Teacher migration impact: A review in the context of
quality education provision and teacher training in
higher education in Southern Africa
B. Brown
School of Postgraduate Studies
Faculty of Education
University of Fort Hare
South Africa
e-mail: bbrown@ufh.ac.za
Abstract
Teacher mobility has become a common feature of the cross-border flows and transnational networks that constitute globalisation. International and intraregional migration
of teachers is an important factor in education provision and management in countries
in the Southern Africa region, for example Botswana and South Africa. In an increasingly global context of teacher migration, education practitioners continue to strive for
quality education. But has the mobility of teachers mediated the quality of education,
and what are the implication of this for teacher education and training in higher education? This article explores teacher migration trends and dimensions of quality education, and assesses the impact that such teacher mobility has on education quality
dimensions. The implications of teacher migration for teacher training in higher education are also explored. The article argues that teacher mobility negatively impacts
education quality dimensions as well as the demand dynamics on higher education
institutions for teachers in the migration origin countries. These concerns represent one
of the major exclusions in the existing reflections on quality education provision and
teacher supply and demand.
INTRODUCTION
A major impact of globalisation has been the emergence of, not only the internationalisation of higher education programmes (The Economist 2005, 63) but also,
migrant labour especially of professionals such as teachers, doctors, nurses and other
professionals seeking new knowledge or looking for refuge in ‘greener pastures’
away from their home environment. In addition, many of the migrants may have left
South African Journal of Higher Education
22(2)2008
DOI: 00.0000/00000000000000000
ISSN 1011-3497/Online 0000-0000
pp. 000–000
© Unisa Press
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their homes for economic, academic or socio-political reasons (Brown 2004, 2). The
contemporary migrant teachers in schools in different countries across the world are,
in many ways, replica of the Sophists of Europe in the ifth century – travelling and
giving lessons for pay (Welch 1997). Many African countries continue to play host
to migrant teachers just as African migrant teachers also leave their home countries
for other countries within Africa and beyond (Brown 2004, 1–2). A complex web of
teacher migration therefore results from these to-and-fro movements.
There is a tacit acknowledgement, especially over the last decade, that teacher
migration within and out of Africa is on the increase (Adepoju 2006, 27; IOL 2006,
1). The International Organisation of Migration estimates that some 20 000 skilled
professionals – doctors, nurses, engineers, accountants, managers, and teachers –
leave Africa each year (IOL 2006, 1). The ongoing mobility of education professionals within and out of the African continent has not gone unnoticed among regional
political leaders or scholars (Commonwealth Secretariat 2003, 11; Seychelles Nation
2003). Within the Southern African Development Community (SADC), many scholars have accented the great progress made among social scientists to understand
the underlying determinants of skilled professional mobility. With some exceptions
(see Brown 2004), much recent analysis of teacher mobility by social scientists has
emphasized socio-economic causes as a key driver of teacher migration (Adepoju
2006; Oucho 2003; IOL 2006; Mafukidze 2006).
The massive impact of migration on school processes at the micro-level and on
higher education institutions in the migration origin countries for teachers, it seems,
has been downplayed as analysts have focused more on the various problems linked
to ‘teacher shortage in the different countries’. For example, Sikkes (2001, 34) has
argued that the emerging surge in the migration of teachers on the global scene since
the turn of the 1980s is the result of massive teacher shortage in some countries,
especially in the developed North, and over-supply of teachers in other countries,
especially in the developing South, and that teacher mobility is a useful normalising act in the global supply and demand for teachers. According to Sikkes (2001,
31–35), the migration of teachers offers a win-win situation for the home and the
host country schools.
Here I treat these assertions as problematic. For instance, they ignore questions of
the impact migration of teachers do have on school processes and teacher training in
higher education, in both the origin and receiving countries. Can school management
at the micro-level be ‘business as usual’ while complex forms of teacher migration
(TM) are occurring? Can school management at the micro-level still be based on the
tenets of a ‘homogenous national culture’ among teaching staff and be effective in
their leadership in terms of having positive impact on educational quality? Does the
in-migration or out-migration of teachers have any effect on efforts to improve quality education in the schools? How do schools in the receiving and origin countries,
respectively, respond to the inlow and or outlow of migrant teachers, regardless
of the size of the migrant cohort? In the light of increasing concerns about dwindling enrolment of post-secondary school-leavers to teacher training programmes in
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higher education (Kassiem 2007, 1), how are these institutions, which train teachers,
in both the receiving and origin countries, respectively, responding to teacher migration concerns? Although there are important conceptual issues to be clariied in each
of these questions, they are largely unanswered. Of course, they offer a starting point
for exploring migration impact in schools and higher education.
In this article, I used the above questions as guides to review emerging evidence
on the impact of teacher migration on school processes at the micro-level. The nature
of the link between teacher mobility and the provision of quality education within
Southern Africa is speciically explored, and the implications of this for teacher
training in higher education discussed. I focus on migration impact on quality education provision in schools in both the migration origin and destination countries.
Three Southern Africa countries: Zimbabwe, South Africa and Botswana, with
varied experiences of teacher immigration and emigration, respectively, in recent
years (Commonwealth Secretariat 2003), have been used as examples, with supportive illustrations from other territories. I focus on four key aspects of migration:
(1) globalisation and teacher migration; (2) teacher migration and questions of quality in education; (3) emerging impact of teacher migration on quality education,
(4) teacher migration and issues in higher education. I argue that teacher migration
impacts negatively on the quality of education provided at the microlevel, and that
teacher preparation in higher education have a key role in preparing teachers to not
only cope in the light of various effects resulting from teacher mobility, but also to
deliver adequate supply of teachers.
EXPLORING GLOBALISATION AND TEACHER MIGRATION
Globalisation is the buzzword of the contemporary age. It is invoked by politicians and
policymakers across the world to justify all sorts of proactive and reactive education
and non-education related policy decisions (Cameron and Fairbrass 2000; Clawson
and Jordon 2001). Within SADC itself, global inluences have caused many higher
education institutions to merge or form alliances with overseas partners (Asmal
2002). Globalisation is characterised as the widening, deepening and speeding up of
worldwide interconnectedness in all aspects of contemporary life (Held, McGrew,
Goldblatt and Perraton 1999, 2). The key indicator of globalisation today is the rapid
increase in cross-border lows of all sorts; an almost control of time and capturing of
space to create one luid, mobile universal system of, not only trade and inance but
also people, cultural and social exchange (Lindert and Williamson 2001).
In the education sector, globalisation is evidenced by the universality of higher
education institutions, their programmes, policies and standards, as we see emerging
in parts of Africa, and Europe (The Economist 2005). In Europe, globalisation of
education involves the opening of satellite campuses outside national borders (The
Economist 2005, 64). Generally, it may also be relected in terms of the number of
foreign students hopping between countries to study in pre-tertiary and tertiary education institutions outside their homeland, as has become the case among Chinese,
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European, African and South American students (The Economist 2005, 64). More
signiicantly, it may also be relected in terms of academics and teachers hopping
across national frontiers to different educational institutions, either as private individuals or as institution transferees, as evidenced in the SADC region, and in many
European and North American countries (Bailey 2003; Bunt-Kokhuis 1996). In all
these, the pattern of globalisation remains varied and uneven.
An important interdependence exists between globalisation and migration because
the movement of people is implicit in the essence of globalisation. The migration of
teachers and academics then is a practical response to the new reality of the age
of connectedness and interdependence. As knowledge exchange is a necessity for
advanced learning (Ping 1995, 7), the mobility of education professionals can be
seen as an expression of the quest to contribute to the global exchange of knowledge
across societies. The knowledge that migrant teachers possess is often what makes
them valuable and important in this global context; it is their main commodity on the
global scene (Ntuli 2002, 60). But as the migration of teachers occurs, it is creating
unanticipated impacts at different levels of education, which become more evident
as one explores the origins, destinations and magnitude of the teacher movement on
the global scene.
TEACHER MIGRATION IN A GLOBAL WORLD: ISSUES AND TRENDS
Issues and trends beyond the SADC
The true status-quo regarding TM within Sub-Saharan Africa and the SADC in particular, is obscured as it is often discussed within the wider aggregated context of
skilled labour migrants (Adepoju 2006; Oucho 2003). However, it is believed that
TM, which includes short and long term subsequent expatriation of educators in
and out of various locations, is on the increase, globally (Salt 1997; Sikkes 2001).
Two distinct features of TM, inside and outside Africa, remain: (a) it occurs mainly
among neighbouring countries, but (b) geography has begun to pose less of a barrier
to movements (Adepoju 2006; Sikkes 2001).
Another clear trend that has emerged in the global TM phenomenon is that the
teacher outlow from one country is paralleled by counter-lows (Mahroum 1999;
Nurse 2004). For instance, migrant teachers from India, Austria, Egypt, Latin America, the Caribbean and neighbouring Canada ind a ready market for employment
in the USA (Sikkes 2001). But Canada is also host to teachers from India, Latin
America and the Caribbean region (Brown and Schulze 2002). The SADC countries
and education institutions have not been impervious to these teacher movements.
Migrant teachers from the Caribbean are also moving in large numbers to Africa and
to neighbouring Caribbean countries (Brown 2004, 4).
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The teacher migration issues in SADC
Teacher migration in the SADC is characterised by both emigration and immigration
behaviours. Although no one knows the exact number of migrant teachers working
in schools in countries in the region, it is thought in available migration literature
that more teachers have left the SADC region than have circulated within (Adepoju 2000). How serious the brain drain/gain has been is becoming widely known.
Published evidences from three SADC countries (Zimbabwe, South Africa and Botswana) provide some proof.
Zimbabwe is the teacher labour-exporter par excellence of the current period.
Over the period, 2001 to 2003, Zimbabwe education system lost a conservative estimate of 45 percent of its teachers – secondary and tertiary level – to overseas and
neighbouring countries (Financial Gazette 2000; The Chronicle 2003; The Daily
News 2003a). The outlow of teachers from Zimbabwe has strained its education
system, forcing it, according to one report, to operate with skeletal staff (The Daily
News 2003a). The scale of the emigration has led a United Nations Development
Programme funded research team to conclude that the education sector remains one
of the sectors hardest hit by the labour out-migration (SIRSC 2003). The outlow
of teachers from Zimbabwe still remains a national and regional concern today
(Kassiem 2007, 1).
South Africa is also a source country of migrant teachers within the SADC, although immigration and emigration often occur simultaneously. Bailey (2003, 245)
reports that, in the two spiked-periods of migration in South Africa (1988–1992 and
1994–2000), the greatest mobility of highly-skilled people was evident among individuals in the education and humanities occupations. Over those periods, outward
migration of education professionals was between 30–32 percent, while inward
migration was 20–27 percent (Bailey 2003, 246). Up to the end of year 2001, onethird of all South Africa’s emigrants were of occupations in education (Bailey 2003,
245). Many migrant teachers continue to enter South Africa from Zimbabwe (Africa
Report 2007, 1). Recent announcement by South Africa’s Minister of Education suggests that the country is considering importing regional and foreign based teachers
to ill vacant teaching posts in certain subject areas such as Mathematics and Sciences (Kassiem 2007, 1). These trends demonstrate the dual role of South Africa as a
teacher migration destination and origin source. At the same time, it raises questions
about the output rate of teachers from higher education institutions in the light of
national demands for teachers. A recent SADTU Report (in Kassiem 2007, 1) summarises the teacher demand issue in South Africa well when it noted ‘. . . the country
needed to have 5 000 teachers graduating each year, but is currently producing only
about 1 000 annually’.
Furthermore, at the 15th Conference of Commonwealth Education, held in Edinburgh in 2003, it was noted that in that year, South Africa lost 4,700 teachers to other
countries, mainly in the developed world (Seychelles Nation 2003). New research
is showing that the country continues to lose teachers (SAPA 2006, 1). Based on the
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above data, since 1994, there has been an increasing net loss of teachers from South
Africa. By contrast, teacher inlows to the country have not kept pace (Kassiem
2007, 1).
Botswana, on the other hand, for many years, has been a prime teacher-labour
immigration country in the SADC, although trends are now changing (Brown 2006a,
3). Migrant teachers can be found in the secondary and higher education system
(Brown 2004; Oucho 2001). While the stock of migrant teachers is declining due to
government policy aimed at ‘localisation of teaching posts’, 10 percent of teachers
in secondary and 54 percent of educators in Higher education institutions are still
migrants (TSM 2004, 6). Simultaneously, up to 2004 migrant teachers from different
countries globally were still arriving in the country, albeit at a lesser volume (TSM
2004, 8). The employment of these teachers has had a differential impact on educational issues in schools (Brown and Schulze 2002) and in higher education (Oucho
2000). These impacts are discussed in relation to quality education below.
TEACHER MIGRATION AND QUALITY IN EDUCATION
The ongoing migration of teachers within the SADC regions has raised the important
question of its consideration in the discourse on quality education in the region.
Evidences are emerging to suggest that TM has variously impacted quality education
(Brown 2004; UNICEF 2000).
There are various interpretations of the meaning of quality in education (see,
Adams 1993; Harvey and Green 1993). However, a point of convergence is that
quality in education is a relative concept. To overcome the relative nature and usage
of the term ‘quality’, Harvey and Green (1993) perspective is adopted to guide the
discussion in this article. Their (1993, 1–30) model identiied ive conceptions of
quality which are often used to guide discussion at different levels practice in the
education sector. For them, quality can take any or all of the following ive dimensions, depending on one’s perspective:
a) an exceptional view, whereby quality is seen as something special. In this sense,
quality in educational terms is linked to notions of excellence, which relects
the traditional academic view, where being the ‘best’ is the ultimate goal of the
educational institution. This is the focus quality takes on in many higher education institutions at the moment;
b) a perfection view, whereby quality is seen in terms of consistent or lawless
outcomes, which implies that if consistency can be achieved then quality can be
attained by all;
c) a itness-for-purpose view, whereby quality is seen in terms of fulilling customers’ requirements, which is speciied, theoretically, by customers (users of
educational products). In terms of education, this would be judged based on the
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ability of education organisations to fulil their mission statements or meet the
aims set out in their academic programmes and prospectus;
d) a value-for-money view, whereby quality is seen in terms of return on investment, judged either by the students or the education providers. What this means
is that if the same outcome can be achieved at a lower cost, or a better outcome
can be achieved at the same cost, then the customer has a quality service/product
and obtain value for money. Many students would judge the quality of their
education they gain from an institution in terms of this perspective;
e) a transformation view, whereby quality is judged in terms of a change from one
state to another. In terms of the educational context, transformation would refer
to the empowerment and enhancement of students, or the development of new
knowledge.
Each of the abovementioned perspectives provides a way of thinking about quality, and suggests that quality in education should be deined in terms of a range of
attributes. Thus, when quality is being assessed, consideration needs to be given
to at least two key aspects: (a) what targets the educational institution set for itself, generally, and at the input, implementation and output stage of the educational
process, and (b) the requirements of customers and users of educational products.
Since each educational institution may develop its own unique sets of targets, quality in education is multi-dimensional and often relates to the contextual settings of
an educational model (UNESCO 2004). In terms of the input, implementation and
output stage of the educational process, ive interactive elements which form part of
the quality-mix can be further identiied: the learners, (b) the learning environments,
(c) the learning contents, (d) the processes through which learning is facilitated,
and (e) the outcomes (Adams 1993; Motala 2000; UNICEF 2000). In the context of
teacher migration and the preparation of teachers in higher education, these elements
are important because teachers are connected to the learning environment, contents,
processes and outcomes of education (UNICEF 2000).
Teachers are central to quality education because their responsibility lies in the
implementation of the quality requirements and standards of education, many of
which are embedded in the ive interactive elements of the educational process
shown in Figure 1. The interactive nature is clear: the learners are the recipients of
educational products and they have unique requirements to fulil; learners receive
the contents of education which are deined in terms of standards often mandated in
school curriculum; the teaching-learning process occurs in an environment and how
this process is undertaken have an inluence on both the learners and the educational
standards achieved; the outcome of education, often judged in terms of studentproducts (what students know and can do) and academic results (the pass rates),
itself have prescribed requirements to meet (see UNECEF 2000). If quality is judged
in terms of the meeting of educational standards, then the teacher has a powerful
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inluence on the degree to which these standards are achieved (Adams 1993; Motala
2000).
When educational standards are not achieved, quality is compromised, regardless
of how quality is deined: whether in terms of excellence, value-for-money, student
empowerment, and or the fulilment of customer requirements (Brown 2006b, 1–2).
ENVIRONMENTS
OUTCOMES
- service delivery; health
and sanitation, security;
- products (what
students know and can
do)
CONTENT
(curriculum)
Quality Education
LEARNERS & TEACHERS
AS LEARNERS
- health and psychosocial
development
- learn materials: relevant;
comprehensible
PROCESSES
- teachers: competent, ongoing professional
development, availability, stability
- supervision and support: leadership,
Figure 1: Interactive dimensions of quality in education
The interconnection between the teacher and the dimensions on which quality education is deined means that the migration of teachers, either inward or outward of
the education system, can have a powerful inluence on the quality of education.
There are also evidences of teacher migration impact on teacher training dimensions in higher education, which must be understood in this era of globalisation. The
evidences of these inluences are now explored separately below.
WHAT HAS TEACHER OUT-MIGRATION DONE TO QUALITY
EDUCATION?
Evidence in the literature suggests teacher loss impacts on educational quality in the
following areas:
Affects the supply of education
Teacher loss impacts on educational quality since out-migration leads to a loss of
trained teachers to deliver education at the place of origin. This loss reduces the
system’s ability to match supply with demand because subject specialists, inspectors,
and management personnel become inadequate (Commonwealth Secretariat 2003,
8). SIRDC (2003, 5), in the case of Zimbabwe, and the Commonwealth Secretariat
(2003, 8) in the case of South Africa, reports that in these SADC states schools in
some areas, particularly rural areas, have resorted to employing untrained teachers or
operating with skeletal staff. In Zimbabwe, where large-scale exodus of teachers has
disrupted the supply of education in many schools since 2003, the evidence suggests
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that the effects of teacher exodus manifested in schools in the following ways: additional workloads for teachers left behind, larger class size and extra teaching hours
(The Daily News 2003b, 4; Zimbabwe Independent 2004, 9).
The above consequences are also evident in countries in other parts of SADC
(Adepoju 2000). Where these conditions exist, the supply of quality education is
compromised as untrained personnel who often ill the void left my migrants are incapable of coping, especially as regards meeting predetermined curricular standards,
or fostering the creative, cognitive and emotional development of students (UNICEF
2000). This has been proven empirically (Darling-Hammond 1998; UNICEF 2000).
The result of this is that students are being churned out without the requisite rigour
of learning (Adepoju 2006, 34). All aspects of quality are compromised in these
contexts as untrained personnel, as Darling-Hammond (1998, 7) found cannot guide,
by virtue of their inept professional expertise, an institution along pathways of excellence, facilitate consistent, lawless educational outcomes, or necessarily fulil
students requirements as primary customers.
The out-migration of teachers has further worsened an already chronic short supply of educators in some territories in the SADC region (Financial Mail 2005). According to Education International (Sinsicalco 2002, 45), an estimated ive million
primary school teachers are needed to deliver the commitment on primary education in Africa alone. Furthermore, a UNESCO/ILO report (in Sinsicalco 2002, 28)
suggests that the population of oficial primary school age children in the African
region south of the Sahara has grown more than 16 percent. There is also evidence
that almost half of the total youth-population of secondary-school age in developing
and least developed countries is out of school (Sinsicalco 2002; UNICEF 2000).
Evidently, as more young people get into schools, demand for qualiied teachers
will increase dramatically. Thus, the loss, and slow replacement pace, of the current
stock of teachers from many SADC countries (e.g. Zimbabwe, South Africa) means
schools’ ability to achieve their key quality goals, or to supply the current or future
demands for education, is seriously threatened. When this issue is considered in the
context of diseases such as HIV/AIDS, which itself is contributing to the teacher loss
in the region (Financial Mail 2005, 28), the prospects of supplying the demands for
education becomes more dificult.
Affects the management of education
Evidence suggests that the cohort of teacher-migrants is usually the more qualiied,
talented and experienced in their homeland (Nurse 2004; Oucho 2000). These are
often the highest quality teachers – those most capable of helping students learn,
because they are trained and have deep mastery of both their subject matter and
pedagogy. The loss of quality teachers at the migration origin means the loss there of
important qualities that they possess. Some of these qualities include: their proven
ability to use instructional time effectively, to use diverse teaching methods that
facilitate active learning, their skills in evaluation and assessment practices, which
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allow them to gauge student learning and adapt activities according to student needs
(Verwimp 1999, 169). Analysts have suggested that student achievement, especially
beyond basic skills, is associated with teacher command of subject-matter and ability
to use that knowledge to help students learn (Darling-Hammond 2005, 4–5; Strauss
and Sawyer 1986, 41). Since it is usually extremely dificult to replace highly
qualiied and experienced teachers (Darling-Hammond 1998; Financial Mail 2005),
classrooms without them, or without them in adequate numbers, cannot deliver quality education (UNICEF 2000), or ensure quality school processes in areas such as
supervision and management in order to adequately support learning (USAID 1998).
There is a new agenda for teacher training in higher education to respond to these
strains on school processes resulting from out-migration.
It is noteworthy that consideration is not only paid to the physical absence of the
teachers who left the school system; the transition-effect between those who left and
those taking their places is also an imperative for quality. The evidence suggests that
teacher migration decisions are usually private and that they often emigrate suddenly,
without informing their employers of their decision (Oucho 2000, 18). When teachers emigrate without giving school authorities adequate notice, it disrupts school
management processes and inhibits the system from making a planned transition,
even in countries where teacher replacement is not problematic (Bergmann 1996;
Sinsicalco 2002). Although migration scholars often do not report on the nature of
the interface between prospective teacher-migrants and their employer before or after migration, Earley and Bubb (2004, 6) reasoned that unannounced departure from
a school points to deiciencies in teacher professionalism, which has implications for
professional training in higher education.
Studies of effective schools globally have concluded that when schools and classrooms are well managed, they generally account for a larger share of the variance
in educational quality (judged in terms of student achievement) (Reynolds 1994,
19). Limitation in planning for out-migration transition then is antithesis to good
management, and by extension the provision of quality, as school processes (e.g.
safe learning environment, facilities) crucial for educative teaching-learning suffer
for lack of attention. In the case of Zimbabwe, Mutangi (in Financial Gazette 2005)
observes that vacant posts in schools, created by the mass teacher exodus, cannot be
illed due to scarcity of local school managers, and the failure of schools to attract
foreign migrants to managerial positions due to Zimbabwe’s poor economy.
Affects the morale of teachers left behind to supply education
Evidence suggests that countries with high net outward migration of teachers tend
to experience a simultaneously high migration-aspiration among the non-migrant
teacher colleagues who remain behind, especially at the local school level where
the teachers migrated from (Commonwealth Secretariat 2003; Ingersol 2001). Part
of the reasons pushing many teachers, both inside and outside the SADC region,
to emigrate is job dissatisfaction resulting from low compensation, job status, and
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frustrating working environments linked to large class size and limited resources
(Brown 2004, 88). The teachers left behind often experience a dilemma. As they
continue to work in the unpleasant conditions from which their colleagues migrated,
many often ind themselves holding dreams of leaving and desiring the qualitative
change (greener pastures) in the work-life of those who are gone (Oucho 2000, 66).
The consequence of this anxiety to migrate affects the teachers psychologically and
professionally (Ingersol 2001, 4–5).
Recent evidence from Zimbabwe, for instance, points to migration anxiety. Mutangi (in Financial Gazette 2005, 28) reports of instances where the teachers, who
were not part of the recent exodus from Zimbabwe, ‘. . . limiting the energy that they
expend on students in the classroom, and being uncommitted to and uncaring about
students’ learning, do not enforce many school and classroom policies (e.g. disciplinary), and are negative towards work’. Many South African teachers hold emigration
aspirations (SAPA 2006, 1). These examples support other evidence which suggests
that the conditions in which teachers work affect their ability to provide quality
education, judged in terms of meeting deined curriculum standards (Steyn and Van
Wyk 1999, 41). As it is often dificult to deliver quality in an environment riddled by
low teacher morale, the indirect consequences of teacher migration should be a vital
consideration in any deliberation in higher education about improving preservice
teachers’ capacity to deliver quality education in schools.
Affects the contents of education
Evidence suggests that access to fully prepared and qualiied teachers is associated
with greater student achievement (Darling-Hammond 1998, 7). However, this access is removed when teachers migrate from the classroom. When teachers emigrate
in large numbers from a particular locality, and are not immediately replaced, it is
often the case that schools compromise on the learning outcomes targeted and taught
(Brown 2004; The Daily News 2004). The compromise is variously relected: exclusion of some subjects or learning programmes from the curriculum; or the teaching
of selective aspects of the contents (Brown 2004, 105).
Evidence from Zimbabwe, for instance, reveals cases where students, especially
in rural areas, were being left without instruction as a direct result of teacher shortage
(The Daily News 2004). Students who miss extended periods of direct contact times
with their teachers are less able to develop the requisite knowledge and competence
that school curricula demand (UNICEF 2000), and are less likely to see the need
to continue attending school. They are more likely to become truants or drop out
permanently from the school system, especially if they are living in communities
where the socio-political and economic situation is depressing (Adepoju 2006, 30).
It is in these contexts that students often are churned out of schools without the
requisite rigor of learning.
Evidently, compromise in the contents of education delivered affects educational
outcomes, whether these are judged in terms of post-schooling employment rates, or
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in terms of the less tangible outcomes related to what students know, are able to do,
or are like as a result of their education (Killen 2000, 1). Quality education cannot
be achieved in an environment where the full content of education is not taught. It is
these kinds of deiciencies in teachers’ professionalism and conduct that are creating
a new agenda, in a context of migration, for teacher professional training in higher
education.
WHAT HAS TEACHER IN-MIGRATION DONE TO QUALITY
EDUCATION?
The outward migration of teachers has quite different consequences for quality
in education than do inward migration. Evidence (Bergmann 1996; Brown 2004;
Brown and Schulze 2002) suggests that the inlow of migrant teachers to schools at
the micro-level impacts on educational quality in the following areas, which raises
concerns for teacher education provision in the migration destination:
In-migration boosts the workforce complement and quality to
supply education
Class size remains a key topic in school quality debates. Evidence suggests that
quality education (in terms of student achievement) is associated with small class
size (Darling-Hammond 1998, 11), although the link has not been consistent in different parts of the world (Postlewaithe 1998; Willms 2000). Migrant teachers are
often employed at the destination schools as a strategy to reduce pressure result from
increasing demand for education. Their employment facilitates the stemming of
teacher shortage and the reduction in class size, at all levels of the education system
(Brown and Schulze 2002, 12). Migrant teachers are being used in Botswana, for
instance, to offset teacher shortage, reduce class size, teach curricula programmes,
raised educational standards, and boost the delivery of education (Brown 2004,
1–3; TSM 2006, 1–8). Brown (2004, 155) argues that in contexts, such as Botswana
and South Africa, where teacher shortage prevails and where postsecondary school
leavers’ enrolment to teacher education programmes is dwindling (Kassiem 2007,
1), the inlow of migrant teachers reduces demand pressures on higher education
institutions to ‘produce’ teachers. But this assertion has been challenged (Tevera and
Crush 2003, 12).
A number of migration scholars (Brown 2004; Oucho 2000; Tevera and Crush
2003) have argued that the employment of migrant teachers as a strategy to achieve
quality outcomes in education is not a reliable approach as in the long term, it rarely
pays off. Migrant teachers can outmigrate at any time, especially if they perceived
that the economic or non-economic motive(s) which caused them to go to the country
in the irst play is no longer attractive, or if they perceived that the human resource
practices at the destination are too hostile (Brown 2004, 145). My argument is that
any sudden outlow of migrants, from the destination countries, such as Botswana
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B. Brown
whose local teaching workforce base is yet to reach self-suficiency, could disrupt
the overall system and quality education provision (Brown 2004, 150). In this sense,
teacher in-migration is a risk factor in the provision of quality education in schools
at the migration destination. As the evidence from Zimbabwe shows (Tevera and
Crush 2003), any sudden mass exodus of teachers from an education system is
powerful enough to stall effective delivery of quality education. In an era of globalisation, teacher education programmes in higher education need to be responsive to
these or other emerging issues, linked to teacher in-migration, that may block the
realisation of quality dimensions in education. With the exception of South Africa
(SAIDE 2005, 1–2), the evidence is suggesting that such responsiveness, especially
in programmes geared toward preparing individuals for school leadership roles,
is largely absent in higher education in migration destination countries (Wils and
O’Connor 2004, 9).
Affects multicultural dimensions of education
Improves students’ cultural sensitivity
The presence of migrant teachers, with their diversity, contributes to multicultural
dimension in schools. For instance, the migrants often sensitise students and indigenous teachers to issues in other cultures, as Brown (2004, 156) found in the
case of Botswana. Migrant teachers interacting with local students in schools can
nurture graduates who will be able to function effectively in multicultural groups;
graduates who consciously identify with a given tradition but who can accept and
honor different social and religious beliefs and practices; graduates who are able
to function well in organisational and individual interaction with different approaches to accomplishing tasks (Gudykunst 1996). The ability to understand and
appreciate separateness requires encounters with otherness (Brown 2005, 394).
This is a qualitative contribution that teacher migration makes to quality education
in an era of globalisation. Of course, this imperative may not be the outcome in all
cases. The process of socialisation with otherness could lead to the loss of one’s
own identity, but that is often in extreme cases. This is where teacher education
and training in higher education is crucial. They have a role to prepare new teachers to cope with multicultural imperatives among colleagues, as they deliver on
quality. With the exception of South Africa (SAIDE 2005, 1), this imperative is
not a feature of teacher education programmes in regional migration destination
countries (Brown 2004).
Diversiies workforce in the schools
Evidence suggests that the presence of migrants in schools creates a convergence
of cultures, the interface of which diversiies the teaching staff composition. Race
and ethnicity are often the most visible dimensions of this diversity. The interface
among cultures is often one of accommodation as the indigenous teachers – who
normally function on the basis of their common backgrounds, styles, perspectives,
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values and beliefs – found they have to interact, in various dimensions of work, with
migrant teachers (Brown and Schulze 2002, 1–3). Since analysts have suggested that
different cultures often approach the same problem differently (Gudykunst 1996,
5; Vulliamy and Stephen 1990, 46), it is easy for work conlicts to arise in this sort
of heterogeneous working environment. Brown and Schulze (2002, 15–16) report
instances of communication breakdown and difference in approach to work, in the
development of working relationship between indigenous and migrant teachers in
Botswana, which mediated the formation of quality work teams. Scholar reports
similar indings from studies conducted elsewhere (Craig, Kraft and Du Plessis 1998;
Vulliamy and Stephen 1990). Where these experiences manifest, they often lead to
bitterness, antagonistic fear and aggression, which interferes with the management
of quality education and performance. In the light of ongoing inlow of migrant
teachers to work in schools at migration destinations, preparing new teachers to cope
with diversity is a feature of the new agenda that higher education should confront in
order to better prepare teachers to deliver on quality in schools.
Impinges upon the delivery of education
Evidence suggests that students enter schools with diverse needs, some of which are
cultural and social (Bergmann 1996, 581), and that matching the delivery of learning
with students learning styles and needs is pivotal for effective learning (Brown 2005,
7). In the global network of teacher migration, there is increasing concern about
migrant teachers’ ability to meet students’ needs, having been trained in a cultural
context different from the students (UNICEF 2000, 29). Many migrant teachers, especially new arrivees, often have dificulty incorporate local community issues into
their teaching (Cazden 2000). These deiciencies in the teaching of migrant teachers
at the destination school impinged upon the delivery of quality education because
when teachers are able to adapt the learning materials and their teaching styles to
the rhythms and requirements of local communities, higher student participation and
performance emerged (Verwimp 1999).
The delivery of education is further challenged by two other key factors arising
from the presence of migrant teachers in schools. The irst relates to the communicational mode used in teaching. Students in the destination schools often experience
dificulty understanding the language accent and communication patterns of migrant
teachers during the process of teaching and learning (Brown and Schulze 2002; Valdes
1986). Although linguistic frameworks across cultures may explain such dificulties
(Gudykunst 1996, 3), differences over modes of communication and language nuances, cause hostility and affect understanding of curricula contents (Vulliamy and
Stephen 1990, 45). Secondly, evidence suggests that the delivery of learning materials
in students’ irst language is positively correlated with their learning (Bergmann 1996).
However, migrant teachers often are unfamiliar with students’ irst language; the
learning beneits that could come from this interaction with students inhibited. These
concerns about the presence of migrant teachers in schools at the migration destination
have important implications for teacher training in higher education.
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THE NEW AGENDA CREATED BY MIGRATION FOR TEACHER
TRAINING IN HIGHER EDUCATION
Teacher in/out migration have created a new agenda for higher education, especially in so far as teacher preparation to deliver on quality requirements in school,
is concern. There is a direct link between how teachers are trained and how they
perform as professionals in school (Darling-Hammond 2005, 10). Thus, there are
direct implications of the challenges created by teacher in/out migration for teacher
training in higher education.
In SADC countries such as Zimbabwe, where teacher out-migration persists,
teacher training institutions have to consider broadening their curriculum provision,
through the introduction of new curricula modules or the expansion of existing ones,
to prepare new teachers to cope with out-migration effects on staff. These effects may
vary but the emerging evidence is indicating that effects related to stress and anxiety,
increased workload, larger class-size, low staff morale, and lack of professionalism
are common (Adepoju 2006; SIRDC 2003). Much of these effects are psychological
in nature. Darling-Hammond (2005, 5) reports that new and experienced teachers
often need these kinds of psychological support, if they are to be effective or deliver
on quality provisions, in schools. The emerging challenge for teacher training in
higher education in Zimbabwe is attracting and training teachers who are prepared to
suppress migration tendencies and work to deliver on education quality requirements
in their country.
In South Africa where both teacher in and out migration is evident, teacher training
in higher education faces a double dilemma. It has to prepare new and experienced
teachers to cope with the effects caused by both in and out low of teachers from the
school system. As evidenced above, the effect of the outlow is often largely psychological. The outlow of teachers increases the demand on higher education institutions to produce more teachers (Wils and O’Connor 2004, 9). But this may not be
possible because it is compounded by a chronic shortage of individuals with interest
in pursuing teacher education related programmes in the country (Kassiem 2007, 2).
Enrolment to teacher education programmes over the last 15 years has progressively
dwindled (Kassiem 2007, 1). Teacher training institutions have to ind innovative
ways to attract individuals into teaching, if they are to boost the number of teachers
required to deliver quality requirements in schools. This may not be easy.
The easier alternative for teacher training in higher education lies perhaps in preparing the current cohort of pre and in-service teachers in the school system to cope
with the effects caused by the inlow of migrant teachers. Since migrants often face
cultural and linguistic problems at the destination, the new agenda for quality education provision is suggesting that teacher training institutions should develop and attract migrants into language and culture related short-courses that can improve their
effectiveness in the schools. The new agenda is also suggesting the need to broaden
curricula provisions at the teacher training level to prepare new teachers to cope, in
light of in-migration, in multicultural and diverse working environment in schools.
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Responding to these and other emerging demands arising out of teacher migration
would be a practical demonstration of understanding, on the part of teacher training
in higher education, of their role in building school’s capacity at the micro-level to
meet education quality requirements. This is an imperative, regardless of how quality in education is deined.
CONCLUSIONS AND FURTHER IMPLICATIONS
Teacher mobility represents one of the major exclusions in the existing relections
on quality education provision. This discussion has revealed that the challenges
associated with teacher mobility impacts on quality education dimensions in both
emigration and immigration countries in the SADC. The impact in these countries,
however, is not the same. There are clear implications of these to-and-fro movements
of teachers for teacher training in higher education.
In migration origin countries, the teacher migration impact on quality education is
largely negative. However, in destination countries, the impact appears to be mixed.
Thus, in contrast to schools in migrant destination countries, the provision of quality
education in schools in migrant origin countries stands to lose more substantially
from teacher migration. The differential impact of teacher migration on dimensions
of quality at the origin and destination countries suggests that teacher migration
can not be ignored in discourse on quality education provision in schools. As the
main training agent of teachers, higher education institutions have a key role in this
process of assuring quality in education, in spite of teacher migration.
As demand for teacher labour grows in an increasingly global world, the discussion has also revealed that, for the beneit of quality education, schools as well as
higher education institutions in both immigration and emigration countries will have
to develop strategies to prepare teachers to cope with migration related effects. To
maintain quality, it seems that origin countries need to consider: (a) delaying emigration; or (b) inhibit emigration. However, this may not be easy. Redressing the problems inside and outside the education system that propel the emigration is perhaps
the best strategy but this is outside the realm of control of education practitioners. On
the contrary, schools as well as higher education institutions in immigration countries
will also need their own mix of strategies to assure education quality.
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