussion of the most critical aspects of the current HIV/AIDS situation in China and its impact on Chinese society.
China's achievements and failures are often viewed in a vacuum, where little thought is given to the interrelatedness of social issues from both state and society perspectives. Given the continued dominance of the Chinese state in so... more
China's achievements and failures are often viewed in a vacuum, where little thought is given to the interrelatedness of social issues from both state and society perspectives.  Given the continued dominance of the Chinese state in so many aspects of society, the contributors of this collection present a nuanced view of Chinese state-society relationship to re-situate our understanding of the social challenges facing China.  Suffice to say, while the state is dominant, the role of social actors is critical to the future of China's development.  Thirty years of unrelenting economic development has created a range of social issues that China needs to contend with to ensure it does not hamper future growth.  Nonetheless, factors such as urbanization, the marginalization of social groups, the emergence and influence of the business elites, and the potential for dissent of internet users, present interesting challenges and insights into the workings between state and society.
中国公民对国家管理应对灾害和突发事件的做法比较满意。然而,他们越来越发现仅靠国家无法应对危机。2018年和2020年的中国公民参与调查显示,更多受过良好教育的公民认为政府在危机管理中起主导作用,但民间社会组织(CSO)有较大的空间补充协助应对危机。另外一个稍有分歧的观点是,与非志愿者相比,曾与民间社会组织深度合作的志愿者更怀疑民间社会组织履行危机管理职能的组织能力。这意味着中国共产党的政治合法性不会因为允许民间社会组织在危机管理中发挥更大的作用而受到挑战。
公民身份教育已成为当代中国全民教育体系中的一个明确组成部分。本文基于 2018年进行的一项全国性调查,检验了以下假设:接受公民身份教育的时间越长,公民受国家主导的公民身份概念影响越大,国家主导的公民身份的显著特点是被动地服从国家并对国家忠诚。研究发现,当公民受教育程度较低时,公民身份教育是有效的;但当公民受教育程度较高时,公民身份教育效果较差,而且可能会促进(或至少不会妨碍)更积极的公民身份观念。
现有关于西方民主国家公民参与的文献表明:公民参与的增加和民主的强大之间存在线性关系。学术辩论通常围绕这种关系的确切因果机制展开,包括向政府问责,公民学习“民主技能”,如集体动员和宣传,以及建立社会资本和信任以化解集体行动的困境。考虑到中国迅速增加的志愿服务,本研究利用2020年中国公民参与调查的证据,在一党专政的背景下检验这些理论。研究发现中国的志愿者的确学习“公民技能”,然而他们所学的技能和民主国家的志愿者所学的有所不同。最重要的是,当志愿服务允许权威主义国家的公民去学习和... more
现有关于西方民主国家公民参与的文献表明:公民参与的增加和民主的强大之间存在线性关系。学术辩论通常围绕这种关系的确切因果机制展开,包括向政府问责,公民学习“民主技能”,如集体动员和宣传,以及建立社会资本和信任以化解集体行动的困境。考虑到中国迅速增加的志愿服务,本研究利用2020年中国公民参与调查的证据,在一党专政的背景下检验这些理论。研究发现中国的志愿者的确学习“公民技能”,然而他们所学的技能和民主国家的志愿者所学的有所不同。最重要的是,当志愿服务允许权威主义国家的公民去学习和分辨最适合解决具体的社会问题的方法时,他们一般不会试图直接让政府为其糟糕的表现负责。另外,研究发现志愿者能寻求的支持以对其他公民产生信任是非常有限的,这与西方民主国家的证据相反。最后,结果表明志愿者的参与是为了向政府发送这样一种信号,即他们是新兴的地方社区领袖。这些发现对于促进权威主义国家的公民参与有着重要的意义。
Eine Community of Practice stellt eine wichtige Ressource für den Austausch von sektorspezifischem Wissen dar. Es ist ein Mechanismus, mit dem chinesische NGOs (dt. NRO) voneinander lernen und zusammenarbeiten können. Auf der Grundlage... more
Eine Community of Practice stellt eine wichtige Ressource für den Austausch von sektorspezifischem Wissen dar. Es ist ein Mechanismus, mit dem chinesische NGOs (dt. NRO) voneinander lernen und zusammenarbeiten können. Auf der Grundlage von Originaldaten, die bei über 100 NGOs erhoben wurden, untersucht dieser Artikel die organisatorische Fähigkeit chinesischer NGOs, eine ausgereifte Community of Practice zu kultivieren. Wir sind der Meinung, dass chinesische NGOs bei der Erreichung dieses Ziels mit Gegenwind rechnen müssen. Einerseits sieht sich die Mehrheit der NGOs in unserer Stichprobe nicht als Teil einer Expertengemeinschaft, was eine große Herausforderung für die Etablierung einer strukturierten und institutionalisierten praxisbezogenen Gemeinschaft darstellt, andererseits müssen chinesische NGOs lernen, sich anzupassen – d.h. die besten Praktiken anwenden und die schlechtesten vermeiden –, um im Post-Charity Law-System überleben und gedeihen zu können. Eine Wissensteilung lässt sich am besten durch die Entwicklung einer ausgereiften Community of Practice erreichen.
In dieser Studie wird argumentiert, dass chinesische Städte unterschiedliche Ressourcenumgebungen für NRO (NGOs) zur Verfügung haben. Organisationen reagieren auf diese Ressourcenumgebungen, indem sie geeignete Ressourcenstrategien... more
In dieser Studie wird argumentiert, dass chinesische Städte unterschiedliche Ressourcenumgebungen für NRO (NGOs) zur Verfügung haben. Organisationen reagieren auf diese Ressourcenumgebungen, indem sie geeignete Ressourcenstrategien entwickeln, die wiederum die Merkmale und Strukturen der NRO der betreffenden Stadt prägen. Ferner wird untersucht, wie diese Merkmale und Strukturen den Aufbau und die Ausübung der Staatsbürgerschaft in einem autoritären Umfeld beeinflussen. Einige Arten von NRO ermutigen die chinesischen Bürger, sich passiv zu verhalten, während andere den Menschen ein Modell für die aktive Auseinandersetzung mit sozialen Fragen bieten. Dies wird in einer Analyse deutlich, die NRO in vier Städten – Peking, Shanghai, Kunming und Nanjing – untersucht und drei verschiedene Arten von Ressourcenumgebungen und NRO-Verhaltensmodellen aufzeigt. Abschließend erörtern wir die Auswirkungen der einzelnen Modelle auf das Engagement der Staatsbürger.
Extant literature on civic participation in Western democracies demonstrates a linear relationship between increased civic participation and a stronger democracy. In general, the scholarly debate revolves around the precise causal... more
Extant literature on civic participation in Western democracies demonstrates a linear relationship between increased civic participation and a stronger democracy. In general, the scholarly debate revolves around the precise causal mechanisms for this relationship: holding government accountable; citizens learning "democratic skills", such as collective mobilization and advocacy; and, building social capital and trust to overcome the dilemma of collective action. Given rapidly increasing volunteerism in China, this study tests these theories in a single-party authoritarian system using evidence from the 2020 Civic Participation in China Survey. The study finds that volunteers in China do learn "citizen skills"; however, these differ from those learned by volunteers in democracies. Foremost, while volunteering allows for authoritarian citizens to learn and differentiate channels most appropriate for addressing specific social problems, they generally do not try to directly hold their government accountable for poor performance. Additionally, the study finds limited support that volunteers are seeking to develop trust in other citizens, contra evidence from Western democracies. Finally, the results suggest that volunteers are participating as a means to send signals to the state that they are emerging local community leaders. These findings have important implications for increasing civic participation in authoritarian regimes.
实践团体是分享具体领域知识的重要资源。它是中国非政府组织互相学习合作的一个机制。根据100多个非政府组织的原始数据,本文考察了中国非政府组织培育一个成熟实践团体的组织能力。我们发现,如需实现这一目标,中国非政府组织必须克服固有的不利因素。另一方面,样本中的绝大多数非政府组织并不认为自身是专家团体的一份子,这对成立一个结构化、制度化的实践团体提出了巨大挑战。另一方面,为了在后慈善事业法制度下存续并发展壮大,中国非政府组织需要学习如何适应——即实施最佳做法并避免不良做法——从而实... more
实践团体是分享具体领域知识的重要资源。它是中国非政府组织互相学习合作的一个机制。根据100多个非政府组织的原始数据,本文考察了中国非政府组织培育一个成熟实践团体的组织能力。我们发现,如需实现这一目标,中国非政府组织必须克服固有的不利因素。另一方面,样本中的绝大多数非政府组织并不认为自身是专家团体的一份子,这对成立一个结构化、制度化的实践团体提出了巨大挑战。另一方面,为了在后慈善事业法制度下存续并发展壮大,中国非政府组织需要学习如何适应——即实施最佳做法并避免不良做法——从而实现存续。
As development is no longer simply conceived of as economic growth, but also encapsulating human development, the role of the developmental state must be rethought. Focusing on the state's ability to deliver collective goods, such as... more
As development is no longer simply conceived of as economic growth, but also encapsulating human development, the role of the developmental state must be rethought. Focusing on the state's ability to deliver collective goods, such as welfare have become an important task for developing and developed nations alike, and nowhere is this more important than in China. Consequently, intimate connections between the political and industrial elites are no longer sufficient and may actually be counterproductive to the success of the developmental state. Diverging from traditional developmental states, China shows that incorporation of new stakeholders is not premised on principles of human development. The novelty that China brings to the rethinking and re-articulating a new developmental state framework is that the development state of the 21st century can create new alliances such as with NGOs, to meet human development objectives but substantive change with regards to how the state is organised is not a precondition.
Research Interests:
This article suggests that Chinese NGO do not have the conviction that they are part of an epistemic community in mainland China. Interviews conducted in four cities, Chongqing, Kunming, Nanjing and Shanghai, suggests that this can be... more
This article suggests that Chinese NGO do not have the conviction that they are part of an epistemic community in mainland China. Interviews conducted in four cities, Chongqing, Kunming, Nanjing and Shanghai, suggests that this can be attributed to a lack of set standards and professionalization governing their sector of operation. Further, the study finds that Chinese NGOs do not see their primary role is to produce knowledge within their organizational development life cycle. This may indicate a varying path towards the maturation of the civil society sector in China, whereby Chinese NGOs do not conform to the organizational development process as outlined in extant NGO literature.
本文认为中国的非政府组织并不确信自己是内地认知共同体的一部分。根据本文作者在重庆、昆明、南京和上海四个城市进行的访谈,这主要是由于缺乏一套专业性的管理标准和规范。另外,研究显示中国NGO 不认为其首要任务是在自身组织发展生命周期内产出知识。这意味着中国民间团体走的是一条不同的发展道路,中国非政府组织的组织发展过程不符合现存NGO 文献中的描述。
This study argues that different cities in China have different resource environments available for NGOs. Organizations react to these resource environments by constructing appropriate resource strategies, which in turn shape the... more
This study argues that different cities in China have different resource environments available for NGOs. Organizations react to these resource environments by constructing appropriate resource strategies, which in turn shape the characteristics and structures of the NGOs of that city. It further examines how these characteristics and structures influence the construction and performance of citizenship in an authoritarian environment. Specifically, some types of NGOs encourage Chinese citizens to be passive, while others offer a model for people to actively engage with social issues. This is aptly demonstrated in an analysis of NGOs operating across four cities – Beijing, Shanghai, Kunming, and Nanjing – which reveals three different types of resource environments and behavioral models for NGOs. We subsequently discuss the implications of each model for citizen engagement.
本文认为在中国不同的城市里,NGO所处的资源环境也是不一样的。为应对不同的资源环境,NGO需要因地制宜制定合适的资源策略,这又反过来塑造了NGO的特征和结构。本文还进一步探讨了这些特征和结构是如何影响专制主义环境公下民身份的构建和表现。特别是,某些类型的NGO鼓励人们采取消极态度,而其他NGO则为公民提供了主动参与社会事务的方式。通过对中国四个城市(北京、上海、昆明和南京)的NGO进行分析,揭示了三种不同类型资源环境和行为模型,本文的研究结果很好地证明了这个观点。本文也讨论了... more
本文认为在中国不同的城市里,NGO所处的资源环境也是不一样的。为应对不同的资源环境,NGO需要因地制宜制定合适的资源策略,这又反过来塑造了NGO的特征和结构。本文还进一步探讨了这些特征和结构是如何影响专制主义环境公下民身份的构建和表现。特别是,某些类型的NGO鼓励人们采取消极态度,而其他NGO则为公民提供了主动参与社会事务的方式。通过对中国四个城市(北京、上海、昆明和南京)的NGO进行分析,揭示了三种不同类型资源环境和行为模型,本文的研究结果很好地证明了这个观点。本文也讨论了每种模型对于公民参与的影响。
This article examines the overseas behaviour of Chinese non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in two African nations, Ethiopia and Malawi, with varying political regime types. Our findings suggest that, irrespective of regime type,... more
This article examines the overseas behaviour of Chinese non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in two African nations, Ethiopia and Malawi, with varying political regime types. Our findings suggest that, irrespective of regime type, Chinese NGOs have yet to make a substantial impact in either nation. We argue that, despite the strength of the Chinese state and high levels of international development assistance given, domestic politics and regulatory frameworks in host nations still matter a great deal. Our study suggests that the Chinese model of international development will continue to be one in which temporary one-off projects are favoured; and, insofar as social organisations will play a role, they will be in the domain of government-organised NGOs rather than grassroots NGOs.
本文主要研究中国非政府组织在埃塞俄比亚和马拉维的海外运作情况。这两个非洲国家有着截然不同的政治制度。研究显示,不管什么样的政治制度,中国非政府组织都未能对其产生深刻的影响。本文作者认为,虽然中国政府力量强大,且大力支持国际化发展,东道国的国内政治和规章制度仍然起着重要的作用。本文研究显示,中国的国际化发展模式将一如既往支持一次性和短暂性的项目。至于民间团体的角色,官办非政府组织将会占主导地位,而非草根非政府组织。
The emergence of China as a development actor across the Global South has raised significant questions regarding the extent to which China presents new development opportunities to its compatriots in the South. My aim is to reflect and to... more
The emergence of China as a development actor across the Global South has raised significant questions regarding the extent to which China presents new development opportunities to its compatriots in the South. My aim is to reflect and to parse out the experiences and policies that have shaped China’s development to assess how it can inform the field of development studies. I argue that we need to critically engage in China’s development process, as China’s own development has led to the emergence of many more problems than solutions, ranging from increasing inequality to exclusionary development practices pertaining to ethnic minorities
"This article suggests that a lack of meaningful collaboration between the state and NGOs in China is not solely a result of the state seeking to restrict the development of the sector, or fear of a potential opposing actor to the state.... more
"This article suggests that a lack of meaningful collaboration between the state and NGOs in China is not solely a result of the state seeking to restrict the development of the sector, or fear of a potential opposing actor to the state. Instead, interviews with NGOs in Beijing and Shanghai suggests that a lack of meaningful engagement between the state and NGOs can be partially attributed to isomorphic pressures within state-NGO relations, and
insufficient epistemic awareness of NGO activities on the part of the state. In fact, the evidence suggests that once epistemic awareness is achieved by the state, they will have a stronger desire to interact with NGOs – with the caveat that the state will seek to utilize the material power of NGOs, rather than their symbolic, interpretive or geographical capital."
该论文指出,中国政府与非政府组织(NGO)之间合作的缺乏并不能完全归咎于政府对该领域发展的限制,或是出于对一个潜在的政府反对者的害怕。与北京和上海的NGO访谈显示, 政府与NGO之间缺乏有意义的合作的部分原因是同构压力,以及政府对于NGO活动认知的缺乏。 事实上,证据显示,一旦政府获得了对NGO工作的认知,它将会更加愿意与NGO建立联系。当然必须说明的是,政府想要利用的是NGO的物质资源,而非他们的象征性,阐释性,或是地理上的资本。
This article examines the Chinese state’s interactions and influences on the development of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) through a corporatist framework. It suggests that not only is the central state actively involved in the... more
This article examines the Chinese state’s interactions and influences on the development of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) through a corporatist framework. It suggests that not only is the central state actively involved in the development of NGOs, but increasingly the successes of NGOs are determined by their interactions with the local state. We profile NGOs in Shanghai, of varying sizes, budgets, and issue-areas, as a case study to understand the interplay between NGOs and the local state. The article further discusses reasons behind the growing shift from central to local state influences, and the potential future implications for state-NGO relations in China.
This article examines the Chinese state’s interactions and influences on the development of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) through a corporatist framework. It suggests that not only is the central state actively involved in the... more
This article examines the Chinese state’s interactions and influences on the development of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) through a corporatist framework. It suggests that not only is the central state actively involved in the development of NGOs, but increasingly the successes of NGOs are determined by their interactions with the local state. We profile NGOs in Shanghai, of varying sizes, budgets, and issue-areas, as a case study to understand the interplay between NGOs and the local state. The article further discusses reasons behind the growing shift from central to local state influences, and the potential future implications for state-NGO relations in China.
该论文利用统和主义的理论框架来研究中国政府对非政府组织(NGOs)发展的影响及两者的互动。文章指出,中国中央政府积极参与非政府组织的发展之余,地方政府与NGO之间的互动越来越成为决定非政府组织成功与否的关键因素。我们以上海的众多规模、预算、活动范围各不相同的非政府组织为案例,试图理解NGO与地方政府的相互联系。该论文进一步讨论了政府影响力不断从中央向地方转移这一趋势的原因及后果。
This article reviews the literature on Chinese non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and civil society and argues that to understand the transformative potential of Chinese NGOs we need to consider beyond macro-level political change. By... more
This article reviews the literature on Chinese non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and civil society and argues that to understand the transformative potential of Chinese NGOs we need to consider beyond macro-level political change. By looking at the tactics and strategies of engagement between NGOs and the state, it becomes clear that Chinese NGOs are capable of affecting communities and change at the local level. Furthermore, to fully understand the capacity of Chinese NGOs, this article argues that we cannot insist on a state-society separation as we would in other jurisdictions because it would not lead to fruitful analysis. The state of the field is assessed through an interdisciplinary lens, characterised by four major themes: the linkage between the rise of NGOs and the expansion of civil society; the rise of NGOs as a reflection of state-society relations; NGO sectoral development and, to a lesser extent, the development of theory and frameworks.
This paper explores the development of migrant non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and their interactions with central and local Chinese state. The paper suggests that while the central state is actively managing NGOs in Beijing and... more
This paper explores the development of migrant non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and their interactions with central and local Chinese state.  The paper suggests that while the central state is actively managing NGOs in Beijing and Shanghai with a strong regulatory framework, the urban local state, particularly the district level, is increasingly an important actor in ensuring the effectiveness of migrant NGOs’ activities. In this vein, the paper presents a neo-model of state-migrant NGO relations, the subsequent informal rules that emerge from this reality, and the implications thereafter for state-society relations in China.
This article examines the impact of migrant non-governmental organizations (NGOs) on the development of civil society in Beijing and Shanghai. Interviews with migrant NGOs’ representatives and government departments suggest that the... more
This article examines the impact of migrant non-governmental organizations (NGOs) on the development of civil society in Beijing and Shanghai. Interviews with migrant NGOs’ representatives and government departments suggest that the expansion of civil society is dependent on both state and society actors. That is, civil society, viz. migrant NGOs, do not reflect the normative ideal of civil society – whereby, a separation of state and society activities is emphasized. The article will instead argue that civil society in this context can be seen as a descriptive concept and is used as a starting point to understand a complex inter-relationship between migrant NGOs and the state.
Drawing on interviews conducted among leading local and international NGOs operating in China, this article examines how NGOs understand and implement good governance and accountability principles and practices. It also examines how... more
Drawing on interviews conducted among leading local and international NGOs operating in China, this article examines how NGOs understand and implement good governance and accountability principles and practices. It also examines how Chinese constituents and the general public perceive local and international NGOs. The discussion provides a basis on which to assess ways of improving governance and accountability practices for NGOs operating in China.
"本文研究中国公民社会组织(CSOs)在良好治理方面的作为,比如在诚信和透明方面的表现。通过对主要的国际及国内公民社会组织的访问,本文将关注中国的公民社会组织是如何理解和实施良好的治理的.此外,本文还将关注中国的乡官人群和公众是如何看待在中国工作的国际和国内公民社会组织.最后,将通过以上方面的研究为中国公民社会组织在未来 实现良好治理提出建议."
This paper will historically examine social development outcomes in the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) in respect to poverty eradication, education and employment, health care and social integration. Moreover, it will offer tangible advice... more
This paper will historically examine social development outcomes in the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) in respect to poverty eradication, education and employment, health care and social integration. Moreover, it will offer tangible advice for improving future social development work in TAR. The main theoretical approach is a literature and policy review of social development in TAR from 1951 to present. Seemingly Tibet’s social development strategy has been achieved through a strong top-down approach. However, the road ahead for TAR once basic needs are satisfactorily met, is a move towards a participatory approach, whereby Tibetans can directly contribute and have a stake in their own futures. This paper will be of interest to those who want a definitive account of recent historical social development strategies and outcomes in TAR; and subsequently, the future possibilities and challenges for development in the region.
This paper will examine the linkages between global big businesses, NGOs and labor standards in the contemporary context of developing nations. Specifically, it will pay close attention to multinational corporations’ practices in terms of... more
This paper will examine the linkages between global big businesses, NGOs and labor standards in the contemporary context of developing nations. Specifically, it will pay close attention to multinational corporations’ practices in terms of wages, foreign direct investment and supply chain formations, and its overall effects on labor standards. Reflections on trade agreements will also be offered in respect to how they affect labor standards. Coiled in this background, the role of NGOs to promote and improve labor standards in developing nations will be critically examined.
This article offers a conceptual framework to identify and analyse the contemporary behaviour of the paradoxical government organized, non-governmental organization (GONGO). We discuss how GONGOs’ activities fit within mainstream civil... more
This article offers a conceptual framework to identify and analyse the contemporary behaviour of the paradoxical government organized,  non-governmental organization (GONGO). We discuss how GONGOs’ activities fit within mainstream civil society theories and traditions. Furthermore, we compare and analyse GONGOs and NGOs in terms of their sources of power, main activities and functions, and dilemmas. Finally, we theorize the effects, and implications, the growth of GONGOs has on state and society relations globally.
This article analyzes Chinese non-governmental organizations’ (NGOs) potential to address the impact of HIV/AIDS from a strategic collaboration and avoidance standpoint. Knowledge production, trust building and educational efforts by NGOs... more
This article analyzes Chinese non-governmental organizations’ (NGOs) potential to address the impact of HIV/AIDS from a strategic collaboration and avoidance standpoint. Knowledge production, trust building and educational efforts by NGOs are critical ingredients to the success of the NGO. From the NGO’s perspective, strategic collaboration with the state involves educational efforts directed at state institutions. Strategic avoidance, on the other hand, is invoked by NGOs when trying to protect themselves from what they perceive as the state’s arbitrary actions that can potentially threaten their activities. While NGOs may seek to educate state authorities, this article further argues that the ‘lack of knowledge’ on the part of state institutions may be deployed strategically as well as, where ignorance is used as a resource to reinforce state power.
Research Interests:
A community of practice represents an important resource for the sharing of sector-specific knowledge. It is a mechanism for Chinese NGOs to learn from each other, and collaborate. Drawing upon original data elicited from over 100 NGOs,... more
A community of practice represents an important resource for the sharing of sector-specific knowledge. It is a mechanism for Chinese NGOs to learn from each other, and collaborate. Drawing upon original data elicited from over 100 NGOs, this article examines the organizational capacity for Chinese NGOs to cultivate a mature community of practice. We find that there are inherent headwinds that Chinese NGOs will have to navigate to accomplish this goal. On the one hand, the majority of NGOs in our sample do not see themselves as part of a community of experts, which presents a huge challenge for the possibility of a structured and institutionalized community of practice. On the other hand, in order to survive and prosper in the post-Charity Law regime, Chinese NGOs will have to learn how to adapt – implement best practices and avoid worst ones – to survive. This is best accomplished by developing a mature community of practice to share knowledge with each other.
This article examines how state and NGOs transform each other. The article problematises and thus re-conceptualises the Chinese state to include a spatial dimension. This is demonstrated through a case study of migrant NGOs in Beijing and... more
This article examines how state and NGOs transform each other. The article problematises and thus re-conceptualises the Chinese state to include a spatial dimension. This is demonstrated through a case study of migrant NGOs in Beijing and Shanghai, where these NGOs are making strong efforts to engage with central and local authorities. It is the growing presence of the local state that constructs the notion of the state as a spatial entity. A spatial and multi-level framework analysis of state-NGO relations offers the opportunity to understand and appreciate the contribution of NGOs to community development, despite the institutional constraints in China.
Research Interests:
Chinese citizens are relatively happy with the state’s management of national disasters and emergencies. However, they are increasingly concluding that the state alone cannot manage them. Leveraging the 2018 and 2020 Civic Participation... more
Chinese citizens are relatively happy with the state’s management of national disasters and emergencies. However, they are increasingly concluding that the state alone cannot manage them. Leveraging the 2018 and 2020 Civic Participation in China Surveys, we find that more educated citizens conclude that the government have a leading role crisis management, but there is ample room for civil society organizations (CSOs) to act in a complementary fashion. On a slightly diverging path, volunteers who have meaningfully interacted with CSOs are more skeptical than non-volunteers about CSOs’ organizational ability to fulfill this crisis management function. These findings imply that the political legitimacy of the Communist Party of China is not challenged by allowing CSOs a greater role in crisis management.