Gary K Busch

At the request of a client, I was asked to investigate the labour and trades union activities associated with the major metal plants in Russia-Russian Aluminium, Siberian-Urals Aluminium Company (SUAL), Norilsk Nickel, and Urals Mining and Metallurgical Company (UGMK).. I did this report in 2001. It illustrated some of the fundamental problems of the Russian organised labour movement and highlighted the efforts by the U.S. to control and guide them. True labour militancy did not develop on a large scale across Russia until 2015.

The interaction of politics and trades unionism within Asia was no less important than similar interactions in Africa. To some degree, Asian unionism found it had to confront the same impediments as those which were so debilitating to Africa. Asia, too, suffered from a lack of a large urban industrial mass during the early stages of its development. Rural agriculture and peasant culture were the main attributes of the labour force. It was often employed on foreign-owned plantations. The national political scene was dominated by a colonial presence or foreign occupation which bought forth a nationalist movement with whom the unions became linked. Also true was the strategic role of the interaction between indigenous unionism and overseas unionists keenly interested in the political configurations being shaped by the trades union and the political party in the Asian nation. As in Africa, the leadership of the trades unions and political parties tended to merge and overlap, with the unions frequently providing a stepping-stone for ambitious leaders to move into national political prominence. Also, as in Africa, ethnicity and caste played an important role in the career opportunities for unionists. Union office required literacy, familiarity with the colonial language and discretionary time. This dependence on an intellectual or social elite for the leadership of the union movements is a prime characteristic of Asian unionism; especially in the case of Sri Lanka or in the Phillipines where most of the union business is conducted by union lawyers.

The intensification of the struggle between the communists and the other allies in the reconstruction of Europe and in the Third World was influenced, to a high degree, by the close co-operation which emerged during the Second World War between the forces of national unions and their respective governments. Unless this close working relationship on external policy is perceived, much of what has occurred since then in the field of international labour will be virtually unintelligible.

The growth of the labour-government nexus, originally developed as an extension of the war effort, soon took on an even greater significance in the immediate postwar struggle to rebuild Europe. The interactions between governments and trades unions in Europe became crucial in two concurrent struggles. The first was the struggle to rebuild the war-torn economies of Europe by renewing the productive capacity of the nations. The second was the struggle to win hegemony within the political arena in order to shape the political destinies of the European states. The creation by the allies of ‘zones of influences’ in Europe at the Potsdam and Yalta talks presaged the division of Europe into two hostile camps. In this process of division trades unions played a vital role.

Although trades union organisations have existed in the nations of Africa, Asia and Latin America almost as long as they have existed in the nations of Europe and North America, they did not play a major role in their national economic or political life until well after the First World War. The first recorded industrial action in Africa took place as early as 1793, when Nova Scotian settlers in Freetown struck against the Sierra Leone Company for higher wages. A similar strike took place in Freetown in 1874. These early unions were formed by European workers who brought with them their traditions and institutions of workers’ self-help organisations. In 1881 the Amalgamated Society of Woodworkers created a recognised union in South Africa; the French national trades union centre the Confederation General du Travail (CGT) set up a trades council in Algeria in 1885; the British Rhodesians created a labour council in 1896; Portuguese unionists formed a union in Mozambique in 1898. These unions were restricted, for the most part, to European workers. The earliest unions of non-European labour in Africa can be found in the history of British West Africa where a strike by canoemen in the Cape Colony in 1896 and a trades union of carriers and porters in 1898 succeeded in winning certain rights from the colonial administrators. The first substantive non-white union, however, was created in Lagos in 1905 when indigenous civil servants banded together to form a recognised union. Despite these early developments, union growth and function in Africa, except for white European unions, tended to be slow, evanescent and largely unrecognised.

The importance of African unionism was not merely its role in the expanding industrial and service bases of the nation but also the important role played by these unions in the process of national self-determination. The African labour movements played a vital role in creating a sense of national identity. They worked closely with the nationalist political parties in pressing for a rapid decolonisation. They developed ties with trades unions in other African states and with inter-African political groupings. Within the French colonial areas of the AOF (French West Africa) and the AEF (French Equatorial Africa) these inter-African ties were strong. Gradually, especially in East Africa and Central Africa there were increased links among trades unions operating within the British colonies. For a long time, however, there were few links between anglophone and francophone African unionists.

The first stage in the development of an international trades union movement was the creation of international links among the political organisations which claimed to speak on behalf of the European working classes. For the most part, these European socialist and anarchist political movements were instrumental in forming trades unions within their nations. Only in Britain, whose trades unions had united to form the Trades Union Congress (TUC) in 1868, did the unions antedate the political party. The TUC was in existence and politically active fully seventeen years before it voted to create its own party. Elsewhere in Europe, though, it was the parties who created the unions.

The activities of the international trades union movement extend far beyond the narrow confines of collective bargaining. They play a crucial, if less public, role in the conduct of international relations. Union organisations are, in virtually every nation, a major political force. Their leaders are intimately involved in political parties and frequently assume high governmental offices. Unions provide the backbone of innumerable socialist, social democratic and communist parties. Throughout their histories, the trades unions of Europe and North America have participated in the political process. In the Third World their role has been even more political. During the nationalist campaigns for independence the unions provided an alternative for nationalist activities when political parties were banned. Scores of Third World leaders (among them Gandhi, Toure, Mboya and many others) rose to power through the vehicle of their national unions. Inevitably, this close relationship between unions and the political process has attracted the attention of competing intelligence services seeking to influence the political affairs of those nations in which the unions are active. One of the major battlegrounds of the Cold War has been the international union movement. As the unions seek to establish a role in the face of the new demands of the multinational corporations and the strong economic challenges posed to unions by the spread of free trades unionism in Eastern Europe, they have sought to build new institutions of international labour cooperation. This book describes the development of the international trades union movement in Europe, Africa, Asia, Latin America and North America and the competing political influences which played a major part in this process.

There has been no more important factor in the development of Latin American trades unionism than the relations between the movement and the forces of political activism on the continent. Much as in Africa. and Asia, the leadership of the Latin unions has come from the educated and largely middle-class strata of the society. The prime differences which distinguish Latin American unionism from the unionism of Africa and Asia has been that, for a large part of its formative period, Latin unions were formed almost exclusively from among immigrant groups from Europe. These immigrants formed the unions and radical political parties which they also led. For the bulk of the indigenous workers of Latin and Central America the politico-economic forces unleashed by militant unionism passed them by, and continue to pass them by. In much of Latin America the national language, Spanish or Portuguese, is spoken by a minority of the inhabitants as their first language. Indian languages, dialects and linguas franca suffice for the bulk of the rural population. Only very rarely have there been efforts made by trades unionists or radical politicians to proselytise or organise in languages like Quechua which, in some countries, is the major national language. In fact, in most of Latin America the formative period of unionisation was conducted through recruiting drives, propaganda and organising strikes conducted in Italian, German, English and only later Spanish. Unionism was brought by immigrants and recruited immigrants.

One of the most interesting aspects of the international and national coverage and debate about the current UAW strike is the deep and disturbing ignorance of the informed public about the nature and conduct of collective bargaining in the 20 th and 21 st century. This ignorance extends as well to the coverage of the Writers and Actors strike. The public debate reflects an almost childlike misapprehension of the state of industrial relations and the conduct of collective bargaining.

Mangosuthu Gatsha Buthelezi was born in Mahlabatini into the Zulu royal family. His mother Princess Magogo ka Dinuzulu was the daughter of King Dinizulu. His grandfather was the prime minister of King Cetshwayo. He was the first-born in line to the Buthelezi chieftainship.

The world's media is commenting on the attempted coup in Niger and the reaction of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to this military seizure of power from a democratically-elected government. There is a plethora of explanations, rationalisations and prevarications about the roles of the principals in dealing with this crisis, but little concentration on what is the fundamental root of this, and many previous, destabilisations in African political history. The five-ton elephant in the room is France and it colonial and neo-colonial policies. There are many theories being advanced about the situation and its possible outcomes but very little discussion about what almost every African man, woman and child knows-the burden of French colonial practices on their nations and the learned dependence which has inhibited African growth and prosperity. There is no solution to the problem of Francophone Africa which doesn't require the removal of French policies from the governance of these African states.

The Nigerian labour movement is leading the demonstrations in the country over the removal of the fuel subsidy by Tinubu's government. The fuel subsidy was instituted to preserve a fuel price in the domestic market when the refining capacity of Nigerian refiners could not produce sufficient fuel domestically.

There is a great deal of discussion about the implications of the Russian refusal to renew the safe passage of marine vessels carrying grain from Ukrainian Black Sea ports to the hungry masses of Third World countries which survive on the consumption of these grains. While in discussions with Professor Michael Ard of Johns Hopkins University he reminded me of the lessons learned in the 1970s and 1980s with the "Tanker War" in the Middle East.

As a result of the bombing of the Kerch Bridge the Russian authorities have declared that they will view any vessels lifting and delivering cargos in the Black Sea as potentially carrying weapons and., as such, subject to interdiction. Russia is preventing the free passage of merchant shipping in the Black Sea.

The newspapers are full of the strange story of a former FBI counterintelligence agent attempting to have sanctions against Russian oligarch Oleg Deripaska lifted and for receiving bribes from him in return for investigating a rival oligarch and then laundering the money. While this sordid story is shocking and the implications for national security important, there is very little public understanding of the history of Deripaska and how he made his money and, most importantly, kept it,

The recent announcement by Putin that he was ordering the mobilisation of 200,000 new troops for the War in the Ukraine, coupled with the program of enticing criminals from Russian jails to join that mobilisation, brings back many memories of the history of the postwar War of the Bitches ('Suchyi voyny')

The first stage in the development of an international trades union movement was the creation of international links among the political organisations which claimed to speak on behalf of the European working classes. For the most part, these European socialist and anarchist political movements were instrumental in forming trades unions within their nations. Only in Britain, whose trades unions had united to form the Trades Union Congress (TUC) in 1868, did the unions antedate the political party. The TUC was in existence and politically active fully seventeen years before it voted to create its own party. Elsewhere in Europe, though, it was the parties who created the unions.

As I was watching the terrible conflict between Russia and the Ukraine on my television and hearing about the river of artillery, rockets and ammunition flowing in to support the Ukrainian defence I was reminded of a time when such a development was considered inconceivable. The memory of the U.S. airlift of men and equipment from Fort Bragg in the U.S. to Shymkent in Kazakhstan in 1997 seems to have been forgotten.

To a very large extent the current policies developed for dealing with the strife between Russia and the West echo the policy and ideological stresses of the Cold War. There is an underlying theme of anti-communism in dealing with Russia which colours the strategy. For most scholars, academics and analysts the term Cold War is viewed as a general rubric for the competition between the U.S. and its allies in the West against the Soviet Union and its allies around the world. The Cold War has been described as a game of tactics and coercion conducted by nation states under the umbrella of Mutual Assured Destruction where nuclear attacks were the ultimate weapons. This interaction by sovereign states may, indeed, be the vital component of the Cold War struggle but it was not really the arena in which most the Cold War interactions took place. The Cold War was rarely conducted on a battlefield with soldiers (except for Korea); the real Cold War battlefield was in the factories, ports, schools, universities and cultural centres across the world where the covert forces of the U.S. and the Soviets were pitted against each other; occasionally with deadly consequences. It involved the most important elements of our societies: political parties; labour unions; national unions of students; organisations of cultural freedom; organised criminal structures; and organised religious groups. These were the battlefields of the real Cold War and the loci of competition and coercion by the KGB, the GRU, the CIA, MI6, the BND, the Stasi and many others. Without understanding the crucial dimensions of these conflicts any real understanding of the term 'Cold War' is woefully deficient. The modern development of social media and the internet has added the capability of the competitors to lie, exaggerate and confuse.

Nigeria is going through yet another crisis of governance. Obasanjo is seeking a third term and has taken his plans to the U.S. and Malta to try and convince the U.S. and the Commonwealth that his `fight against corruption' must not be interrupted by anything so trivial as a Constitution. Atiku's role. From 2005.

The world is getting ready to celebrate the 77th anniversary of the Victory in Europe Day; the day commemorating the surrender of Germany and the end of hostilities in the European theatre. On the 7th of May 1945 General Alfred Jodl signed the unconditional surrender terms at Rheims ending Germany's participation in the war. Surrender took effect the next day.

The danger of outside intervention in internal affairs is a theme common to virtually all African nations. Newspapers and other media are full of accounts of intervention, subversion, secret plots, covert subsidies and mysterious "deals" which are being plotted or which have been brought to fruition. This pre-occupation with external interference is common in Third World politics and probably reflects the political and economic vulnerability felt by these nations in the world arena. Intervention comes in many forms, not all of which are viewed as hostile by national governments. As a general rule, the pejorative term "intervention" or subversion is used to describe activities to which one is opposed. If one favors the activities, they are called "support." Military, economic and political intervention may all be seen in this ambivalent manner. The reordering of domestic priorities required by aid donors as qualifications for assistance, the creation of ...

On the 20 th of April 2022 Putin announced the successful testing of a new missile system, the Sarmat ('Satan-2). He announced this to the gullible world as a major new threat to the West; a warning that this new missile was a 'game-changer'.

It is a little disconcerting to read in the current coverage and analysis of the crisis in the Ukraine key facts and background which leave out some of the most important aspects of this struggle. I attach an article from 2015 which mention some of these impedimenta and the role of the European Union and the 'neocons' in delaying a proper solution to the develpment of the Ukraine.

After the initial period of reconstruction and consolidation following the end of the war and the early days of the Cold War, the nations of Europe began to concern themselves with the problems raised by the necessity of adjusting to a political system vastly different from that which preceded it. The initial set of problems, those which arose from the process of decolonisation, were largely internal problems although with international implications. The second problem, that of coming to grips with the realities of power in what was increasingly a bipolar world, was more intractable.

David Cameron has been trotting out his favourite leaders of British business to say how valuable the EU is to their economic health as a subset of Project Fear. The big business avowal of the value of the EU and the Single Market to their respective businesses is genuinely felt and their fear moving away from the cosy shelter of the EU is real. Their problem is not that they will lose business as a result of the BREXIT; they are afraid that the cosy club of interlocking cartels and price-fixing mechanisms of the EU might be exposed to the European citizens if Britain leaves. l corporate producers and