Journal of the Korean Archaeological Society

In the late Silla period when the Seon School was first introduced into
Korea, there was social turmoil and Seon monks had difficulty in establishing
temples wherein they could teach the public in relative comfort. This situation
forced most Seon monks to establish their own temples by partly dismantling
and repairing pre-existing temples.
At that time, many Seon monks went to China to seek the Dharma and
personally experienced the Chinese Seon temple system. Naturally they wanted
to emulate the same system when they returned to Korea. However, considering
the times and the social circumstances, it was probably difficult for them to
establish Seon temples on new sites. Still, they seem to have tried hard to at
least establish a central building of high status and symbolic meaning, and
this building was the Dharma hall. A beopdang is a space wherein the abbot
teaches Dharma on behalf of the Buddha, and this function of the beopdang
overlapped with the function of the lecture hall of ancient temples. Because it
was not used for large Dharma gatherings or memorial ceremonies, the function
of the beopdang was eventually reduced, resulting in a reduction of its size and
a change in the building’s shape. They also had equal status with the beopdang
and maintained a spiritual connection to it. This area was called the upper
monastic area, and it became a defining characteristic of Korean Seon temples.
The significance of this paper can be found in two respects. First, it
interpreted the features of Korea’s early Seon temples based on the appearance
and development of the beopdang and, at the same time, provided a clue to
understand the unbroken relationship between ancient Buddhist temples and
medieval Buddhist temples through the role of the beopdang whose function
overlapped with that of the lecture hall. Second, it provided a new perspective to interpret the Seon temples of the late Goryeo period which had multiple
functional areas on a continuum, beginning with early Seon temples, by
explaining how the upper monastic area, consisting of a beopdang, an abbot’s
quarters and an ancestral hall, was dissolved and came to deviate from the
central axis of the temple compound.

Doyama Tomb No. 1 situated amongst the Doyama Ancient Tombs located
within the eastern section of Daito City in Osaka Prefecture was excavated in
1973. A large number of initial Sueki found within the mound of Doyama Tomb
No. 1 were distinctive in terms of form and pattern. The Sueki was identified as
having been manufactured in Kitagawachi at around the former part of the fifth
century. However, the origin and the background of the appearance of the Sueki
has not been studied. As such, the author attempted a comparative analysis
between Seongju style pottery of the Yeongnam region of the Korean Peninsula
and the initial Sueki of Doyama Tomb No. 1. As a result, it was suggested that
the Sueki of Doyama Tomb No. 1 had been produced with the participation of
a group of potters that came from the Seongju area of the Korean Peninsula.
Finally, it was concluded that the current view in which the origins of the initial
Sueki are limited to the Busan and Gimhae areas of the Yeongnam region must
be reconsidered.

The types of decorated swords (jangsikdaedo) of the Three Kingdoms
period excavated in the Korean Peninsula are Yongbonghwandudaedo
(sword with ring-shaped pommel featuring an inner dragon and phoenix
motif decoration), Samruhwandudaedo (sword with triple-ringed pommel),
Samyeophawndudaedo (sword with ring-shaped pommel featuring an inner
three-leaf motif decoration) and Sohwandudaedo (sword with ring pommel).
Previous studies have not been able to identify regionality from a holistic point
of view as they have tended to focus on and analyze individual decorated
swords. The purpose of this study is to investigate the types of decorated
swords and to identify the regionality of manufacturing techniques by holistically
considering the findings of existing studies. Therefore, the characteristics of the
form of the ring pommel section, the section where the pommel and hilt meet
(byeongyeongeumgu), the hilt decoration, and the decoration of the surface of
the ring-shaped pommel are considered as meaningful elements to identify the
regionality of the decorated swords.
The results of the study reveal that although the Yongbonghwandudaedo is
the representative type of sword of Baekjae, the number of swords excavated
is limited and swords with the round pommel and hilt manufactured as a single
piece continued to be popular. In addition, swords in which the section where
the pommel and hilt meet was decorated with hatched or circular designs
were generally found in the area of the Baekjae State. Samruhwandudaedo
and Samyeophwandudaedo were mainly manufactured in Silla. With regard
to manufacturing techniques, decorated swords with hilts featuring a design of
linked-bow motifs or those in which the connecting section of the ring-shaped
pommel and hilt was wrapped with a rectangular metal plate, which acted to fix the two parts, were popular in the Silla State. The early decorated swords
of Daegaya also feature some techniques of the Baekjae and Silla decorated
swords. Amongst the subsequent examples, however, are the Byeoljusik
Yongbonghwandudaedo, in which the inner decoration was manufactured
separatedly from the ring-shaped pommel. Fish motifs were mainly used for the
hilt decorations and symmetrical dragon motifs were mainly used to decorate the
ring-shaped pommel itself.

Various theories exist concerning the construction period of Yanxiadu.
The theory that Yanxiadu was constructed during the reign of King Zhao of
the Yan State in the middle or late Warring States Period is generally supported
by Chinese historians. On the other hand, Korean and Japanese historians
uncritically accept the theory that Yanxiadu was constructed during the reign of
King Wen of the Yan State, which corresponds to the late Spring and Autumn
Period.
This paper analyzes the data to find out when Yanxiadu was constructed,
as well as to examine the transition by which Yanxiadu became a capital city.
Based on the results of the analysis, the material culture of Yanxiadu can be
divided into five periods. In PeriodsIto III, only dwellings were discovered
along the northern banks of the Zhongyishui. After demolishing the dwellings,
structures related to the function of a capital city, such as palaces, industrial
areas, and large tombs, were built in Period Ⅳ. This demonstrates that Yanxiadu
was constructed sometime between late Period III and early Period IV, around
300 BCE. Such a result corresponds to the theory that Yanxiadu was constructed
during the reign of King Zhao of the Yan State. It is assumed that Yanxiadu
maintained its function as a stronghold until the early 2nd century BCE, even
after the fall of the Yan State.
Despite the fact that the theory that Yanxiadu was constructed during the
late Spring and Autumn Period had been set forth in the absence of material
data that could be used as evidence, the theory has snowballed. Hopefully,
investigations and analyses regarding the material culture of the Yan State will
progress in the future.

The rituals and ceremonies of the Bronze Age have generally been regarded
for many years as being related to the construction of dolmens. However, the
recent accumulation of related archaeological data has led to more diverse
approaches being adopted, thereby deepening our understanding of rituals,
including those related with daily life, waterside environments, production
activities, and burial practices in the Bronze Age. Such approaches act to shed
light on the nature of Bronze Age rituals and ceremonies, including those
practiced to honor ancestors and supernatural powers, in particular.
This paper adopts the central view that a primordial form of ritual involving
the erection of wooden poles existed during the Bronze Age. This view is based
on the image of wooden poles depicted on a bronze implement engraved with
a tilling scene, a statement concerning a wooden pole recorded in an ancient
Chinese text, and ethnographical materials preserved by the Miao people.
Rituals involving the use of poles are discussed in a comprehensive manner
in this paper by referring to the ancient tradition of village guardian poles in
Korea and the relevant ancient Chinese texts. The use of ritual poles in Korea
during the Bronze Age has been further confirmed by the discovery of circular
double-stepped pits at Yeouigok in Jinan and Yulha-ri in Gimhae. In an effort
to surmount the difficulties caused by a lack of materials and the limitations
of previous interpretations and to enhance an understanding of the form and
installation of these poles, related ethnographical materials developed and
preserved by the Miao people of China are utilized in this study.
Apart from the original rituals involving the use of wooden poles, this study
also focuses on large raised-floor buildings, the traces of which were discovered
at the sites of Igeum-dong in Sacheon and Songguk-ri in Buyeo, and concludes that the buildings were temples closely connected with religious rituals and that
the wooden poles were significant religious objects among farming communities
across the Korean Peninsula during the Bronze Age. Some of these buildings
were erected in a public area in the vicinity of a cemetery or a place where
religious rituals took place, suggesting that communal awareness of the spirits
played an equally important role as the ritual poles in the religious tradition that
developed in this period.

The cultural change that occurred in the eastern coastal and the mid-western
regions of the Korean Peninsula prior to the appearance of pointed bottom
pottery can be compared with the lower reaches of the Amur River and the
Maritime Province according to pottery, dwellings, and burials.
Red burnished pottery with pressed patterns and undecorated pottery from
sites such as the lowest layer (No. VI) of Area C of the Osanni site represent
the earliest phase of the Neolithic period in the east coast region. Connections
can be made with Malyshevo culture pottery according to burnishing method,
surface pattern, and form. Similarly formed clay figures are also found in these
areas.
The dwellings of the Malyshevo culture have square or round floors, and
the hearth does not feature any special facilities. Storage pits were dug into the
dwelling floor. Compared to those of the east coast, the dwellings of the Amur
River region are much bigger, possibly due to location and climate. The dates
appear to correspond to about 6500~6000 B.P., based on a comparison of the
Malyshevo culture (6900~5800 B.P.) with the type 1 culture of the east coast
(6500~6000 B.P.).
Osanni type pottery and applique decorated pattern pottery can be
compared with Sergeyvka type pottery according to surface decoration method,
range of surface decoration, and form. The earring from the site of Munamli
is similar to that discovered at the site of Cherotovy Vorota which belongs to
the Sergeyvka type. At this site, an abandoned cave dwelling was later reused
as a burial. This phenomenon was also observed at the site of Gyodong in
Chuncheon. The Sergeyvka type corresponds to 6000~5800 B.P. Compared with the central age of the type 2 culture of the east coast, there may be a connection
at 6000 B.P.
Similarities between the two cultures can be observed in terms of pottery
production method, clay figures, and the reuse of dwellings into burials.
However, some of the east coast pottery, large stone blades, and composite
fishing tools feature characteristics distinctive of the east coast. As such, it is
suggested that changes in the east coast occurred as a result of hunter-gatherers
migrating from the lower reaches of the Amur River and the Maritime Province
in 6500~6000 B.P. due to environmental changes.

The Joseon Dynasty, which lasted for five centuries (1392 to 1897), has left
a significant amount of historical records and archaeological remains. However,
there are limitations in reconstructing dietary patterns since the stable isotope
results of only five individuals have been reported to date. Here we present the
stable carbon and nitrogen isotope results of 34 Joseon individuals from sites of the
Honam Province in order to reconstruct palaeodietary patterns and to understand
socioeconomic phenomena based on region, sex, age, status and disease. The
average values of δ13C and δ15N are as follows: Wanju Dukdong site (δ13C=
-19.2±0.6‱, δ15N= 11.3±0.6‱ (n=7)), Jeonju Yusang-ri site (δ13C= -19.1±0.6‱,
δ15N= 11.3±0.8‱ (n=23)), Sunchang Dongchon site (δ13C= -19.6±0.3‱, δ15N=
10.5±0.7‱ (n=2)), Yeonggwang Wolpyeong-ri site (δ13C= -19.3±0.1‱, δ15N=
11.2±0.4‱ (n=2)). The stable carbon isotopic results of the Joseon individuals
(δ13C= -19.2±0.6‱, n=34) indicate a highly C3-based diet. There is little variation
in stable nitrogen isotopes with regard to sex, age, or status based on burial type
(lime-mortar burial and pit tomb). By comparing the palaeodiet of the Joseon
period with that of the Three Kingdoms Period, the stable isotope results imply
that rice had become a staple of the everyday diet of the Joseon population. Due
to agricultural productivity and socioeconomic phenomena, dietary patterns
became standardized in the Joseon period regardless of sex, age and status.

A shield is one of the defensive armaments that was used to protect one’s
body from the offensive weapons of the enemy during wars and battle. A shield
is an armament that can maximize defensive power compared to the efforts
required for its production, and there is a high possibility that it began to be
manufactured since the initial outbreak of wars and battles in human history.
There are records of shields in texts such as 『三國史記』, 『日本書紀』 that deal
with the use of shields in the Korean Peninsula and the Japanese Archipelago
but there are only a few cases in which actual examines of shields have been
found. In this sense, no previous research of shields has been undertaken.
In this study, the existence of shields during the Three Kingdoms Period was
confirmed based on a few materials related to shields, and changes in shields
and offensive weapons were examined.
Shields used during the Three Kingdoms Period can be classified into Types
I~IV. The Type I shield is rectangular or oval-shaped with a length of 75cm and
a width of 45cm. It is covered with black lacquer and carved with circular and
triangular patterns. It is highly decorative and found in the tombs of individuals
of the highest authority. The Type II shield is rectangular or oval-shaped with a
length of 75cm and a width of 45cm. There are no carvings but patterns were
displayed using perforations. It is found in small and medium-sized tombs or
settlement sites. The Type III shield is shaped like a rectangular-hexagon with
a length of 100cm, a width of 45cm and a thickness of 0.8~1.0cm. It is usually
manufactured with wood and there are examples in which the corners are
finished using iron pieces manufactured for the production of shields. The Type
IV shield is rectangular-shaped with a length of 120cm and a width of 45cm. It is
very similar to the leather shields found in Japan, and thus is likely to have been
used for ceremonial purposes rather than in actual battle. Of these four types, Type I and II are usually found throughout the 4th century, and Type III and IV
appear after the 5th century.
These changes in shields are highly related to the development of offensive
weapons. Unlike armor and helmets worn directly on the body, shields are
carried by hand and so aspects of their usage were different in accordance with
the offensive weapons carried alongside. As the function of offensive weapons
changed from slashing to stabbing, the shields became longer and thicker. These
trends are also related to the changes that occurred in reaction to the use of
arrowheads with significantly increased stabbing and penetration power after the
5th century. In terms of actual excavated examples, shields were found along
with spears and swords in 4th century contexts, and with spears in 5th century
contexts. The reason for this change is because smaller and lighter shields are
advantageous in defending against cutting weapons, and bigger and thicker
shields are advantageous in defending against stabbing weapons.

In this study, ‘4th century pottery’ of the Yeongnam region was analyzed, its
regional styles were identified, and its transition process was examined. Based
on the results of the study, it was possible to confirm that the development of
‘4th century pottery’ consisted of three stages: the stylistic formation phase, the
stylistic establishment phase, and the stylistic decline phase.
If only gosikdojiltogi is considered, it is possible to identify the existence of a
common pottery style for the entire Yeongnam region apart from Gimhae, based
on an examination of the local pottery of the Yeongnam region.
However, if the wajiltogi of the 4th century is also considered, a common
style cannot be proposed since regional differences can be observed for the 4th
century.
Also, the standard according to which a pottery style can be seen to
have been established is considered and the relationship between pottery
style and the political system is reviewed. The 4th century pottery style of the
Yeongnam region features different standards of pottery style establishment.
Such differences resulted from standardization of technology, output, production
purposes, and restriction on the spread of style. Therefore, it is proposed that
superiority in the pottery style establishment standard should be understood in
relation to personal choice and preference which was influenced by particular
cultural awareness, rather than the political influence of the region. In other
words, the range and spread of a pottery style cannot be explained through the
political influence of the region.

Daebu-jigguho is a typical pottery type of the late Samhan period, usually
found at early Jinhan sites. According to the results of typological attributes
analysis undertaken at two sites — Duckcheon-ri and Hwangseong-dong — the
artifacts from these sites were chronologically ordered, respectively, into ten and
five stages. Based on the fact that the third stage of Duckcheon-ri was contemporary
with the first stage of Hwangseong-dong, and the tenth of the former
contemporary with the fourth of the latter, it was identified that Daebu-jigguho
appeared later at Hwangseong-dong, compared to Duckcheon-ri, but was also
used for a longer period of time.
Given that the temporal attributes of the samples of the two sites are homogeneous
only in terms of two attribute series, but different in the other seven
series, it is concluded that, even though the distance between the two sites is just
thirteen kilometers, Daebu-jigguho had been produced independently at both
sites according to different manufacturing regulations and concepts. A comparison
of the local qualities of the pottery from two sites also demonstrates a difference
in type composition, as well as a difference in forms within the same type.
This archaeological finding seems to prove that, at least until the early fourth
century, Gyeongju had not consisted of a homeogenous political and economic
community, but rather was home to a league consisting of several independent
regional political bodies.

The main purpose of this paper is to infer the developmental process of the
changes of Bungumyo (mounded tomb with an encircling ditch) in the plains of
the Jeonbuk region through a more detailed analysis based on existing studies,
and to examine its temporal and spatial aspects. In order to interpret the traces
of the structures, they are classified by site location, distribution pattern, local
contexts, the morphological features of the daesangbu (inside the jugu), and the
technical aspects of construction. These attributes are then analyzed in depth.
Based on the proposed methodology presented above, the geographical
distribution patterns of the Bungumyo sites were analyzed. It was identified that
the mounds of the early period were initially located on the tops of mountains
and those subsequently built were placed on the gentle sloping areas.
The given archaeological data indicates that the cultural significance of the
burial system and its process are related to the the Baekje state, which had continuously
expanded its territory. It is thus possible that the Bungumyo culture of
this region could have become subordinate to the burial type of the advanced
foreign culture represented by Baekje.

The purpose of this study is to maintain that Songgukri type burials are a
specialized form of interment that was locally limited to the lower region of the
Geum River and to examine the overall nature of these burials.
The stone cist burial can be further classified, according to construction
method, into those with walls formed by stacking stones in a vertical direction, a
horizontal direction, or a mixture of both. Jar coffin burials are defined by their
use of Songgukri type pottery.
Although the southern region of Gyeonggi province, the southern coastal
region of Jeolla province, and the northern region of Yeongnam province all
belong to the Songgukri cultural area, the tombs of these regions demonstrate
clear differences vis-à-vis Songgukri type burials, with the typical features of
Songgukri type burials surprisingly limited.
The Songgukri type burial assemblage was established in the lower Geum
River region, but in the areas beyond, the burial assemblage experienced rapid
disintegration, with the elimination of the IA type stone cist burial and jar coffin
burial being representative trends. Especially in the case of the jar coffin burial,
this burial type was not accepted in many different regions unlike the stone cist
burial (in which case only the special IA type was not widely adopted). The
logic behind this elimination or transformation was identified as being their
differential acceptance within each region’s burial tradition.

Recently studies on the residential sites of the Neolithic Period have
increased in number but it is also true that there are only a limited number
of examples in which the residential sites can be examined from a holistic
perspective. Therefore, this work mainly focuses on the residential sites of the
southern inland area. Comparisons are made with the Jiangzhai (姜寨) site in
China in order to analyse the features of these southern inland residential sites of
Korea.
Based on the results of the study, it can be said that public areas such as a
central plaza, which has been identified at sites such as Jiangzhai, have yet to be
uncovered. In addition, it has been difficult to identify the existence of any rules
or conditions that would have governed the layout of the residential sites. In
terms of social organization, each dwelling may have served the needs for food,
clothing and shelter, but it is difficult to find clusters of this basic unit.
However, more than ten sites have been found to feature dwelling clusters,
including Songjunk-ri (松竹里) and Sangchon-ri (上村里) for the middle
period and Sangchon-ri (上村里) and Bongye-ri (鳳溪里) for the later period.
Therefore, it can be said that the dwelling formed the basic unit of residence
regardless of period, and residential sites consisted of clusters of these basic
units. In addition, strict conditions regarding residential layout appear to have
been absent.
The presence of pottery kilns and stone tool production features at some
of the sites suggests that the spatial division of sites into areas for residence and
areas for production or ritual ceremony may have occurred. In the later period,
cohesion within the community appears to have been existed to a certain extent,
given the expanded scale of the sites, the increased number of stone structures, and the clustering of auxiliarly features. Given the presence of two different sites
— Jijwa-ri (智佐里) and Pyeongeo-dong (平居洞) — that were closely located,
it is possible that specialized production sites may have appeared. It is unclear
though whether the specialized production sites had branched off from preexisting
residence sites or if they represented an entirely different residential site.

This paper discusses the significance of the archaeological excavation
project on temple sites in Buyeo during the colonial period in relation to the
activities of the Japanese archaeologists who took part in the survey.
Chapter II reviewed the circumstances of the excavation, which was
conducted by a group of researchers led by Ishida Mosaku, with financial
support from the Joseon Historical Site Research Institute. The Tokyo Imperial
Household Museum dispatched its officials to Joseon (Korea) to collect objects
that would be displayed in the Joseon–Manchuria Gallery that was due to be
opened, and also made annual donations to the aforementioned association.
Ishida Mosaku was both an auditor for the said museum and an expert on
Buddhist archaeology. He took part in the survey, as he found it necessary
to perform research on the temple sites in areas which used to be part of the
territory of the Baekje Kingdom. He attempted to shed light on the origins of
the Asuka culture, particularly during the period when Horyuji, which is said to
have been established by Crown Prince Shotoku, was founded. His excavations
of the sites in Gunsu-ri and Dongnam-ri, Buyeo went a long way toward solving
problems about the origins of early temples in Japan. The excavated objects
were used to provide the logical basis for the policy adopted by the Japanese
colonists attempting to make Korea’s culture a subpart of Japanese culture
during the colonial period, and some of them were ultimately taken to Japan.
Chapter III deals with the period around 1939, when the plan for the
construction of a Shinto shrine in Buyeo was announced. At that time, Japanese
colonists were waging a propaganda campaign, referring to Buyeo as a spiritual land for the assimilation policy, and drawing up plans for the construction of a
Shinto shrine and the Divine Capital. They found it necessary to deal with the
unearthed ancient artifacts that had been discovered at the sites of large-scale
construction work and thus dispatched Fujisawa Kazuo, an expert on ancient
Buddhist temples and roof tiles, to Buyeo at the strong recommendation of
Umehara Sueji. Upon his arrival in Buyeo, Fujisawa Kazuo excavated many
temple sites like Jeongnimsa and those at Busosan Mountain and Gua-ri from
July 1942. However, he barely disclosed any of his excavated objects. His diary,
which was unveiled recently, shows that he conducted the excavation of the
Jeongnimsa Temple Site with a special interest in finding clues associated with
early temples in Japan. The archaeological materials left by Umehara Sueji
contain information that allow certain assumptions to be made about the content
of his survey.
Fujisawa’s archaeological excavation project on the temple sites in Buyeo
during the colonial period was primarily intended to provide support for the
assimilation policy adopted by the Japanese Governor-General’s Office in Korea,
including the construction of a Shinto shrine. The lack of disclosure of the
content of the excavations conducted at that time, the Japanese monopoly of the
discovered materials, and the transfer of the materials to Japan are all highlighted
as factors that make research on this subject difficult.

The objective of this study is to analyze the flat cup with cover excavated
throughout the areas of Mahan and Baekje and to review its developmental
process. For this objective, seriation was carried out on the regional types of
the flat cup with cover, and the sequence, background of emergence and
developmental process of each type were explained.
Type 1, which represents the majority of the flat cups with covers of the
Han River basin, was established as the earliest type in the sequence, based on
the historical background of Baekje (i.e. the removal of the capital from the Han
River to the Geum River basin). Type 6, which was excavated from Baekje stone
chamber tombs of the Sabi era, was identified as the latest type. In the case of
the remaining types, a successive developmental process from Type 2 to Type 5
was suggested based on the developmental phases of the flat cups with covers
found in each layer of Naju Bokam-ri No. 3 Tomb, as well as association with
each type.
A few new opinions were suggested regarding the emergence and
developmental process of this artifact. Firstly, by regarding the protrusion sash
bowl from the Han River basin and the flat cup with cover excavated from Naju
Oryangdong in the Youngsan River basin to be similar in form, it was possible
to establish the protrusion sash bowl as the prototype of the flat cups with
covers of the Youngsan River basin. Secondly, Type 3 (the Dangga type), the
emergence of which was influenced by Sueki flat cup with cover, was dated to
the mid-to-late 5th century (an earlier date than that of previous studies) taking
into account the latest dates for the trapezoid shaped old tomb. Thirdly, it was
confirmed that in the case of the Youngsan River basin, the cultural spheres
of the middle reaches of the Youngsan River (centered around Gwangju) and the lower reaches of the Youngsan River (centered around Naju) could be
distinguished from the mid 5th century, when Type 1 emerged.
In other words, it was recognized, based on the distribution pattern of
flat cups with covers, Type 3 jar coffins, and square tombs, that the different
local indigenous powers of the Youngsan River basin during 5th to 6th century
responded differently to the situational changes of the time.

Pottery unearthed in the Yeongnam area is divided into Silla-style pottery
and Gaya-style pottery. The criteria for classification into Silla-style and Gayastyle
is based on the appearance of the mounted dish with vertical perforations.
However, the initial mounted dish with vertical perforations includes a cup
with curved legs similar to the ancient style pottery of the 4th century. The cup
with curved legs is differentiated from the cup with straight legs. Some argue
that the mounted dish with straight legs, rather than the mounted dish with
vertical perforations, is the typical Silla-style mounted dish. This difference in
perspective was connected to a difference in chronology. This study intends to
explain the process of formation of the Gyeongju-style mounted dish, which is
still unclear, focusing on the mounted dish with a double-tier base, or a typical
type of cup unearthed from the South Mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb in
Gyeongju. The perspective adopted is that the perpendicular leg, rather than the
broadly-interpreted vertical perforation, should be established as the criterion of
the Silla-style mounted dish. The Gyeongju-style mounted dish has long been
tacitly recognized as a Silla-style mounted dish. However, as the term “Silla”
encompasses different areas, there exists the problem of interpreting what Sillastyle
entails. Therefore, this study intends to differentiate the Gyeongju-style
mounted dish from the general Silla-style mounted dish.
The Gyeongju-style mounted dish is a mounted dish with a double-tier
base characterized by a straight leg and a thickly treated base, and differentiated
from the mounted dish with three short legs treated in V-shape without using
special decorations, with a curved leg and an attached part on the tip of the leg.
A chronological plan composed of a total of 8 stages is presented based on the
perception of a difference in mounted dish shape between the mounted dish with a double-tier base and the mounted dish with a triple-tier base, as well an
association between each type of artifact. The eight stages aligned in a temporal
order are classified into three time periods according to the aspects of change in
the type of cup, and change in the shape of the mounted dish.

Wolseong Fortress, in Gyeongju, is the site of the Royal Fortress of Silla,
which contains completely the remains of this 1000 year old kingdom. Never
once was the Silla capital located outside of Gyeongju, and Wolseong continued
to be used as the Silla Royal Fortress from the time of the state’s inception in
the Saroguk phase to until 935 CE when the kingdom fell to Goryeo. There
exist many written records on Wolseong and the Silla palaces in literary sources
such as the Samguk Sagi, and the area around Wolseong has been subject to
archaeological investigation. The aim of this paper is to compile information
from the existing research in order to examine the Royal Fortress system of Silla,
with focus on Wolseong Fortress.
Settlements were established in the area of Wolseong, which consisted of a
naturally formed hill located on the banks of Namcheon River, and its environs
from the prehistoric period. Wolseong hill became the central town (gukeup) of
Saroguk from the Proto-Three Kingdoms Period in the late second century CE.
During the Maripgan Period (356-514 CE), when Silla developed into a kingdom
that maintained control of the Yeongnam region east of the Nakdong River, a
earthen wall was constructed around the hill at Wolseong. It was during this
period that Wolseong developed from the central town of Saroguk to the Royal
Fortress of Silla. In the Middle Ancient Period of Silla (514-654 CE) the nature
of Wolseong Fortress was transformed once again, so that it was no longer
the capital fortress of a kingdom but became the site of a palace fortress. As a
result, the Wolseong Complex evolved to consist of two areas. The area within
Wolseong Fortress became the center of the palace complex, where the main
palace structure was located. The area outside Wolseong Fortress came to house
the administrative complex. In addition, with the establishment of a system of ‘common roads’ (民里) laid out in a grid-like fashion, at the center of which
was Hwangryongsa Temple (founded in 553 CE to the north of the Wolseong
Complex), the Royal Capital of Silla began to develop.
In the late seventh century, Wolji Pond was created and the East Palace
established in the area east of Wolseong Fortress by King Munmu, who had
achieved unification of the Three Kingdoms. As a result, the Royal Fortress of
Silla was expanded to the area beyond Wolseong Fortress in order to include the
East Palace. After the plan to move the state capital to Dalgubeol (present day
Daegu) broke down, the Royal Fortress System was re-organized once more in
the eighth century, accompanying which was the construction of the North and
South Palaces outside the walls of Wolseong Fortress. In addition, the perimeters
of the city grid were expanded, and by the late eighth century, the shape of the
Royal Capital appears to have been finalized.
These processes in the development of the Silla Royal Fortress system were
influenced by the capital city systems and palace layouts of China. However, a
distinctive feature of the Silla Royal Fortress system is the fact that the Chinese
examples were not imitated indiscriminately.

Cast iron axes with double protruding bands (二條凸帶鑄造鐵斧) first appeared
in the region of the Yan Dynasty (燕) during the mid-to-late stages of the Warring
States Period of China (中國 戰國時代). It seems to have adopted the ‘double
band’ element from bronze axes but it is difficult to establish a direct genealogical
relationship between the two. The existing method of form classification applied
to this artifact has been to utilize cross dating for a limited time period, as well as
partial elements. The present research, on the other hand, adopted both nominal
and quantitative attributes to classify this artifact into the following three categories:
those that are a narrow rectangle in form (Type I), those that are rectangular (Type
II), and those that are square (Type III). The characteristic features of each form
were investigated and a total of 9 kinds of axes were established by combining the
morphological characteristics of the body parts.
Type I features an axe head that is shaped like an upside down trapezoid
(逆梯形) in plan, and an isosceles triangle in cross-section; the shaft-hole section
of the axe is rectangular. The major area of distribution was the Chinese
northeast region. This type of axe was manufactured from the 4th century
BCE to the 1st century CE. The use of malleable cast iron greatly improved
the properties and physical endurance of the axes of this type. In the southern
distribution zone, the axes are mainly excavated from tombs; in the northern
distribution zone, they are found in settlements.
Type II features an axe head that is shaped like a trapezoid (梯形) in plan.
The cross-section of the axe head is in the form of an isosceles triangle or a rightangled
triangle, with the former representing a higher percentage. The shafthole
section of the axe is in the form of a rectangle or an elongated hexagon,
with the former representing a higher percentage. The newly added elements of this type are the elongated hexagon-shaped shaft-hole sections and the rightangled
triangle-shaped cross-sections of the axe heads. Partially, it succeeds the
narrow rectangle-shaped elements of the Type I axe. The relatively standardized
products of this type have the widest distribution range; they were spread
throughout the entire area of the northeast region through the salt and iron
agents (鹽鐵官營化) (119 BCE) of the Xihan Dynasty (西漢). This type of axe was
manufactured from the 2nd century BCE to the 3rd century CE; from the 2nd
century CE, it was regularly distributed throughout the Korean Peninsula and the
Japanese Archipelago. Their performance was reinforced through the secondary
processing of the blades of the cast axes. In the west coast area, the axes are
excavated in tombs; in the east coast area, they are unearthed in settlements.
Type III, also referred to as the ‘stepped style’ (有段式), features an axe
head that is shaped like a trapezoid in plan. The cross-section of the axe is
shaped like a right-angled triangle or an isosceles triangle; the percentages of
the two shapes are the same. The shaft-hole section of the axe is in the form
of an elongated hexagon or a rectangle, with the former representing a higher
percentage. An abnormally pronounced stepped section can be observed.
This axe type was concentrated in the Korean Peninsula and the Japanese
Archipelago after the control of the Han Commanderies had weakened. It was
manufactured from the 1st to 3rd century CE. The archaeological contexts of
the axes and their local nature are similar to that of the Type II axes. In order
to be modified into the ‘stepped style’, both the axe blade and body underwent
heat treatment, and the functions of the axes came to be differentiated. The
manufacture of this type of axe ceased following the indigenous production of
iron in the 4th century CE.
It appears that as the blade length was shortened, the length of the body
became longer, resulting in a square-shaped axe head. This suggests that
secondary processing and transformation was accompanied by changes in plan
type.
The three types demonstrate differences in terms of the shape of the axe
head, the major distribution region, and the period of production, but many
attributes are shared. Various cast techniques were also adopted.

The purpose of this study is to establish the nature of the transition of the
production system of pottery to celadon, which took place in the Late Silla to
Early Goryeo Period. In order to accomplish this purpose, this study focused on
identifying the forming techniques and manufacture of pottery and celadon. As
a result, the transition process of the Late Silla-Early Goryeo production system
could be divided into three stages. Stage 1 is characterized by the establishment
and manufacture of the Late Silla-Early Goryeo pottery style, and dates from
the mid-8th century to the 10th century. The sites of Hwagok-ri, in Gyeongju,
and Jinjuk-ri, in Boryeong, represent examples of large-scale, industrial ceramic
production carried out by full-time potters. On the other hand, the pottery kiln
sites located in the provinces and operated on a short term basis are characterized
by simple vessel form compositions and the production of relatively low-quality
pottery. Stage 2, which dates from the early 10th century to the late 10th century,
is when celadon was manufactured for the first time in the Korean Peninsula.
The majority of the celadon vessels have the same shape and forming technique.
The production system was of a large-scale, unlike that of pottery. In this stage,
pottery was only manufactured to provide large storage and transportation
containers. It was confirmed that the production system of celadon and pottery
was divided into two parts. Stage 3 is when the interaction of the production
systems of celadon and pottery took place. It dates from the late 10th century to
the mid-11th century. Celadon was manufactured by potters who learned the
skills from the Yuezhouyao potters, and a change can be observed, accordingly,
in the celadon forms. Small tablewares were mainly produced. In addition, the
manufacturing techniques of pottery and celadon were similar.

There is much evidence of interaction between the Japanese Archipelago
and the Youngnam region. Among such evidence is the Hajiki type pottery
that was influenced by the utilitarian Hajiki pottery of the Japanese Kofun
Period. However, while Hajiki type pottery is an important category of evidence
that illustrates the wide range of the interactions that took place between the
Japanese Archipelago and the Youngnam region, analysis carried out thus far
has only focused on the reason for their presence, based on the similarity with
the Hajiki pottery of Japan. However, there have been few studies concerning
the standards according to which a vessel is judged to be similar to the Japanese
Hajiki pottery or how to regard the differences and similarities.
Based on a detailed observation of the pottery, this study presents the
differences between Japanese Hajiki pottery and the soft earthenware vessels of
the Youngnam Region which are contemporaneous. Based on the observations,
this study tries to establish whether or not actual examples of Japanese Hajiki
pottery were introduced into the Youngnam region, as well as whether or
not Japanese Hajiki pottery was imitated. Furthermore, the study attempts to
carry out groundwork for assessing the various data involved in the interaction
between the two regions, through an analysis on the excavated contexts of the
Hajiki vessels dating to the 4th and 5th centuries. As a result, the presence of
non-local products or local products that were imitations, which followed the
manufacturing techniques of the Hajiki vessels dating from the end of the 3rd
century to the beginning of the 5th century were identified. Some of the vessels
had become ‘localized’ by the indigenous population. In addition, Hajiki pottery
was found to have been used in the Gimhae-Busan area from the end of the 3rd century to the middle of the 4th century. In the southern coastal region of Korea,
the Jeolla provinces, and the Ulsan-Kyoungju regions, Hajiki pottery continued
to be used after the end of the 4th century.
This study shows that the manufacturing techniques of the Hajiki pottery
was continually introduced into the Youngnam region during 4th with the
movement of populations. The number of such vessels, however, was limited.
And because Hajiki pottery is found in association with the indigenous soft
earthenwares or unglazed earthenwares of the Korean Peninsula, and as
archaeological contexts in which only Hajiki was excavated have yet to be
found, it can be surmised that the pottery was used with a specific purpose by
the communities of the Korean Peninsula.

This study examined the establishment of the Sejangbang style pit grave
with stone cover, examples of which include the ancient tombs of Changnyeong
Gyodong and Songhyeong-dong, Goryeong Jisan-dong, Haman Dohangri,
and Goseong Songhak-dong, Yuldae-ri and Naesan-ri. In this study, the
establishment and construction technology of the tombs was considered
from the position that the stone material used was selected according to its
presence nearby, and that construction methods were influenced by the need to
overcome the limitations of the stone material.
A common strategy used to overcome the limitations of the stones used
to construct the tomb was to reduce the width of the tomb in order to reduce
the area covered with stone; this allowed the load pressure to be reduced.
This was accompanied by an increase in the length of the stone tomb, which
was required according to the needs of a ‘rich burial’. The result of this was
the Sejangbang (elongated rectangle) style tomb. One of the strategies used to
overcome the limitations of the stone was to make the stone walls slant inwards
so that the width of the top area covered with stone was reduced — this was
the case for the Changnyeong Gyodong-Songhyeong-dong tombs. In the case of
the Goryeong Jisan-dong tombs, in order to overcome the characteristics of the
clay-slate stone used for the wall and covering, the width of the stone cover was
reduced and double layers of stones were placed, or stones were overlapped
along the edge of the side stones, in order to support the load pressure. As
for the Haman Dohang-ri tombs, where thick slabs of clay-slate stone were
used as covering, a wooden facility was installed to support the bottom of the
stone cover, in order to prevent the tomb from caving inwards due to load pressure. Finally, the tombs of the Goseong area were established at locations
were tomb load pressure did not lead to stone tomb destruction. Therefore,
after establishing the bottom section of the tomb, the rest of the stone tomb was
established on top. As a result, while there were relatively few cases in which
the stone cover was fragmented, the stone burial pit was seriously destroyed by
uneven erosion of the ground and the horizontal pressure of the tomb.

This paper considers the construction date of Xinzhuangtou Tomb No.
30 and its meaning. The importance of this tomb lies in the fact that the
archaeological material excavated from this tomb has been used to establish the
chronological framework of the slender bronze dagger culture of the Korean
Peninsula. This tomb can be clearly distinguished from the tombs of the Warring
States period; it features a stepped burial pit and the outer grave goods coffin is
placed within the burial chamber.
The pottery mimics the forms of bronze vessels, and the jade objects and
other grave goods maintain the tradition of the Warring States period. However,
foreign artifacts such as the Ordos type accessories appear to have come directly
from the Xian area or were produced locally (with foreign influences) after
the Qin Dynasty. The dates of these foreign artifacts were established through
comparisons with data from the Qin to the early West Han Dynasty. As a result,
the construction date of Xinzhuangtou Tomb No. 30 was found to correspond to
the period of transition from the Qin to Han Dynasty or to the beginning of the
West Han Dynasty. The individual buried in this tomb could have links with the
Ordos area, Xian area, or the Korean Peninsula.

This study aims to comprehensively examine the development and
characteristics of the attached-rim pottery culture of the Mangyeong River basin,
the data of which has recently increased both quantitatively and qualitatively.
The attached-rim pottery culture of this region is categorized into 4 stages. Stage
1 (early to mid 3rd century BCE), which is the foundation period of this culture,
features individually located burials, consisting of pit burials with wooden
coffins and covered with stone mounds or simple pit burials. Also co-existing
during this stage was the Songgugni-type culture, which was experiencing a
decline. Both cultures may have gradually integrated while keeping a reciprocal
exchange relationship, rather than experiencing social reorganization caused by
conflicts and troubles. In Stage II (mid to late 3rd century BCE), pit burials were
used exclusively, and they came to form mid-to-large sized clusters. Such group
burials were concentrated around the Hwangbangsan area, in Jeonju; the largescale
ditches that started to appear during this stage served as a place for sacred
rituals, horizontally connecting the many small and medium-sized communities
located nearby. In addition, it can be proposed that this stage was when
social stratification between those buried within the group tomb, and between
different group tombs, appeared in earnest.
Stage III (early to late 2nd century BCE) marks another cultural inflection
point; ironware (representing a new type of material) began to be buried and
tombs increased quantitatively, increased markedly. In the final Stage IV (after
the early 1st century BCE), jar coffins were adopted and used as tombs, and this
was accompanied by a significant decrease in the number and size of group
tombs. In addition, it can be noted that group tombs were rarely constructed
in the Hwangbangsan area, which was previously the key area of group
tombs. Considering this development of the attached-rim pottery culture, the establishment of the historical entity that is ‘Han’(韓) or Mahan can be attributed
to Stage II; the center of Stage II society was presumably Hwangbangsan, which
was advantageously located in terms of both water transportation and mixed
economy. The qualitative change that was experienced by Stage III society
appears to be related to the influx of Gojoseon refugees that moved southwards
with King Jun. The attached-rim pottery culture experienced a gradual decline
from late State III, and by the beginning of Stage IV, the Jeonnam region,
including the Yeongsan River basin, emerged as the center of the triangular
attached-rim pottery culture.

Bronze daggers featuring the application of section polishing techniques
can be divided into types A1 and A2. The A1 type bronze dagger has been
excavated at Dongseori, in Yesan, Guejeongdong, in Daejeon, and Namseongri,
in Asan; the A2 type bronze dagger has been excavated in Yeonhwari and
Gubongri, in Buyeo, and Oryougri, in Iksan. In China, the East Zhou type (A2
type) bronze dagger was excavated from Wanrong Maioqian No. 61M1, in
Shanxi province, which has been dated to the early Warring States Period. The
trumpet-shaped bronzes excavated from Zhengjiawazi No. 6512, in Shenyang,
are similar to the bronzes from Dongseori; the shield-shaped bronzes from the
same site are similar to the bronzes from Guejeongdong. Zhengjiawazi No. 6512
site, dated to the late Spring and Autumn Period.
The bronze dagger and associated artifacts recently discovered from the site
of Oryongri were considered, and based on this, it was suggested that the form
classification of daggers into types I and II was the result of standardization in
form, rather than representing diachronic change. Therefore the upper time limit
for the establishment of the Korean-type bronze dagger was proposed to be the
mid to late fifth century BCE, and the lower time limit to be the late fifth century
to early fourth century BC.
It is understood that, among the polished stone daggers of the Bronze Age
in the Korean Peninsula, the striped pattern, polishing skills, and tools used for
the patterned stone daggers are the same as those of the Korean-type bronze
daggers evidencing section polishing skills. In addition, Korean-type bronze
daggers and polished stone arrowheads have been excavated together in Late
Bronze Age contexts. Therefore, it is proposed that the Korean-type bronze dagger was used as a substitute for the patterned stone dagger. Therefore it can
be maintained that the Korean type bronze daggers evidencing section polishing
techniques adopted the technology of patterned stone daggers. In particular, the
stone dagger which features striped patterns in the front of the dagger may have
been adopted as the formative model of the Korean-type bronze dagger.

The purpose of this article is to examine the transition and diffusion of the
pottery culture of the Early Buyeo Period. To begin with, the pottery unearthed
in Jilin Province, China, which is presumed to be the center of the Early Buyeo
Period, is categorized into the following vessel types: the binaural jar, shortnecked
jar, bowl, plate, mounted dish, and steamer. Ceramic types were
established based on a combination of properties for each vessel type. The
pottery from the Early Buyeo Period can be classified into three stages according
to how the pottery types are compiled. The pottery of the third stage consists of
the wave-patterned short-necked jar and the steamer with relatively large steam
holes; and they are attributed to the third to fourth century BCE, which acts to
bridge the gap that exists in the current chronology.
As far as the origin and growth of Buyeo are concerned, the dominant view
connected with the records of the Dongmyeong mythology of Buyeo regards the
influence of the group that moved from the Songnen Plain to have been greater
than that of the indigenous group. From the perspective of the pottery culture,
the pottery of the Xituanshan Culture was maintained without discontinuation
and nearly no artifacts related to the pottery from the Songnen Plain have been
discovered. As such, the previous view needs to be reexamined.
Lastly, judging from the fact that the mounted jar B, the distinctive pottery of
Buyeo, has been excavated downstream in the Second Songhua River and midstream
and upstream in the First Songhua River, at sites such as Tianjiatuozi (田家
坨子) in Nong’an County (農安), Liangzigou (亮子溝) in Dehui City (德惠), Saklai
(索離溝) in Bin County (賓縣), and Baiqi (白旗) in Wuchang City (五常), we can
infer that the early Buyeo culture gradually spread to the area northwest of Jilin.

This article examines the possibility of regarding the hwan-ok (丸玉)
excavated in the Korean Peninsula as a trading good, by discussing its various
transaction routes and elucidating the problems concerning the production and
distribution of glass beads.
First, this article investigated the possibility that glass beads were
manufactured in the Korean Peninsula. It was concluded that the moulded
technique was used in the Korean Peninsula; however, the possibility of the
drawn technique having been used was found to be low. In terms of chemical
composition, the shift from potash glass to soda glass is not confined to the
Korean Peninsula but extends to other parts of East Asia and Southeast Asia.
Thus, the probability of the drawn technique having been used in the Korean
Peninsula is low indeed.
In relation to the possible origin of glass beads based on chemical
composition, it can be noted that potash glass originates from South Asia,
Southeast Asia, and Southern China; soda glass originates from South Asia and
Southeast Asia. In particular, there is high probability that the manufacturing
region is related to the Maritime Road, which is a part of the Silk Road. This
shows that glass beads were distributed through political and economical
relations between South Asia, Southeast Asia, and East Asia. In China, glass
beads were imported along with other goods, as the demand for South and
Southeast Asian products increased.
Glass beads were imported in ancient Korean Peninsula in large amounts as
a result of the high preference for these goods, as mentioned in the Sanguozhi
weishu dongyizhuan (『三國志』 魏書 東夷傳). Excavated sites show that glass beads were used as necklaces, chest decorations, and hair decorations. We can
therefore induce that there was a group that imported the glass beads, as well as
a circulation course, and a final destination for the glass beads. The interaction
between these factors was interactive and complex – the relationship was not
simple nor linear.

This paper aims to describe differences in term of groups status as seen
through the temporal and spatial characteristics of the wooden chamber tomb
stage at Duckcheon-ri, in Gyeongju. Firstly, it was possible to establish eight
stages based on the excavated artifacts. Based on a comparison with the artifacts
of other Gyeongju tombs belonging to the wooden chamber tomb stage, it was
possible to identify that the Duckcheon-ri tombs had been established between
CE 180 and 340.
The wooden chamber tombs were divided into three types — large,
medium, and small — according to scale. Based on the fact that a difference
in the nature of grave goods could be observed between the large wooden
chamber tombs of the north and south areas, it was possible to suggest a
difference in the groups buried in the respective areas. The size of the wooden
chamber tomb of each particular type appears to have determined the quantity
of pottery deposited and use of iron weaponry. These results demonstrate that
a social hierarchy was already in place, and that a differentiation in terms of
wooden chamber tomb size existed from the late Proto-Three Kingdoms Period
of Korea in Gyeongju. It was also possible to observe that a differentiation
existed in terms of the number of grave goods, their composition, and their
types.

This paper tests the current pottery chronology of the Korean Proto-Three
Kingdoms and Three Kingdoms Periods, focusing on the central, Hoseo, and
Jeonbuk areas. Based on technological progressivism, the current chronology
presumes the qualities of pottery as index fossils that can divide sub-periods, but
this approach has not been rigorously tested. We investigate radiocarbon dates
from houses to test whether these index types could be temporally arranged. In
testing the current chronology, we analyze 845 controlled dates out of a total of
2001 dates reported as of 2014. Results show that (1) ‘Hard Plain Pottery’ and
‘Paddled Pottery’ appeared almost simultaneously, (2) what is currently defined
as ‘Hard Plain Pottery Period’ did not exist, (3) there were no unoccupied areas
in the period under study, (4) there was no difference in time between different
paddling techniques, and (5) ‘Hard Reduced Pottery’ did not replace ‘Soft
Reduced Pottery’. These results do not support the current pottery chronology.
To explain the long coexistence of different pottery types, we discuss the
relationships between socioeconomic differentiation in the process of state
formation and the diversification of pottery prices.

This study concerns the classification of fishing implements and the pattern
of fishing in the midwestern region of Korea. In the midwestern region, the type
of fishing implement that was mainly used consisted of a net sinker and fishing
point. In addition, bone points, composite fishhooks and stone harpoons were
used variably according to region and period.
The net-sinker can be classified according to the direction of the groove: the
direction of the groove can be parallel to the long-axis or the short-axis of the
sinker. It can also be classified according to weight, into small, semi-medium,
medium, and large. The fishing point can be classed into four types according to
the form of the fore-end, and into two types according to the form of the body
part. Ultimately four types can be established: Types I-IV. In the case of other
forms of fishing implements, the axis of the composite hook is always made
of bone the composite hook can have a barb located on the inner side of the
pointed tip or it can be barbless. Stone harpoons can be is divided into chipped
or polished types. Polished harpoons can be further divided into those with or
without perforations.
Two stages can be established for the use of fishing implements in the
midwestern region according to the quantity of net-sinkers, the ratio of the big
net-sinkers, and the form of the fishing points. In the first stage, the number of
net-sinkers and the ratio of the large net-sinkers in the coastal area were small.
In the second stage, however, the number of the net-sinkers sharply increased
and the ratio of the large net-sinkers also increased considerably. Type I and
Type 2 fishing points were used in the first stage. Type 3 fishing points were
mainly used in the second stage. In terms of spatial distribution, a division
between inland and coastal areas can be established for Stages 1 and 2. The
coastal region can be further divided into the Yeonpyeong Island region, the Yeongjong Island region, and the Osik Islands region. The nature of the fishing
implements that were used differs according to region.
In terms of fishing nets, it can be identified that dredge nets, cast nets, gill
nets, and seine nets were used in the midwestern region. The type of net most
widely used in the region was the gill net. Seine nets were used to capture eagle
rays in Yeonpyeong Island. Cast nets was used in the Taedong River basin,
where a large number of small net-sinkers are found, and possibly in the Osik
Islands. It is likely that various types of fishing nets were used in the Osik islands
since the forms and the weights of the net-sinkers in this area are diverse. Based
on the high ratio of the large net-sinker, it appears that the fishing nets were
large in size. It is assumed that fishing points were not used by themselves but
in association with traps.

From the mid 6th century, the urban planning of Silla, based on the bangri
system, was initiated in the Gyeongju basin. The creation of a plot of land of a
suitable site was an absolute prerequisite to the development of a urban area,
with an organized network of roads. The replacement of wooden chamber
tombs, which had been constructed in the area north of Wolseong during
the until the early 6th century, by stone chamber tombs which came to be
constructed in the Mt. Seondo area, west of the capital, can be seen to have
been related to the urbanization of the Silla capital.
The background to the selection of the Seoak-dong burial ground was the
need to defend, at a national level, the area west of the capital and to control the
main roads to Dalgubeol. The royal tombs dating to the 7th century, constructed
prior to the unification of the Three Kingdoms, were all established along the
border of the capital city. The stone chamber tombs forming clusters spread to
the hilly outskirts of the city by the late 6th to 7th century.
In the early 8th century, following unification, the royal tombs came to be
focused around Mt. Myeonghwal, in accordance with the second phase of urban
planning. During the 8th century, the royal tombs spread to suburbs of the
capital, following the final extension of the capital. The north side of Bukcheon
was organized according in two different ways; space was organized according
to a northern axis or nature of the terrain. It has been observed through recent
excavations that regardless of differences in terms of axis, a common bangri
structure and scale was used to organize the urban space.

This study reviews data from mainland China in order to examine the import
routes of glassware into Northeast Asia (i.e. Chinese Mainland, the Korean
Peninsula, the Japanese Archipelago), as well as their historical background.
It has recently been suggested that the glassware excavated from
Daeseongdong Tomb No. 91 was introduced via Silla, taking into consideration
the glassware excavated from Wolseongro Tomb No. Ga 13 in Gyeongju City,
dating to the late 4th century, and the many glass vessels excavated from the
tombs of Daeryungwon Complex.
Based on the five pieces of Roman glassware excavated from the Tomb of
Feng Sufu, Beipiaoxian, Liaoning Province (遼寧省 北票縣 馮素弗墓), it appears
likely that the glassware found in Silla ancient tombs represented a continuation
of the burial custom of the northern nomadic people; the glassware appears
to have been introduced into Silla via Yan (燕) and Rouran (柔然) in the 5th
century.
This study shows that the glassware excavated in the Japanese Archipelago,
(previously claimed to have been imported from China through direct trade)
came to Japan via Silla. In particular, the glassware excavated from Daisen
Ancient Tomb, the greatest royal tomb in Japan of the mid 5th century, which
was introduced into Japan via Silla, is indicative of the presence of direct political
relations between the Silla Kingdom and the Japanese Kingdom at the time. The
country nearest to Japan that had the goods from the West that the kingdom
needed the most since the 5th century, including gold, silver and glass, was Silla.
A Sassanian Persian glass boat, dating to around the late 6th century, was
excavated from the Okinosima Island Tomb No. 8 in Fukuoka. This glass
boat is assumed to have been introduced into Japan as a result of direct trade
between Silla and Northern Zhou Dynasty, China. This is because a Silla gilt bronze harness was found at the tomb, and also due to the similarity of the
glass boat to another example excavated from the Northern Zhou tombs of Li
Xian and his wife. This implies that Silla maintained an advantageous position
in terms of trade with China, since it occupied the lower reaches of the Han
River; trade between Baekje and Japan Wa at the time was impossible since Silla
had occupied the eastern parts of the southern coastal region of the Korean
Peninsula, the former lands of the Gaya Kingdom.
The 7th century glasswares of the Kamigamo Shrine in Kyoto became the
focus of interest when it was revealed that Kamo (賀茂) and the Silla immigrant
Hata clan (秦氏) had been in-laws. This suggests that glassware may have been
introduced into Japan through trade between the Hata clan (秦氏) and Silla, and
handed to the Kamo clan (賀茂氏).
A ring decorated cup (圓環文杯) stored in Shosoin (正倉院), in Nara
Prefecture, was introduced into Japan in the late 7th century. It appears to have
come to Japan from Persia via Silla through the oasis route, since it is similar,
in shape and pattern, to that which was excavated from the Brick Pagoda of
Songnimsa Temple in Chilgokgun; such goods also appear in the mural of
Xinjiang Kumutual Shiku (新疆 库木吐拉石窟) and in Hejiacun, Xianshi, Shanxi
Province (陝西省 西安市 何家村).
The 8th century light yellow tall cup (淡黃色高杯) and phoenix headshaped
glass bottle (鳳首甁) stored in Shosoin (正倉院) are typical examples of
Islamic glassware; they are assumed to have been introduced into Japan via Silla,
along with Silla ink sticks (墨), Silla harps (琴), Silla bowl (佐波理), Silla family
registration (帳籍) and the Silla Avatamsaka Sutra.
The 9th century historic site of Kourokan in Fukuoka yielded Silla stamped
earthenware along with Islamic glassware; these items are assumed to have been
introduced into Japan through the wide network of Silla’s maritime silk road,
which ranged from Dengzhou (登州) to Quanzhou (泉州).
From the above observations, it can be concluded that the glassware found
in the Chinese Mainland, the Korean Peninsula, and the Japanese Archipelago
were introduced into these areas through the grass route of East Asia until the
5th century, the oasis route during the 6th and 7th centuries, and the maritime
route during the 8th and 9th centuries.

Burials may shed light on the social and political aspects of past societies.
Existing interpretations of. Silla tombs, however, tend to be based upon
chronological and typological approaches, which are limited in their ability to
do so. This paper proposes an alternative interpretation, through analyzing the
patterns of association of prestige goods and other grave goods from 118 Silla
tombs. The following observations can be made from the results of the analysis.
First, the association pattern of prestige goods reveals the presence of three
different elite identities, which include various statuses. Second, grave goods
were discriminately used by the respective identities. This strong pattern implies
the existence of a ritual code in Silla burial practices, which may have been
sustained for more than a hundred years. From this point of view, it is possible
to suggest that Silla tombs should be considered, not as symbols of regional
independence or identities of separate regional polities, but as a materialization
of Silla burial rites and the ideology of regional elites.

This paper considers how the construction of Imdang Earthen Wall Fortress
resulted in the spatial reorganization of the central settlement of Apdok-guk
(押督國). Fortress construction in Silla began around the beginning of the 4th
century with Wolsung (月城), located in the capital, Gyeongju. In the early
to middle 4th century, fortresses were constructed in Gyeongsan and Daegu,
along the Geumho River (琴湖江) system. The construction of Imdang Earthen
Wall Fortress was the final step in a process that involved war, submission,
revolt, pacification, and the relocation of a Silla ruling class to Apdok-guk. The
construction of the earthen wall followed the dismantlement of the center of
the settlement, where the elite had originally resided. It was here that Imdang
Earthen Wall Fortress, which symbolized Silla control, was established, and the
area within came to house government offices and a residential area for the Silla
ruling class. Comparative analysis with Wolsung is useful in order to explore
possible uses for the area within the fortress.
The residential area was reorganized following the construction of the
earthen walls, and the possible nature of this area before and after fortress wall
construction, as well as in the 5th century, is explored.
Settlements were established in Areas F and I prior to the construction of the
earthen walls; these two settlements maintained an equal relationship. With the
construction of Imdang Fortress, the Area F settlement was dismantled; the walls
were constructed on top of this area. The area within the fortress walls came to
be used as an area for government offices and the residences of the Silla ruling
elite. A settlement was maintained in Area I from the mid to late 2nd century
to the mid 4th century. The fact that the 4th century settlement was smaller, in terms of both size and the number of dwellings, than the 3rd century dwelling
indicates that the social position of that settlement had weakened.
The settlement area dating to the 5th century has yet to be found at the
Imdang site. It is presumed that the area within the fortress walls continued to
house institutions associated with Silla rule. The settlements of the populations
associated with the Imdang mounded tombs may have been located in the
following areas: Imdang 2-dong and its environs for the population associated
with the Imdang mounded tomb cluster; the area further east, represented by
Bugok-ri for the population associated with the Bugok-dong mounded tomb
cluster.

This paper considers the social identity and role of the deceased, as well as
the local group to which he or she belonged, by analyzing the nature of the
ironware assemblage identified in burials. A statistical method was adopted in
this study and the frequency of the three following conditions was analyzed:
② frequency of deposition for each iron type, ① frequency of each ironware
combination, and ③ the ironware type used to identify each combination.
The results of the analysis demonstrated that certain types of ironware were
universally deposited in burials, whereas certain other types were not. It was
also possible to confirm that certain iron types occurred only in association
with certain combinations. This indicates that social differentation may have
been expressed through the selective ownership of certain ironware types.
Six ironware assemblage types (Types A to F) were established, based on
which diachronic change in the nature of local groups and their members
was identified. As a result, patterns of emergence and disappearance could
be observed for the different ironware assemblage types, and through this the
development and decline of the social structure of Geumgwan Gaya system
could be traced over time.
The social identity and role of each group, represented by the respective
ironware assemblage types, was inferred. For this purpose, neighboring sites
where everyday activities took place, such as settlements, mountain fortresses,
and production sites, were examined. It was possible to identify, as a result,
that the different ironware assemblage types represented different communities
within the local group, which were defined by different social roles and
characteristics. This indicates that the ironware artifacts deposited in burials were not merely ritual objects associated with funerary practices, but rather objects
that had been used by the deceased in their daily lives. It may be suggested,
accordingly, that ironware artifacts deposited as grave graves are not only
indicators of social hierarchy but also of the social role and function of the
deceased.

The handaxes from the Imjin-Hantan River Area (IHRA) have played a significant
role in Palaeolithic research at an international level as well as among local
Korean archaeologists. This article is a succession to 1997’s research on the
handaxes of the IHRA. The majority of the past research, has focused on
complacently advocating that the IHRA handaxe is an East Asian example of
Acheulian industry. In order to go beyond this complacent knowledge, this
article attempts to discover and present the unique characteristics of the IHRA
handaxe. The principal characteristics of the IHRA handaxe are to be: 1) the
chaîne opératoire composed of improvising tasks situationally selected according
to manufacturing constraints, 2) the reduction sequence and final form strongly
influenced by the original shapes of the blank cobbles, 3) raw material selectivity
and its contingency with manufacturing skills and limitations on sequential
flaking. These characteristics indicate the IHRA handaxe is far from being a
product of Acheulian industry; it was hardly brought about by a process of
cultural transmission. It is, rather, believed to been an output of spontaneous
genesis enabled by genetic transmission among early hominins. In contrast to
the cultural view, the idea of genetic transmission has the potential to explain
how the East Asian handaxe could have emerged regardless of Acheulian
acculturation from the west; in particular, it can be hypothesized that the IHRA
handaxe, which is technologically unrefined but relatively younger, is an
example of technological convergence, a homoplasy, that was accomplished out
of the Acheulian domain. Future research will be more focused on testing and
verifying this hypothesis based on new data.

In this article, I pointed out several points that should be considered in
understanding and interpreting the origins and genealogy of foreign objects
through reviewing several tombs of the Three Kingdoms period.
A new tomb shows the relationship between the place where it was
received and the place where it originated, but it is difficult to conclude that
its appearance necessarily accompanies the people of the place of origin. It is
necessary to understand the specific historical situation of that time, as well as
how the tomb was used to establish political and social relations, in order to
grasp the time period and background of its construction in other regions.
In the study of the Three Kingdoms period, with its dynamic history, it is
difficult to explore the subject of the construction of tombs by looking only
at distribution area, structure, and additions. This phenomenon should be
considered in discussing the genealogical problems of archeological remains
located at the boundaries, where major occupation forces were frequently
replaced.
New tombs that originated from the outside can be introduced only when
the existing burial traditions, political motives and relations with surrounding
politics, and sufficient local conditions allow the introduction of external
elements.
In the case that the various elements of the tombs originated from various
places in a complex manner, it is difficult to discuss the subject of the tomb by
looking at certain elements only. We should also consider placing weight on the
correlation between this complexity and the subjectivity of the local forces.

In Korean proto-historic archaeology, the origins of archeological specimens
has always been searched for in the northern regions of the Korean Peninsula.
Fragmentary records from historical sources have provided the momentum for
views on cultural inflow from the northern regions of the Korean Peninsula.
Time periods have also been decided by these fragmentary records.
However, such methods are neither objective nor scientific. The estimation
of calendar dates, which is objective and scientific using radiocarbon dating,
comes into conflict with archaeologists from the proto-historic age. As a matter
of fact, it comes into conflict with the historical literature.
Actually, this literature comes from the historical records of China, in
which the culture and history of the border areas are depicted subjectively.
Nevertheless, archaeologists have continued to identify origins and periods
according to the history of China. Due to this, changes in terms of time
period have resulted in changes in the origin and emergence of archeological
specimens.
This paper criticized this strange phenomenon present in Korean protohistoric
archaeology, and encouraged the active use of radiocarbon dates. Lastly,
it is emphasized that the historic records of the proto-historic age is not basis to
decide the calender dates.

Discussion on the origins and phylogenetics of material culture in the field of
Korean prehistoric studies dates back to the Japanese colonial period. Based on
the works of Japanese anthropological researchers who were greatly interested
in race or ethnicity, from Torii Ryuzo who investigated Korean prehisoric sites
and argued for differences in the lifestyle and subsistence of the Chulmun
and Mumun pottery periods, to Fujita Ryosaku who advocated the theory
that Chulmun pottery originated from the ‘Kamm Keramik’ tradition, Korean
prehistoric researchers focused on identifying the origins and filiations of
material culture. Methodologically, attempts were mainly made to find origins
through intrinsic comparison, faced with a lack of information on the historical
background. This tradition was reflected in South Korean archaeology for a
considerable amount of time after liberation. Since the 1970s, although the
‘Kamm Keramik’ theory was been criticized, an interest in origins contined
to exist in studies of the Neolithic period, leading to debates on the origins
of applique pottery and Gosanri-style pottery. Methodologically, essentialism
was overcome, but migration and diffusion came to be used as an unique
interpretative framework. The phylogenetic subdivision of material culture
was achieved by means of the increased data, but the interpretation itself is
not different from previous studies on origins. A similar tendency could be
found in the study of Mumun pottery in the Bronze Age. The perspective on
the appearance and fusion of pottery from the northeastern and northwestern
regions of the Korean Peninsula in the Han River basin, which was maintained
from the 1970s, appears to have become strengthened from the 1980s using the
concept of the ‘cultural assemblage’, but the point of view became controversial after criticisms on phylogentic and typological approaches were put forth from
the 1990s. Especially since the 2000s when the ‘initial phase’ of Mumun pottery
came to be proposed based on Doldaemun pottery, the topic of phylogenetics
has become more debatable, along with chronological issues. The competition
of various opinions in the process of research can be positively evaluated.
It is clear that the continuous discussions on origins and phylogenetics have
expanded the horizons of Korean prehistoric archaeology. However, the side
effect of this is that single interpretations based on origins and phylogenetics
tend to become trapped in a narrow framework. It is necessary to overcome
such a methodological simplicity that identifies origins or cultural processes only
from the viewpoint of migration or diffusion, as well as to change perceptions so
that variations in the material culture can be interpreted in various ways.

The present essay critically reviews archaeological endeavors regarding the
search for origins and the construction of lineages, and in doing so attempts
to provide a proper method for recognizing and analyzing variations in the
material record. Archaeology developed as a scientific discipline by studying
prehistoric material remains without recourse to the written record. Adopting
the concept of culture as the ideas and norms shared by members of a society,
culture historians traditionally focused on defining archaeological culture based
on repeated sets of artifacts, searching for the origins of particular cultural
traits and constructing lineages. While they frequently invoked migration and
diffusion to explain culture change, chronological charts denoting space and
time distributions of archaeological remains were regarded as the distribution
of past ethnic groups. But ethnographical and archaeological studies show
that ethnicity is not an unchanging reality; rather it is flexible and sometimes
used as a heuristic device. Essentialist epistemology has been widely held
by archaeologists, and they often consider culture change in terms of
phases and chronological boxes represented by marker types. The material
remains, however, are full of variations, and types used by archaeologists
are conceptual tools used to establish orders and extract meanings from the
myriad of variations. Rather than placing too much emphasis on experience
and intuition in origins research, archaeologists should accept the theory
ladenness of observation and try to be as explicit as possible in discussing
cultural transmission and constructing lineages, or trajectories of evolutionary
change. Also, rather than adhering to the concepts of diffusion and migration,
approaches emphasizing the existence of large scale interaction networks
ever since the Late Paleolithic would provide productive accounts for cultural
processes in Korean prehistory.

This paper presents a historical review on the studies of cultural and ethnical
origins and transmissions that have taken place in Korean archaeology, and
makes suggestions for future research directions in these fields. The discourse
on ethnogenesis and cultural transmission can be understood in conjunction
with the attempts made by Korean archaeologists to reconstruct national history
after taking over the archaeological practices of the Japanese imperialists.
Archaeological approaches to changes in prehistoric contexts have largely
focused on the formal variations of artifacts and cultural assemblages, and
interpretations of drastic socio-cultural transformations have relied on diffusionist
assumptions or invasion hypotheses. Although some prehistoric changes can
hardly be explained without assumptions of migration/diffusion, archaeological
approaches concerning this topic should be underpinned by clear analyses of
the processes and mechanisms of migration or diffusion.

Gaya stone chamber tombs of the 6th century with elongated rectangular floors
and central passageways were used as chiefly tombs in the southern coastal
regions of Gyeongnam and the Nam River region. Different types of such
tombs have been observed, such as the Sujeongbong type, Jungdongri type and
Songhakdong type, and based on similarities in the stone chamber structure,
these different types have been understood as having similar backgrounds of
emergence and development. However, it has recently been suggested that
the elongated Gaya stone chamber tombs may have experienced different
backgrounds of emergence. The aim of this research, therefore, was to examine
this possibility by analyzing the stone chamber structures and the accompanying
funerary ceremonies.
The stone chamber structures were found to have differences in terms of
the passageway, the height difference between the chamber ceiling and the
passageway ceiling, and the structure of the stone platforms where the deceased
was laid to rest. In terms of the accompanying funerary ceremonies, differences
could be observed in the use of iron nails and coffin rings, and in the use of
burying metal containers. A distinction could be made between the tombs of the
area around the Nam River and the tombs of the Goseong area. This distinction
is seen to represent differences in the characteristics of the groups that built the
ancient tombs, as well as the different backgrounds of their emergence.
The backgrounds of the emergence of these tombs were investigated
by looking at the historical backgrounds recorded in the historical literature,
along with other archeological materials. It is possible that the adoption of the
elongated rectangular stone chamber tombs by the communities of the area around the Nam River (at the center of which lie the tombs of Sujeongbong and
Okbong in Jinju) was influenced by Baekje. In the Goseong area, a number of
elongated rectangular stone chamber tombs were built, centered around the
Songhakdong 1B-1 tomb, but no significant developments could be observed
afterwards.
Hence, it was suggested in this study that the different elongated rectangular
stone chamber tombs of Gaya should be unified into a single type–the
‘Sujeongbong type’. Since the ancient burial grounds of Sujeongbong and
Okbong may have consisted solely of stone chamber tombs, the trends of other
contemporaneous burial grounds of the area around the Nam River were also
investigated. The burial grounds of the Goseong area, which formed the center
of Sogaya, featured more rectangular stone chamber tombs (similar to the
Naesanri 34 and Songhakdong 1C-1 tombs) than elongated rectangular stone
chamber tombs. The former spread throughout the region and can therefore
defined as the representative stone chamber tomb of Sogaya.

The current study on the earthen fortification in Pungnap-dong, Seoul, has
been focused on the investigation of the wall construction and Baekje pottery’s
foundation period. It can be assessed in various ways; yet, if the content of
the investigation and research is looked at closely, archaeological stratigraphic
information – which can review the utilisation process of the individual features –
is more vulnerable than expected. Furthermore, most results are completely
dependent upon the typological characteristic of artifacts. Thus, it has limitations
that could be fundamentally influenced by contextual errors or chronology
system changes.
In order to overcome such problems, in the study on the 197 Pungnapdong
site, the using order is set by arranging the discard order of overlapped
features; the synchronic characteristic is drawn by selecting the phase that is
archaeologically significant; and the process of seriation, which reflects the
aspect and distribution character of the features, is interpreted relative to the
absolute age of the earthen wall’s construction.
This site was already occupied in the Proto Three Kingdoms period.
Fullscale local development started between the mid- to late 4th century and
the early 5th century to build a residential complex. However, the residential
complex had been replaced by various types of pits, as the site was disused
after the early 5th century, and the large dwellings and outsized pits, different
from the past, were built after the mid-5th century. Thus the achievement of
this study is to confirm two findings: firstly, that this change can be defined as a
local development strategy, which flew the construction of infrastructure → the
development of residential complex → local regeneration → redevelopment;
and secondly, that this development was preceded by the wall construction
plan.

This study examines iron artifacts dating to the periods of the Dongzhou, Qin,
and Xihan Dynasties from the Central Plains area of China. It is suggested that
sites occupied in these periods can be divided into seven sub-periods. By
establishing the temporal position of the iron artifacts within this chronological
framework, this study demonstrates the nature of diachronic change in the kinds
and types of the iron artifacts.
Prior to Period III, which dates to the early stage of the 4th century BCE,
Most iron artifacts were non-utilitarian items that featured a combination of iron
and bronze materials. Cast iron came to be used from around the 4th century
BCE but had yet to be used to make utilitarian iron tools. After Period IV, which
dates to the late 4th century BCE, techniques of malleablizing iron came to be
implemented and agricultural implements of cast iron came to be produced. In
Period V, which dates to the early and mid 3rd century BCE, the kinds and types
of ironware became greatly diversified but iron weapons had yet to be invented.
In Period VI, dating to the late 3rd to the mid 2nd century BCE, the iron culture
of the Qin Dynasty developed rapidly, based on the resources and techniques
secured by conquering neighboring countries, and was transmitted to the Central
Plains area of China. Iron weapons such as long swords, halberds, spears and
armors appeared at this time. This indicates that the parching iron technique
was invented. Period VII, which dates from the late 2nd century BCE to the
beginning of the 1st century CE, did not witness any important changes in terms
of ironware, apart from the appearance and use of sabers. Inscriptions on iron
artifacts from this period indicate that the Han state monopolized iron.

This paper re-examined concepts associated with the big smithies that carried
out iron-making (refining-smithing and tempering-smithing) in ancient times,
which have rarely been discussed, and reviewed such furnaces that have been
identified amongst the iron-making furnaces discovered at archeological sites. In
addition, the structure of refining-smithing furnaces was reconstructed, based on
Furnace No. 2-2 from the Hwangseong-dong 537-2 Beonji site, in Gyeongju, and
Furnace No. C-27 from the Imcheonri iron-making site, in Milyang; the structure
of tempering-smithing furnaces was reconstructed based on Furnace No. B-2
and No. 11 from Imcheonri, both of which were found in a relatively good
condition.
Refining-smithing and tempering-smithing were conducted in big smithies.
Refining-smithing involved much miscellaneous bloomery iron, which was
charged into a furnace, and the iron was heated into a semi-melted state or to
a higher temperature in order to remove impurities via slags. Irregular flattened
iron lumps were formed as a result of the smithing. If the materials had a high
carbon content, decarbonizers such as iron ore powder were often added.
Tempering-smithing was a process by which iron lumps were produced through
refining-smithing and charged into a furnace. Flat-shaped or bar-shaped semiproducts
were produced through heating and smithing.
This study aimed to restore the furnace structure and operation methods of
big smithies based on the archeological data of a limited region over a limited
period. Although it can be assumed that there would have been different types of furnaces nationwide, it is possible to postulate the basic types of
furnace structures that may have existed and methods of operation, based on
the structural characteristics of furnaces and the theories concerning metallic
materials presented above. The furnace structure and operation method
reconstructed in this study can be put forth as one example.

The bow and arrow played a very important role as an offensive weapon,
as well as a hunting tool, in the Three Kingdoms period. However, only
arrowheads are extant due to the material properties of the other components
of the bow and arrow. Among the weapons of the Three Kingdoms period,
arrowheads represent the most numerous find. Previous studies have focused
only on the analysis of narrow arrowheads. However, it is highly probable
that wide arrowheads, which have widely and steadily been identified in the
archaeological record, were also responsible for important functions, even
though excavated examples have been more limited in number, compared
to narrow arrowheads. As such, it is difficult to discuss the operation of bows
and arrows without a review of wide arrowheads. Research was therefore
undertaken with the view that the changing aspects of wide arrowheads can
provide an important means of reconstructing the operation of bows and
arrows.
Changes in the operation of bows and arrows can be examined through
four stages. The first stage, dating from the end of the 3rd century to the first
half of the 4th century, is characterized by the marked division of arrowheads.
Bows and arrows appear to have been used in hunting and warfare. Shots were
usually aimed from a short-distance in this period. In the second stage, dating
from the second half of the 4th century to the first half of the 5th century, it is
likely that bows and arrows were mostly used in warfare, and shots were aimed
from both short and long distances. The third stage, dating from the middle
to late 5th century, witnessed the most significant change that took place in
relation to the operation of the bow and arrow in the Three Kingdoms period.
Bows and arrows were mainly used in warfare. There were various ways of
operating the bow and arrow. Shots could be aimed from both short and long distances, and unaimed shots could also be fired. Shots aimed from a shortdistance
by archers on horseback were utilized in hunting, training, and battles.
The fourth stage dates from the first half of the 6th century to the unification of
the Three Kingdoms. Little difference could be identified between the third and
fourth stages in terms of the operation of bows and arrows. However, it can
be surmised, based on the appearance of the f-type arrowhead and the way in
which arrowheads became longer and harder, that the military system gradually
came to be fully established around this time and that the penetration and flying
distance of arrows greatly increased.

This paper compares the types and relative importance of crop remains from
sites of the Proto-Three Kingdoms and Hanseong Baekje periods in central
Korea. The results of the study can be summarized as follows. Millet, soy bean
and adzuki bean were cultivated regardless of period and region. This is likely
due to fact that these crops are easy to cultivate in diverse environments. Rice,
barley and wheat were not found in the Proto-Three Kingdoms period sites
of the Gangwon region. They were found, however, in the Hanseong period
sites of the Gangwon region, which was strongly influenced by Baekje. It was
therefore suggested that agricultural change took place as a result of political
change, represented by Baekje state formation. The increased cultivation of rice
and barley was seen to be associated with increased agricultural productivity,
which was induced by the central and local elites. The cultivation of these two
crops may have also brought about a change in diet, and this in turn may have
influenced the formation of a new identity for the Baekje state.

Artifacts decorated using inlay technology that were recovered from the 5th
to 6th century tombs of the Korean Peninsula and Japanese Archipelago are
examined in this study in order to consider the nature of Korean-Japanese
interaction. Firstly, focusing on the fact that the making of furrows on the surface
of iron products is crucial to this technology, the traces of ironwork chisels used
to make such furrows have been examined. Based on this, it was possible to
establish that two different types of inlay technology had been used in Baekje,
which were transmitted to Gaya, Silla and Ancient Japan.
It is therefore highly likely that such inlaid objects had been imported from
the Korean Peninsula, since most of the swords decorated with iron inlay from
the middle Kofun Period indicate close relations with the Korean Peninsula.
As for the swords with inlaid inscriptions produced in the Kenai area, which
appear to have been granted to the provinces, it is highly possible that a master
craftsperson with connections to the Korean Peninsula may have participated in
their manufacture, based on a comparative study of the Seven-Branched Sword
and the sword with inscription excavated in Changyeong.
The iron production technology required for the inlay technique was also
shared by the iron chisels, incised arrowheads, axes, and reams that were
widely used in the Korean Peninsula and Japanese Archipelago during the 5th
century. This indicates that wide network of craftspeople, in which technology
and knowledge were shared, may have been in existence, providing important
implications for understanding the nature of interaction between Korea and
Japan around this time.

This paper categorizes the Early Silla Tombs of the Wolseong North Burial
Ground according to rank, and also identifies the different personal ornament
assemblages found within these tombs, in order to consider the nature of
social stratification at the time. The main tomb type of the Wolseong North
Burial Ground, in Gyeongju, was the wooden chamber tomb with stone
mound. However, other types of tombs also existed; some of these tomb types
have been used from the Incipient Silla phase, whereas other types newly
emerged in the Early Silla phase. These different tomb types could be ordered
hierarchically, focusing on the wooden chamber tomb with stone mound, as
could the personal ornament assemblages identified within these tombs. During
the first quarter of the Early Silla phase, five ranks could be identified for the
tombs. This increased into six ranks towards the later stages, as subdivision
occurred amongst the higher ranks. Based on an analysis of the tomb ranks, it
was possible to identify that an hierarchial relationship had existed between the
tombs.
The personal ornaments worn by the deceased differed, in terms of type
and quality, according to tomb rank, and differences could also be observed in
the nature of the grave goods. The most ubiquitous type of personal ornament
was the thick·thin earring, and the personal ornaments most closely associated
with the social identity of the deceased were the crown and belt. At present,
eleven different personal ornament assemblages have been identified amongst
the tombs of a later date, when the number of tomb ranks increased into six.
A future research aim is the study of social stratification represented in the
regional tombs located outside of Gyeongju. A key focus of interest will be to see how the results from these regional tombs were influenced by the above
presented framework of tomb rank and personal ornament pattern derived from
Wolseong North Burial Ground, which was not only the central burial ground of
the Gyeongju region but also the Silla Kingdom. It will also be interesting to see
how the above mentioned framework was applied to the regional tombs.

Research investigating the processes of Baekje’s expansion and strategies of
regional control has traditionally focused on distributions of prestige goods and
changes of burial types. In addition to these previous studies, spatio-temporal
changes in settlements in the Proto-Three Kingdoms Period and the Three
Kingdoms Period are investigated in this paper in order to understand Baekje’s
expansionist strategies. For this, settlement distribution changes in the Gyeonggi,
Gangwon, Chungcheong, and Jeolla provinces are compared both before and
after AD 300 with radiocarbon dates and GIS spatial analyses.
The results of the analyses reveal that each of the three sub-regions showed
different settlement patterns before and after the 4th century. Analysis of burial
site distributions also supports these patterns. It is suggested that the various
patterns observed in this study resulted from diverse interactions between Baekje
and its peripheral polities. In other words, the differential conditions of each
regional polity prompted different reactions to Baekje expansion, and in turn,
Baekje strategies of control for each regional polity also varied.

In this study, type classification was carried out on the Chinese-type bronze
halberds of Jibei and the northern Liaoxi area, and the morphology of the
bronze implements was used to establish a three phase chronology.
Stage 1 corresponds to the 8th to 7th centuries BCE and is characterized by
the by the Yuhuangmiao Culture and the ‘Nanshangen type’ Upper Xiajiadian
Culture. Stage 2 corresponds to the 6th to 5th centuries BCE and is characterized
by the Yuhuangmiao Culture and the ‘Nandonggou type’ Shiertaiyingzi Culture.
However, native elements were still strong in the Nandonggou type. Stage 3
corresponds to the 4th century BC, and is characterized by the ‘Wudaohezi
type’ and the ‘Dongdazhangzi type’ cultures. These two cultures demonstrate a
composite mixture of the native and Central Plains types.
In Stage 1, A1·A2 style halberds are of China’s Central Plains area, B
style halberds are of Sanjin geneology, and A3 style bronze halberds of the
Nanshangen type are locally produced copies of the halberds of China’s
Central Plains area. It is believed that the roots of the Yuhuangmiao Culture of
Stage 2 can be traced back to Chu, Qi, and Sanjin. In the case of the Chinese
type bronze halberds of the Dongdazhangzi type, in Stage 3, they seem
to be of Sanjin and Qi genealogy, and the black flower patterned bronze
halberds excavated from Lingyuan Wudaohezi are considered to be of the Chu
genealogy.