Social Science & Medicine 52 (2001) 1613–1627
‘I think condoms are good but, aai, I hate those things’:
condom use among adolescents and young people in a
Southern African township
Catherine MacPhaila,*, Catherine Campbellb
b
a
CSIR Mining Technology, PO Box 91230 Auckland Park, 2006, South Africa
Department of Social Psychology, London School of Economics and Political Science, Houghton Street, London. WC2A 2AE, UK
Abstract
Levels of heterosexually transmitted HIV infection are high amongst South African youth, with one recent survey
reporting levels of 18.9% amongst 17–20 year olds and 43.1% amongst 21–25 year olds. In these groups levels of
knowledge about HIV are high, but perceived vulnerability and reported condom use are low. Much existing research
into youth HIV in developing countries relies on survey measures which use individual knowledge, attitudes and
reported behaviour as variables in seeking to explain HIV transmission amongst this group. This paper reports on a
focus group study that seeks to complement existing individual-level quantitative findings with qualitative findings
highlighting community and social factors that hinder condom use amongst youth in the township of Khutsong, near
Carletonville. Study informants comprised 44 young women and men in the 13–25 year age group. Data analysis
highlighted six factors hindering condom use: lack of perceived risk; peer norms; condom availability; adult attitudes to
condoms and sex; gendered power relations and the economic context of adolescent sexuality. Informants did not
constitute a homogenous group in terms of their understandings of sexuality. While there was clear evidence for the
existence of dominant social norms which place young peoples’ sexual health at risk, there was also evidence that many
young people are self-consciously critical of the norms that govern their sexual behaviour, despite going along with
them, and that they are aware of the way in which peer and gender pressures place their health at risk. There was also
evidence that a minority of youth actively challenge dominant norms and behave in counter-normative and healthenhancing ways. The actively contested nature of dominant sexual norms provides a fertile starting point for peer
education programmes that seek to provide the context for the collective negotiation of alternative sexual norms that do
not endanger young peoples’ sexual health. # 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
Keywords: Adolescents; Peer education; HIV; Behaviour change; Sexuality; Sexual health; Condom use; South Africa
Introduction
Against the background of the growing HIV epidemic
in South Africa, it is increasingly being argued that
preventive interventions in this region may be most
effective if directed at young people below the age of 16
years. Thus, for example, a recent survey in the South
African township of Khutsong, our community of
*Corresponding author. Fax: 27-11-482-3267.
E-mail addresses: cmacphai@csir.co.za (C. MacPhail),
c.campbell@lse.ac.uk (C. Campbell).
interest in this paper, indicated that HIV infection was
almost non-existent in the 13–16 year age group,
followed by a sharp increase in the 16–18 year age
group (18.9%), with the peak infection rates of 43.1%
for the community as a whole being experienced by the
21–25 year age group (Williams, Campbell, & MacPhail,
1999).
This paper reports on a study that aims to increase
our understandings of the influences on adolescent
sexuality within a broader interest in HIV-prevention
in southern Africa. In using the terms adolescent and
young person we refer to a group aged between 13 and
0277-9536/01/$ - see front matter # 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
PII: S 0 2 7 7 - 9 5 3 6 ( 0 0 ) 0 0 2 7 2 - 0
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C. MacPhail, C. Campbell / Social Science & Medicine 52 (2001) 1613–1627
25 years. Through the presentation of findings from
focus groups with young township residents, we seek to
highlight a range of factors that militate against condom
use by this group of young people, despite high levels of
knowledge about HIV infection and of the sexual
health-enhancing benefits of condoms. Such factors
include individual-level perceptions of health and
vulnerability, community-level factors such as peer and
parental pressure, and wider social influences including
the social construction of male and female sexuality and
gendered power relations, as well as economic constraints } all of which we will argue serve to inhibit
condom use by young people, and to place them at risk
of HIV infection.
However, mindful of the fact that young people do
not always constitute a homogenous grouping, and that
there will always be a range of variations in the extent to
which young peoples’ behaviour serves to reproduce or
resist dominant social norms, we also seek to highlight
examples of young people with counter-normative
behaviours and views.
Much research into adolescent sexuality has treated
adolescents in a stereotyped and one-dimensional way
(Aggleton, 1991; Aggleton & Campbell, 2000) with
inadequate attention to young people whose views and
behaviours challenge dominant stereotypes. One of the
aims of sexual health promotion is to provide the
context for the renegotiation of dominant high-risk
behavioural norms by young people, and for the
collective establishment of new norms of behaviour. It
is therefore vital that research focuses not only on the
way in which dominant norms place young peoples’
sexual health at risk, but also on the ways in which
particular young people resist these norms, sometimes
leading to alternative and less risky sexual behaviours
and practices.
Young people in South Africa have received much
of their knowledge of sexual health promotion
from government mass media campaigns (Friedland
et al., 1991). More recently there has been a move
towards participatory peer education approaches. However, such approaches appear to have made limited
impact on the epidemic, which continues to rise. The
rising epidemic is particularly focused among young
people, with females being especially influenced (see
Table 1). Understandings of the influences on sexual
behaviour and the mechanics of sexual behaviour
change are still limited, particularly in the southern
African context. Due to these inadequacies in our
knowledge, we have limited tools for understanding
what is driving the epidemic amongst young people.
Greater knowledge of the influences driving the epidemic will allow for a better understanding of the factors
helping or hindering existing programmes and could
potentially help with improving existing intervention
programmes.
In a review of the academic literature on the
evaluation of HIV prevention programmes in developing countries, MacPhail (1998) highlights the dominance
of survey approaches, generally based on the KAPB
model of sexual behaviour. Information gleaned from
KAPB surveys does not enable developers of intervention programmes to consider the contexts in which
knowledge is gained and sexuality negotiated (Joffe,
1996), therefore giving only a partial picture of the
complex factors shaping sexuality. In addition, the
success of HIV intervention programmes is frequently
evaluated using these narrow KAPB variables despite
the realisation that increased knowledge does not impact
on future behaviour (Elliot, Crump, McGuire, &
Bagshaw, 1999). Furthermore, while programmes have
begun to incorporate participatory methods in intervention, the community change that they aim to generate
remains unevaluated due to the strong adherence to
KAPB surveys which lack the potential for measurement
of this kind (MacPhail & Campbell, 1999).
Kippax and Crawford (1993) have criticised the
concept of ‘sexual behaviour’ used in these studies.
They argue that sexuality is too complex a phenomenon
to be conceptualised in terms of decontextualised and
quantifiable individual behaviours (e.g. condom use,
anal sex) of the type measured in KAPB studies. Critics
such as Holland and collegues argue for a more complex
and contextualised definition of sexuality. Holland,
Ramazanoglu, Scott, Sharpe, and Thomson’s (1990, p.
339) definition of sexuality forms the basis for the
research reported below.
By sexuality we mean not only sexual practices, but
also what people know and believe about sex,
particularly what they think is natural, proper and
desirable. Sexuality also includes people’s sexual
identities in all their cultural and historical variety.
This assumes that while sexuality cannot be divorced
from the body, it is also socially constructed.
It is within this context of understanding the societal,
normative and cultural contexts in which individuallevel phenomena such as knowledge, attitudes and
behaviour are negotiated or constructed that the current
research is located.
Much of previous research, particularly in developing
countries, has concentrated on the phenomenon of
sexuality at the level of the individual, while neglecting
societal, normative and cultural contexts. Focusing on
the individual-level assumes that sexual behaviour is the
result of rational decision-making based on knowledge.
In reality, the complex nature of sexuality means that
adolescents conduct their sexual lives through experiences and beliefs that have been generated through their
membership of particular societies and communities. A
wider view of the other levels of influence therefore
C. MacPhail, C. Campbell / Social Science & Medicine 52 (2001) 1613–1627
needs to be utilised (Campbell, 1997; Campbell &
Williams, 1998). Attempts to study the sexual behaviour
of young people have concentrated on these individuallevel indicators that have been easily measured through
the use of quantitative methods. However, the use of
quantitative methods in the evaluation of HIV prevention programmes provides answers limited to whether an
intervention has worked rather than promoting an
understanding of why the intervention has worked. In
addition, in many instances when working within the
field of HIV, researchers are still attempting to understand rather than to measure. Quantitative methods do
not allow researchers to consider the processes at work
but rather limit them to the final outcome. In this paper
we address both issues through moving beyond the
individual and using qualitative approaches.
Literature review
In this section we refer to the literature on adolescent
sexuality in both developed and developing countries in
the context of our interest in the way in which the social
construction of sexuality might predispose young people
to poor sexual health. While the literature on adolescent
sexuality in developing countries tends to be quantitative and limited in focus, this is not the case in developed
countries, where much more work has been done on the
broader context of sexual behaviour. Four themes that
dominate in this literature (particularly within the US,
UK and Australia), have formed the starting point for
our expanded research agenda in the southern African
context. These themes encompass female sexuality (in
particular conflict between sexual feelings and social
norms), gendered power imbalances, features of male
sexuality, and peer norms and values. The sexuality of
young people has enjoyed less attention in literature
emanating from developing countries although the
limited work conducted in South Africa will be discussed
below.
Despite some notable exceptions (see Holland, Ramazanoglu, Scott, Sharpe, & Thomson, 1990, 1991;
Holland, Ramazanoglu, Sharpe, & Thomson, 1992,
1994a) this literature often tends to refer to adolescents
as a homogenous group and to make sweeping generalisations about their sexuality. Aggleton (1997) criticises
this literature for failing to take account of wide
variations in the sexuality of young people, arguing
that such generalisations have played a key role in
undermining the success of sexual health promotion
among youth. He indicates that simplistically generalised views of adolescent sexuality held by adults, have
influenced policy and practice so that young people do
not receive the knowledge and services they require. This
point is taken up in our discussion of our own research
findings.
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Literature from developed countries
Research on the broader context of sexual behaviour
has been particularly concentrated on the contradiction
between social norms of female sexuality and the sexual
feelings of young women, highlighting the danger in
which young women place their sexual health when
adhering to social norms (Holland, Ramazanoglu,
Sharpe, & Thomson, 1994b). A high regard for the
preservation of reputation means that young women
adhere to social definitions of sexual encounters as
initiated by men, against female resistance. Women,
therefore, often do not have condoms available and
make few efforts to gain knowledge of their partners’
sexual histories, as this would be tantamount to
admitting to themselves and society that they plan to
engage in sex. In addition, women often avoid carrying
condoms due to the negative reputations and labels
associated with women who actively seek sex (Holland
et al., 1990; Hillier, Harrison, & Warr, 1998). Social
pressures encourage young women not to engage in sex
but those that do are expected to do so in the confines of
‘serious’ and ‘trusting’ relationships (Holland et al.,
1990). This emphasis on ‘serious’ relationships encourages premature trust of partners and therefore the
non-use of condoms. (Holland et al., 1991; Ingham,
Woodcock, & Stenner, 1991).
Literature on the sexuality of young people in
developed countries has highlighted imbalances in
gender power that prevent young women from negotiating safe sexual encounters (Holland et al., 1992). Social
constructions of masculinity that promote the idea of
men ‘needing’ sex further constrain women’s negotiation
potential by limiting opportunities for women to either
refuse sex or negotiate safe sex (Wilton & Aggleton,
1991; Moore & Rosenthal, 1992; Ramazanoglu &
Holland, 1993). Holland et al. (1991) indicate that many
of the young women interviewed for their study in
Manchester and London had experienced sexual initiation through coercion and force. While society does not
accept male violence as a matter of course, the social
construction of male and female sexualities in Western
culture frequently blur the distinction between male
violence, coercion or rape and ‘normal’ heterosexual sex.
Here we must emphasise that not all men or women
conform to these norms. As we will seek to highlight in
our research findings below, a minority of young men
and women define their sexuality outside of the norms
constructed by society and in so doing, challenge
traditional/normative social constructions of relationships (Holland et al., 1990, 1992).
There is also a growing research literature concerned
with male sexuality. Masculine sexuality is manifest in
society’s classification of ‘normal’ men as being associated with multiple partners and power over women.
Tension develops between the emotional vulnerabilities
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C. MacPhail, C. Campbell / Social Science & Medicine 52 (2001) 1613–1627
of young men and the behaviour that they are expected
to adopt in order to be accepted as masculine in society
(Holland et al., 1994a). The need for men to engage in
multiple sexual relationships combined with internalised
negative attitudes towards condoms place their sexual
health at risk (Holland et al., 1990; Wight, 1994). Health
interventions have frequently encouraged young people
to use condoms or to ‘know’ their partners. Among all
young people, but young men in particular, there is the
perception that they can filter out partners dangerous to
their health. Partners can therefore be categorised as
‘clean’ or ‘unclean’ based on their social interactions and
appearance so that decisions about making use of
condoms can be made (Waldby, Kippax, & Crawford,
1993).
All groups are particularly influenced by the norms
of their peers. This is especially true of young people
and has been well documented in the literature
regarding sexual behaviour (see Reed & Weinberg,
1984). Studies with American college students have
shown that discussions of safe sex within friendships
were a strong predictor of practising safer sex (Lear,
1995). Gender differences in the impact of peers were
however found, with females being more likely to
morally pressure their friends than their male equivalents. Although these examples indicate that peer norms
assist in the adoption of safe sexual behaviour, Fisher,
Misovich, and Fisher (1992) have indicated that in the
majority of cases peer norms encourage risk. They
indicate that peer norms function to promote unsafe
sexual behaviour and to encourage concern about sexual
health to be viewed in a negative light. Peer education
stems from the belief that well-liked and respected peers
may be able to encourage others towards behaviours
that promote HIV prevention rather than the high-risk
behaviours usually associated with peer norms (Serovich
& Greene, 1997).
Literature on adolescent sexuality in South Africa
This surge of research concerning the various dimensions of adolescent sexuality in developed countries has
not been matched in developing countries. To date, the
majority of work in developing countries has looked at
narrow variables of knowledge, attitudes and behaviours with the assumption that sexuality and sexual
behaviour fall within the ambit of rational decisionmaking by individuals (Fife-Shaw, 1997). In most
instances empirical research findings have concentrated
on age at first sex, number of partners, awareness of
condoms and knowledge about HIV (Flisher, Ziervogel,
Chalton, Leger, & Robertson, 1993; Richter, SwartKruger, & Barnes, 1994; Swart-Kruger & Richter, 1997).
While this information is frequently used to indicate the
relative success of HIV-intervention programmes, the
multi-dimensional context in which adolescent sexuality
is constructed and negotiated is frequently not addressed
(MacPhail, 1998).
Historically, the South African literature on issues
relating to teenage sexuality has concentrated on
adolescent pregnancy and contraception use (Kau,
1988). More recently, however, there has been a trend
towards an expanded focus to consider the broader
social and community contexts in which young people
negotiate their sexuality. Richter and Swart-Kruger
(1995) indicate the importance of the social and
economic contexts in which street children negotiate
their sexuality. They show that for individuals such as
street children there are limited opportunities to exercise
control over their sexual encounters. In certain respects,
research findings on condom use by South African
youth are similar to research findings with youth in
developed countries. Thus for example research by
Preston-Whyte and Zondi (1991) and Abdool Karim,
Abdool Karim, Preston-Whyte, and Sankar, (1992)
highlight the way in which the use of condoms is seen
to militate against young men’s notions of masculinity
and pleasure. In addition, Abdool Karim et al. (1992)
have illustrated that young people continue to view the
use of condoms as only necessary among those already
infected with STDs or HIV. However, in other instances
the factors constraining the use of condoms among
South African youth have been quite different to what
has been documented in developed countries. PrestonWhyte and Zondi (1991) and Abdool Karim et al. (1992)
point to the importance of fertility for young men and
therefore young men’s opposition to condom use purely
due to their contraceptive value.
In relation to our particular interest in adolescent
sexuality in the context of power relationships, the most
promising literature in the South African context has
been the emergence of a distinct body of South African
literature on the incidence of violence and coercion
experienced by young women and the impact that this
may have on the adoption of safe sex (Wood & Jewkes,
1997; Wood, Maforah, & Jewkes, 1998). However,
despite such positive developments in South African
research, there has been a tendency to focus entirely on
stereotypical norms of gender and sexuality without
considering the ways in which some young people
transform or contradict stereotypes.
We have already referred to Aggleton’s (1991, 1992)
critique of the tendency among researchers to consider
young people as a homogenous group without taking
intra-group differences into account. Variations in the
social and cultural environments of young people make
for heterogeneous behaviours and beliefs that are
manifest both between populations, such as between
South Africa and developed countries, and within
populations, such as youth residing in our study area.
If a key dimension of HIV-prevention programmes
involves peers working together to develop the
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C. MacPhail, C. Campbell / Social Science & Medicine 52 (2001) 1613–1627
confidence and solidarity to assert their rights to sexual
health and non-violent relationships (Campbell, Mzaidume, & Williams, 1998), there is a need to look further
than the socially defined norms that often hinder the
development of such confidence and solidarity. In
addition to considering the ways in which young people
reproduce stereotypical norms and relationships, there is
the need to investigate counter-stereotypical ways in
which particular young people might already be developing strategies for resisting stereotypical gender norms,
and for reshaping their sexual relationships in more
health enhancing ways (Campbell, 1995). For this
reason one key interest in our analysis was to examine
not only dominant representations of adolescent sexuality, but also the ways in which these representations
might be deconstructed and reconstructed in ways that
promote safe sex behaviour.
Methods
Context
The present study was conducted in the township of
Khutsong that lies about an hour to the south west of
Johannesburg, South Africa. Khutsong is the township
associated with the mining town of Carletonville where a
community-based HIV prevention programme is currently taking place. The intervention includes syndromic
management of STDs, condom distribution and peer
education among particularly vulnerable groups. Levels
of HIV in Khutsong are high, particularly among the
younger population groups. There are also significant
differences in the prevalence of HIV between the sexes
and various age groups (see Table 1).
A recent survey in the Khutsong community (Willams, Gilgen, Campbell, Taljaard, & MacPhail, 2000)
revealed that levels of knowledge amongst our group of
interest were high, with 89.9% stating that HIV
transmission could be prevented by the use of condoms;
81.4% stating that remaining faithful to your partner
could prevent infection; and 86.7% indicating that using
clean needles could prevent HIV transmission. Of the
Table 1
Rates of HIV infection among young people in Khutsong
Sex
Age group
HIV positive (%)
Male
13–16
17–20
20–21
13–16
17–20
21–25
1.2
3.3
22.4
7.6
29.9
58.0
Female
years
years
years
years
years
years
Table 2
Sexually active adolescents in Khutsong
Sex
Age group
Sexually active (%)
Male
13–16
17–20
20–21
13–16
17–20
21–25
18.3
81.4
98.8
19.1
87.4
100
Female
years
years
years
years
years
years
entire group sampled, 65.2% of males and 76% of
females reported being sexually active when responding
to a question asking if they had ever had penetrative
sexual intercourse. A further breakdown of these figures
is available in Table 2.
Of those who had sex with regular partners, 69% said
that they never used condoms, 16.7% sometimes and
14.3% always. Among casual partners the figures were
slightly different with 59.3% never using condoms, 7.6%
using them sometimes and 33% using them all the time.
There were also slight differences in the gender distribution of condom use, with males using condoms
consistently more often. In the majority of cases, the
younger age groups made less use of condoms than their
older contemporaries did. These findings are consistent
with a large research literature that suggests that
knowledge of sexual health risks is not necessarily a
good predictor of condom use (Bertrand et al., 1991;
Fergusson, Lynskey, & Harwood, 1994). It was against
the background of the poor knowledge–behaviour
relationship highlighted by the survey that the present
study sought to examine the broader contextual factors
influencing the use or non-use of condoms by young
people in Khutsong.
Subjects
Research informants consisted of 44 young
people, aged between 13 and 25 years, half males
and half females. Informants were recruited through
a convenience snowball sample with initial contacts
being established through part-time staff of a large
HIV-prevention programme with which the authors
of the paper are associated. At the time of the
study (early 1999), none of the informants had any
particular relationship to the project, or any particular
interest or involvement in HIV prevention. Data
collection took the form of eight focus group
discussions with between six and eight participants
in each group. The focus groups were single sex
and were further broken down into three age categories,
namely 13–16 year olds, 17–20 year olds and 21–25
year olds.
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Focus groups
Our choice of focus groups over individual interviews
was determined by three considerations: the first
conceptual, the second pragmatic and the third related
to our particular empirical research agenda. Conceptually we chose focus groups because of our interest in
moving away from the conceptualisation of ‘sexual
behaviour’ as the product of individual decisions, in
favour of our preference for the concept of ‘sexuality’ as
a socially negotiated phenomenon, strongly influenced
by peer norms.
Lunt and Livingstone (1996) describe the focus group
as a microcosm of ‘the thinking society’, capable of
revealing the processes whereby social norms are
collectively shaped through debate and argument. As
opposed to in-depth interviews, which highlight the
views and attitudes of single individuals, focus groups
reveal the way in which particular individuals’ opinions
are accommodated or assimilated within an evolving
group process. Individual inputs weave and clash
through the process of dialogue and argument between
individual participants as peers ask one another questions, exchange anecdotes and comment on one
another’s’ experiences and points of view. In many
ways, the focus group also serves as a microcosm of the
processes underlying successful peer education. Ideally
peer educational settings provide a forum where peers
can weigh up the pro’s and con’s of a range of
behavioural possibilities, generating their own questions, answering these questions in their own terminology and in the light of their own priorities (Campbell &
Mzaidume, 2000).
From a pragmatic point of view, Kitzinger (1995)
argues that focus groups are particularly appropriate for
facilitating the discussion of taboo topics because the
less inhibited members of the group often break the ice
for shyer participants. This was certainly the case in our
study in a southern African context where a range of
obstacles hinder young people in discussing sex with
adults or with young people of the opposite gender. In
the feedback sessions at the end of each of our single sex
focus groups, participants repeatedly stressed how
unusual and positive they had found the experience of
being able to argue openly about sex in a supportive
context. Many said they had felt free speaking of issues
they had never discussed before, and which they might
have felt more reluctant to raise in a one-to-one setting
or a mixed sex situation.
Finally our choice of focus groups over individual
interviews was determined by our empirical research
agenda, namely our interest in uncovering both
normative and counter-normative discourses regarding
sexuality and relationships. Such competing discourses
are more likely to be expressed in the context of debate
and argument inherent in the focus group approach,
than in the less controversial setting of an individual
interview.
Discussion topics
After a 15-min ‘ice-breaker’ exercise, discussion time
was equally divided between the four questions outlined
below. These questions were intended to elicit information about the context in which adolescent sexuality is
negotiated in Khutsong.
1. Why do people have relationships and are there
different reasons for males and for females? Why do
people therefore have sex and are there differences in
male and female reasons?
2. Why do some people use condoms and some people
do not?
3. Is AIDS a problem in this community? Among
whom? Do others see that it is a problem?
4. Are there people who go against the norms of
masculinity and femininity? What is the community
reaction to them?
Debates were lively with participants frequently
interrupting one another and arguing over points of
disagreement. Each focus group included a short feedback session. Without exception, people said that they
had enjoyed participating in the groups, had found the
discussions interesting and informative, and had not
found it embarrassing to talk about sex or relationships.
Several informants suggested that the researchers should
run more groups of this nature to generate broader
debate and discussion among young community members about what were too frequently regarded as taboo
topics. The focus groups concluded with free question
sessions and condom demonstrations and distribution.
Focus groups were conducted by the first author and
a co-interviewer who was fluent in Tswana and Xhosa
(the first languages of the focus group informants).
Nearly all the informants were fluent in English,
however, and chose to express themselves in this
medium, with translation skills only being needed on
the rare occasions where someone could not think of a
particular word or phrase. The discussions were taperecorded and later transcribed, and where necessary
translated into English.
Method of analysis
Discussions were analysed by means of a two-stage
interpretative thematic analysis, involving the detailed
reading and re-reading of the discussions in order to
generate explanations of why it is that young people
continue to knowingly engage in potentially lifethreatening sexual behaviour. The first stage of the data
analysis involved sorting the focus group transcripts into
C. MacPhail, C. Campbell / Social Science & Medicine 52 (2001) 1613–1627
broad content categories. Because of the informal nature
of the focus groups, much effort went into systematising
the data. After an initial sorting process, the second
stage of immersion in the data sought to generate an
account of factors mediating between high levels of
knowledge about HIV and low levels of condom use
among the participants and their peer groups.
This stage of analysis pointed to six broad groupings
of factors that might be said to mediate the relationship
between AIDS-related knowledge and condom use
among young people in Khutsong. These factors fell
on a continuum ranging from the individual level of
analysis, most frequently dealt with in the literature on
behaviour change, to the societal and community levels
that have been relatively ignored in literature stemming
from developing countries. Each of these is discussed in
turn below: (i) the extent to which young people have
internalised the threat of HIV infection and see
themselves as personally vulnerable; (ii) the influence
of peer norms regarding sexual activity and the use of
condoms; (iii) the availability of condoms in the
Carletonville area; (iv) adults approval or disapproval
of sex and condoms; (v) power in heterosexual gendered
relationships and; (vi) economic constraints limiting
opportunities for young people in Carletonville.
In analysing the material there were two goals. First,
to establish broad areas of consensus amongst focus
group respondents on various topics, and second, to
draw attention to areas of controversy or debate. Given
the broader context of our interest in HIV prevention,
we are interested not only in the way in which health
damaging norms and social and sexual relationships are
reproduced by the majority, but also in the possibility
that these might be transformed. Hence our particular
interest in those young people who challenge normative
views and behaviours. In each section of our data
presentation we seek to highlight both areas of broad
consensus as well as debate. It is in the space opened up
by such debates that the possibility of sexual behaviour
change lies.
Presentation and discussion of findings
Perceived risk of HIV infection
A requirement for translating knowledge into behaviour change is a feeling of personal vulnerability to
HIV infection. HIV has been characterised as a disease
of ‘others’ from the earliest reports of infection (Joffe,
1997). The primary group infected by the disease was
homosexual men; a group already marginalized and
made to seem ‘other.’ Within developing countries many
of the initial cases of HIV were discovered among
populations of sex workers. These women, like homosexual men, form a group different to the general
1619
population that can be ‘blamed’ and allow the threat of
HIV infection to be externalised from those who would
not classify themselves as either homosexual or as a sex
worker. A baseline survey in the Khutsong community
already referred to in this paper indicated that among
young people in Khutsong there is little perception of
their own risk despite high levels of infection. Almost
70% of young men said that there was no chance of their
becoming infected or that they didn’t know whether or
not they were personally vulnerabe, indicating that they
didn’t connect their own behaviour with HIV risk
messages. The rates for females were very similar.
Contrast this to a mere 30% among both sexes who
felt that there was either a moderate chance (12.9%) or
good chance (17.6%) of their own infection (Williams
et al., 2000).
High levels of knowledge documented in the baseline
survey were born out within the focus group discussions,
as all participants knew about HIV either from school,
the media, their peers or parents. There was, however,
some confusion about methods of transmission and
participants expressed fears about the possibility of
transmission through kissing and through unexpected
skin contact with infected blood. Questions asked at the
end of each session illustrated that for the most part
informants had good knowledge about HIV and were
interested in furthering their knowledge.
There were conflicting views about the incidence of
HIV in their community and the extent to which
themselves and other people in the community are
vulnerable to infection. Some felt that HIV and AIDS
were not very common in Khutsong and Carletonville.
High levels of denial in communities not yet experiencing AIDS-related deaths, but with high levels of HIV
infection, have been documented in other countries (see
Ray, Latif, Machekano, & Katzenstein, 1998).
I don’t think that AIDS and HIV are so common
here. I think the main problem is STDs (13-16M)1
Others felt that the disease was a problem in their
community and that personal experience with AIDS had
forced people to acknowledge that it really exists.
I think that now days most people have seen other
people having AIDS. So I think that is the main
point, they think that AIDS is real because in 1994,
at the beginning people didn’t think AIDS was there.
They say ‘Ag AIDS is nothing.’ But now I think
they are . . . , they have seen some people with AIDS
(17-20F)
1
The bracketed numbers refer to the age group and sex of the
participant.
1620
C. MacPhail, C. Campbell / Social Science & Medicine 52 (2001) 1613–1627
Among the focus group participants it was more
common for young women than men to state that HIV
was a problem in their community. While acknowledging that HIV was a threat in their community, the
younger men tended to view HIV as a disease associated
with rape, commercial sex or excessive alcohol consumption. Throughout the discussion they made references to how easy it would be to be unwittingly infected
by a woman who had previously been raped or who had
not informed them that she was a sex worker. There was
the implication that in these cases it would be the
responsibility of the female in question to insist on
condoms.
Among male and female participants there was the
notion that condoms are generally unnecessary in
‘steady’ relationships but that they should be used in
casual encounters. Some indicated that they would make
use of condoms to prevent pregnancy with regular
partners but that condom use is most important for
preventing getting a disease in casual relationships.
AIDS is spreading because of the prostitutes. Even if
she is not your girlfriend and you tell her that you
want sex she will take you to her house. Sometimes
you will find that there are a few guys and she will
sleep with all of you. She will not even be thinking of
condoms at the time (13-16M)
Informants indicated that within regular relationships
trust mitigates against using condoms. Young women
argued that for a steady partner to insist on condom use
is seen as indicating a lack of respect and trust that could
destroy one’s reputation within the peer group.
The discussions among young men indicated that
although they are aware of HIV and have the knowledge
to instigate condom use the majority has chosen to
externalise the threat of HIV, making it the responsibility of others or an occurrence characterised by
‘abnormal’ sexual encounters. In the context of high
levels of knowledge about HIV, the participants disagreed on the extent to which HIV infection has affected
their community. The majority of participants did not
mention personal vulnerability, although when expressly
asked young women mentioned that they thought there
was a moderate chance of their own infection. This
contrasts with the attitudes of young men who
externalised the threat of HIV infection to other groups,
indicating that their own infection would be a mistake as
a result of other’s actions.
What friends do: peer norms
Published literature has pointed to the influential roles
that the attitudes and beliefs of peers have on other
members of the peer group (DiClemente, 1990). South
African and international authors have highlighted the
way in which young people tend to internalise the
frequently negative attitudes their peers express about
condoms. In the South African context this includes
attaching negative attributes to the contraceptive value
of condoms and the notion that condoms are only
necessary for those already infected with STDs or HIV
(Abdool Karim et al., 1992; Akande, 1997). While many
of the participants highlighted the importance of using
condoms and their intention to use them in relationships, their general discussion indicated the manner in
which negative peer norms impinge on consistent use of
condoms.
It’s if you have two girlfriends, your steady and your
secret lover. You can never use a condom with your
steady but you can use one with your secret lover
because you don’t know if she has a disease. (2125M)
If a boy wants to use a condom she will say it is
because he disrespects her, because he wants to use ‘a
plastic’ (13-16F)
Young men appear to be particularly influenced by the
dominant views of their peers and there were frequent
references made to the ways in which young men using
condoms were jeered at and belittled by their friends.
Many of the participants stated that they had been
accused of being stupid after using condoms and had
decided that they would not use them again. In a context
where young men stand by during their friend’s sexual
encounters to warn of approaching adults, there is little
chance of using condoms without being noticed. Young
men who attempt to withstand dominant discourses of
masculinity by avoiding sex are also subjected to
taunting and teasing.
Guys were asking me how I could not have had sex
with such a nice girl. They said I was stupid. They
said I didn’t know anything about sex. That’s why
any girlfriend that I get, I want to make sure that I
have sex with her (13-16M)
Yet, despite stories about the taunting they suffer at
the hands of their peer groups, there were participants in
the discussions who had chosen not to adhere to peer
norms by refusing to have sex. In most instances these
young men were highly knowledgeable about HIV and
were members of church groups that forbade sex before
marriage. The participants also spoke with respect of
young men from Lesotho with strong family ties that
were known to be celibate. Young women appeared to
feel the effects of peer norms to a lesser degree than their
male counterparts. While admitting that there were
instances when young women could be called ‘boring’ if
C. MacPhail, C. Campbell / Social Science & Medicine 52 (2001) 1613–1627
1621
they chose to have protected sex, the majority made no
mention of peer norms ‘forcing’ them to have unsafe sex.
There were, however, frequent references to the way in
which the young men that they had relationships with
would not allow them to use condoms. Campbell (1997)
has discussed the importance frequently attached by
men to the notion of flesh-to-flesh sex and many male
participants raised this point. Young women, reporting
on their male partners made jokes about these beliefs
about flesh to flesh sex that prevent the use of condoms.
As highlighted by the international literature there
were some young women who resisted stereotypical
notions of females and condom use. One participant in
particular said that she enforced the use of condoms in
her relationships and that to ensure condoms were
always available she carried them herself.
authority clinics. Male participants said that they also
made use of retail outlets and Lovers Plus condoms
when they had money but that there were not a reliable
source due to lack of funds.
I refuse. I don’t want to be doing that without a
condom. I can say no thanks. I also think that the
best thing is to always have condoms in your pocket
because you don’t know what time you are going to
have sex (17-20F)
I don’t always have a condom when I need one.
Sometimes you don’t know when sex is going to
happen because he just asks you to come. Then you
need a condom and it’s not there (17-20F)
Much of the information gained during the focus
group discussions mirrored what has been said of young
people in developed countries. There was the tendency
for Khutsong youth, particularly males, to make
distinctions between partners who require condoms
and those who don’t. Trust was given as the dominant
reason for not using condoms but was never based on a
negative HIV test or discussion about sexual histories.
Rather, appearance and reputation determined trustworthiness. A contrast within the group and in
opposition to developed country adolescents was the
extent to which young women were beginning to ignore
peer norms and influences. This was apparent in their
determination to both carry and use condoms.
Condom availability
Within the Carletonville area, as in other areas of
South Africa, free condoms are supplied in the government Department of Health and dispensed by local
authority clinics in the township. The development of
the Mothusimpilo Project in Carletonville has seen an
improvement in the supply by ensuring that quantities
are sufficient and that distribution takes place regularly.
In addition to free condoms, a social marketing
programme provides Lovers Plus condoms at a highly
subsidised rate through retailers in the district. There are
also commercial brands available at retail outlets
throughout the town.
Participants in the discussions made use of a variety of
sources of condom supply ranging through friends, their
schools and large retail stores. The majority, however,
use the free condoms that are supplied through the local
I get my condoms from the clinic sometimes. Not
every time but most of the time. I have also bought
Lovers Plus and the flavoured ones from Clicks (1316)
Despite the relatively good availability of condoms in
the Carletonville district participants still mentioned
instances in which they had to have unprotected sex
because they did not have access to condoms. Indeed, at
the end of all focus groups there was great appreciation
for the condoms distributed by the first author.
Availability of condoms is particularly problematic
for young women on two levels. First, the negative
attitudes of nursing staff at the local clinics prevent them
from accessing this free source of condoms. Many of the
young women mentioned that they no longer went to
local clinics after having had unpleasant experiences
with the staff. While they continue to access health care
through private doctors, their access to condoms is
decreased, as they are not as freely available in doctor’s
consulting rooms.
I won’t go to the clinics. The nurses shout at
you. They get angry when you take condoms and
sometimes when you have relatives who are nurses
they ask ‘What are you doing with condoms? Do you
have a boyfriend? I am going to tell your mother.’
(21-25F)
Second, social norms encroach on the extent to which
young women are prepared to carry condoms with them.
Participants mentioned that gossip is a constant source
of conflict in the township and that women carrying
condoms risked being labelled a ‘bitch’ or promiscuous.
Male participants confirmed these notions by stating
that they wouldn’t trust young women who carried
condoms.
Yah, it will worry a guy if a girl carries lots of
condoms. He will worry that when he’s not there,
what is she using them for? It means that I’m not
alone in having sex with her (21-25M)
Female participants recognised this problem but were
also aware that young women who are able to overcome
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C. MacPhail, C. Campbell / Social Science & Medicine 52 (2001) 1613–1627
social distrust of female condom carrying are protecting
themselves in terms of pregnancy and disease. Indeed,
many of the older participants said that they ignore
social norms about carrying condoms and replace them
with their own norms.
The community says that she likes sex because she’s
carrying a condom in her bag. I think that girl is
taking care of herself because she doesn’t want to be
affected by STDs, AIDS and unwanted pregnancy
(17-20F)
Some young men agreed that young women carrying
condoms did not always indicate that they are exceptionally sexually active. They argued that in the same
way that they were frequently handed large numbers of
condoms, young women were also exposed to condom
distribution. In addition, some agreed with their female
counterparts in saying that young women should protect
themselves.
Although attempts have been made by service
providers to increase the access that young people
have to condoms, there remain barriers. For young
women in Khutsong condoms remain relatively inaccessible due to the attitudes of nursing sisters and clinic
staff. As has been indicated in the international literature
the spectre of young women carrying condoms remains
problematic, but many of these young women felt that
they would be prepared to risk their reputations for the
sake of safety. However, it remains questionable
whether these young women are able to consistently
translate their determination into actual behaviour. The
majority of young men supported dominant definitions
of femininity by admitting concern about the reputations of young women with condoms. There were
however, a small minority who agreed with female
viewpoints.
Adult views on sex and condoms
Throughout the discussions there were oblique
references made to the role that adults play in
the sexuality of young people in Khutsong. The
small size of Khutsong has resulted in close interrelationships between many of the adults. Parents inform
one another of the actual and suspected sexual activity
of their children in attempts to limit their behaviour.
While there is concern among adults about the spread
of HIV and STDs among the youth of the township,
adults do not condone the use of condoms but rather
prefer to encourage abstinence through punishment and
gossip. Indeed, during feedback sessions at the end of
the discussions many of the participants indicated that
this was a rare opportunity to discuss sexuality with an
adult who would not punish them and expressed a desire
for their friends and siblings to also have this
opportunity.
The problem is that they just beat you for having sex.
Others will just condemn you and spread the
rumours around that you misbehave. They don’t
give you any advice (13-16M)
Male participants stated that parents’ disapproval
of youth sex was often the reason that they didn’t
use condoms at all. Most lived at home with
their families and indicated that their opportunities
to have sex were constrained by their parents. When
the opportunity arises to have sex, many don’t
bother with condoms as they are considered a
waste of precious time during which adults are absent
from home. In addition, adults in the community are
seen as setting a bad example by giving young people
conflicting messages about sex. Participants indicated
that after heavy drinking many adults indulge in
relatively public sex that acts as encouragement to the
younger generation.
Attitudes of adults to the sexual behaviour of
adolescents mirror that of developed countries.
Although some participants indicated that they could
speak to their parents about sex, condom use was
infrequently discussed. In agreement with the international literature, adults in Khutsong appear to be unable
to view adolescent sexual behaviour as anything other
than dangerous and irresponsible. Most participants
suggested that adults in the community preferred
warning them off sex through punishment and gossip,
rather than encouraging them to use condoms when
having sex.
‘We don’t call it rape, they’re our boyfriends’: gendered
power relations
The imbalance in power between male and female
partners in heterosexual relationships holds sway over
the ability of young women to either refuse sex or
negotiate the use of condoms. This is particularly true
for young women in South Africa where high levels of
physical and sexual coercion and violence, triggered by
attempts to discuss condoms or AIDS have been
documented (Varga & Makubalo 1996; Wood & Jewkes,
1997; Wood et al., 1998).
Khutsong is no exception to the gender imbalance
found in South Africa. Male participants spoke of
tricking young women into having sex, lying about using
condoms and coercing women into having sex with
groups of their friends. In addition, young men spoke of
punishing women who had too many partners by
beating them to teach them a lesson. Female participants indicated that the majority of men engage in
relationships to satisfy their sexual needs and that
C. MacPhail, C. Campbell / Social Science & Medicine 52 (2001) 1613–1627
women are powerless to demand relationships on other
terms.
I also think that it is because usually men have ninety
percent and women have ten percent of power. Men
are the head of the family so that causes trouble
because they can abuse women (13-16F)
If sex is not willingly provided, many men in the
community feel that they can insist on it as being a
necessary part of a relationship and as proof of their
girlfriend’s love. Violence and coercion are often used on
unwilling sexual partners.
They find you on the street and they force you to go
home with them so that they can have sex with you.
It is rape but we don’t call it rape because they are
our boyfriends (21-25F)
Where the imbalance in power reduces the female voice
in the negotiation of sex, negative attitudes towards
condoms internalised by some young men dominate
relationships. In instances such as these the chances that
women are able to insist on condoms are very small.
Running counter to stereotypes about male dominance in relationships, a minority of male participants
belonging to religious organisations heatedly defended
the rights of women in sexual relationships. Church
member’s continuing resistance of stereotypes of masculinity may provide some reasons for the protective
effect of church membership indicated in Khutsong
(Campbell & Williams, 2000).
I agree with these guys about sex with your girlfriend.
There must be an agreement. The problem is that
others do it forcefully (13-16M)
Only one woman in the focus group discussions
indicated how she resists stereotypes of masculinity,
femininity and power in relationships. She recounted a
story about being forced into having sex by a friend
during which time she physically attacked him, forcing
him to flee in terror. Other participants expressed
admiration for her abilities and indicated that they
would feel powerless to act in such a situation.
Issues of sexual violence and coercion were similar
among Khutsong youth and youth in developed
countries. Many young women experience violence in
the course of their sexual relationships that lessens their
abilities to either refuse sex or negotiate condom use.
Very few young women have developed methods of
increasing their power within relationships and the
majority of men echoed common male perspectives.
The limited ability of women to increase their power and
therefore their ability to negotiate within sexual relationships mirrors findings in other countries. The small
1623
amount of work concerned with young men, limits the
extent to which similarities and differences between
South African men and men from developed countries
can be explored. However, it would appear that there
are more similarities than variances.
Economic context of adolescent sexuality
The use and non-use of condoms by young people in
Khutsong cannot be divorced from the economic
context in which they live their lives. At the simplest
level, participants indicated that poverty in the Khutsong community was a powerful agent in preventing
young people from purchasing condoms. Concern was
expressed about the ability of the government to
continue providing free condoms and the consequences
this would have for the sexual health of the community.
Diseases will not end if they sell condoms to us.
People here are very poor; if someone gets five rand
they spend it on bread and candles, not condoms (2125F)
Efforts are being made by the Society for Family Health
(SFH) to encourage people to purchase condoms but in
many cases there is no available money for what is
perceived as a luxury. Participants in the discussions
were very interested in the female condom recently
launched by SFH but admitted that at nine rand for a
pack of two they were unaffordable.
In addition, a complex relationship between poverty,
gender relations and male ‘need’ for sex was identified as
resulting in little condom use. During discussions about
the nature of relationships male and female groups
identified sex as a driving force for males to engage in
relationships and money as one of the dominant reasons
for females to have relationships. Webb (1997) has
outlined the commercialisation of youth sex in the
southern African context, claiming that women frequently engage in sexual relationships with the expectation of monetary remuneration. Participants spoke of
young women and girls in Khutsong who engage in
sexual relationships in exchange for lifts home from
school, gifts and subsistence cash. There was the feeling
that in situations of economic dependence such as these,
young women would be unable to demand safe sex with
their partners.
There is this school called X, it is a bit far. Sometimes
the students ask for lifts and struggle to get them.
Others will sleep with the guys who give them lifts
(13-16M)
Little mention has been made of the economic
context of adolescent sexuality in developed countries.
Among the South African youth reported on here the
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C. MacPhail, C. Campbell / Social Science & Medicine 52 (2001) 1613–1627
importance of poverty and the limited abilities of young
women to achieve economic independence impact
strongly on condom use. Among economically marginalized communities in developed countries the problems
associated with having to pay for condoms may find
some resonance. However, the commercialisation of
sexual relationships has received little or no attention in
the international literature. Of importance in the context
of Khutsong is the realisation that relationships of this
nature are the exception, rather than the rule. While
many young women expect gifts in the course of their
relationships, relationships are not viewed as a source of
income.
Conclusion
Despite increasing levels of HIV infection amongst
young people in South Africa, with levels of HIVinfection in Khutsong at 43. 1% in the 21–25 year age
group, there are few published studies of factors
influencing the sexuality of young South Africans.
Those studies that do exist often focus on individuallevel explanations of sexual behaviour, based on
information gleaned from KAPB surveys, despite the
well-documented limitations of KAPB models of sexual
behaviour. In an attempt to begin to address this gap,
our open-ended focus group study has highlighted a
range of determinants of sexuality that range beyond the
individual-level factors such as the low levels of
perceived vulnerability that characterised our focus
group respondents. Our findings also draw attention to
a wider range of influences on sexual behaviour
including factors such as peer norms and pressures;
negative and unsupportive adult attitudes to youth
sexuality; restricted availability of condoms; and broader social issues related to the social construction of
gender and to economic constraints on young people.
In conclusion we comment briefly on the implications
of our findings to Aggleton’s (1991) advice that
researchers and practitioners in the field of health
promotion should take account of the differences in
young people’s sexuality across various social, cultural
and geographic spaces. In particular we comment on the
implications of our findings for two particular dimensions of difference amongst adolescents: between-group
difference and within-group difference. Two types of
between-group differences are relevant to our interests:
differences between adolescent sexuality in South Africa
and developed countries such as US, the UK and
Australia and differences between our findings in the
Khutsong community and research findings on youth
sexuality in other parts of South Africa. In relation to
within-group difference, we comment on differences in
sexuality within our particular group of adolescents in
Khutsong. As we have seen, the focus group discussions
were frequently characterised by fierce arguments and
debate indicating that youth within Khutsong do not
constitute a one-dimensionally homogenous group in
relation to sexual norms and practices. Each of these
forms of difference is discussed in turn.
Focus group discussions with young people in
Khutsong point to many significant parallels in the
social and peer-influenced contexts in which they
negotiate their sexuality } which are similar to those
experienced by young people in developed countries.
Thus for example, in many respects, the factors
influencing adolescent sexuality in the Khutsong context
are no different to those documented in the cities of
London and Manchester by Holland and her associates
(1990, 1991, 1994a,b). Thus, young people in Khutsong
classify new relationships as ‘serious’ so as to justify
their sexual behaviour and incorporate issues of trust
that prevent them from using condoms in relationships
in which they actually know very little about their
partners. In addition, young men in particular rely on
appearance and reputation to make decisions about
certain women being ‘safe’ and therefore not requiring
condoms for sexual intercourse. Young women in both
contexts referred to factors limiting their access to
condoms. They also referred to social pressures against
the carrying of condoms in settings where young
women’s reputations were frequently destroyed by the
gossip of their peers and adults.
Within these areas of similarity between Khutsong
and developed countries there are instances in which
negative influences appear to impact more substantially
on South African youth. For young women the influence
of male violence and coercion on their ability to
negotiate condom use or refuse sex seems more
important than in developed countries. This is not
surprising given that levels of rape in South Africa
estimated at one rape every 35 s are considerably higher
than is the case in countries such as the UK and
Australia (Robertson, 1998). Notions of masculinity
that include the ideals of flesh to flesh sex with numerous
partners are particularly well developed in South Africa
and prevent young women from adequately protecting
their health. While Holland et al. (1991) have documented male reluctance to use condoms; there are no
beliefs that the use of condoms may be dangerous to
male health as has been found in South Africa (Campbell, 1997).
With regard to differences between our Khutsong
research findings and investigations of sexuality in other
areas of South Africa, very little research of this kind has
previously been conducted in this country. There are
however some differences to what have previously been
documented. Preston-Whyte and Zondi (1991) and
Abdool Karim et al. (1992) have indicated that the
contraceptive value of condoms alone is responsible for
their negative connotations among young South Africans.
C. MacPhail, C. Campbell / Social Science & Medicine 52 (2001) 1613–1627
They further indicate that for young people proof of
fertility is an important factor in the move from child–
adulthood. Our findings differed here. The focus group
participants in Khutsong indicated that loss of educational opportunities and economic hardship were
reasons that they avoided teenage pregnancy rather
than welcoming it. There has also been the indication
that negative views associated with condoms are male in
origin and internalised by young women. Women in
Khutsong determinedly defended condoms in their
discussions, indicating that they had not internalised
dominant male views but that their limited condom use
went against their desires. In most instances their
failure to use condoms could be attributed to the
negative views of their male partners and their
inability to question male views due to fear of
violence. We can only speculate about the reasons for
differences shown between youth in Khutsong and
research on young people elsewhere in South Africa
(Preston-Whyte & Zondi, 1991; Abdool Karim et al.,
1992). Differences could be the result of historical
changes that have taken place in young people’s
sexuality in the almost ten years since previous work
was conducted. In addition, the geographical location of
the research differs widely, with previous work having
been conducted in rural and traditional KwaZulu/Natal
while Khutsong is situated in the more modernised
urban Gauteng province.
In terms of our broader interest in HIV prevention
initiatives that incorporate peer education and community participation, the instances in which young people
challenge dominant norms are of particular interest
(given that a key aim of peer education is to provide the
context for the collective renegotiation of dominant
norms of behaviour that might be placing young
people’s sexual health at risk). Among young people in
Khutsong there were distinct differences between the
views expressed by males and females. Male participants
were more likely to have internalised the views of their
peers and the social definitions of masculinity and
femininity. Female participants confirmed this in their
discussions of young men as the people most likely to be
the source of gossip about reputation and sexual
activity. In contrast, young women appeared to have
developed strong relationships in which they defended
one another’s rights and abilities to use condoms. Older
female participants (21–25 years) in particular frequently indicated that social pressures no longer
concerned them as much as they had in the past and
that their sexual health was now of more importance
than it had been in their teenage years. Within the male
and female groups there were however, also differences.
This was particularly apparent in the male groups in
which church members continually challenged their male
contemporaries. The areas in which they challenged
social norms included male domination over women, the
1625
idea that males ‘need’ sex and the idea that young
women carrying condoms could be classified as
sexually promiscuous. Interestingly, in the light of
discussion about peers jeering at non-conformers,
these men were accepted and respected by all group
participants.
In the light of our interest in factors shaping
youth sexuality, our analysis of our Khutsong
focus groups has pointed to a range of factors that
place young people’s sexual health at risk. However,
this work has also highlighted the fact that young
people’s sexuality is a contested and complex process.
In terms of HIV, many of our research findings
about young people’s experiences in negotiating their
sexuality are consistent with survey evidence for
low levels of condom use in this group. However,
the focus groups highlighted areas of debate and
difference in the views of our informants, which could
provide space for peer education programmes that lead
to the possibility of behaviour change. For intervention
programmes, young people who challenge stereotypical
norms and beliefs provide a fertile starting point for
debates about the possibility of developing new behavioural norms. New norms and values negotiated by
peer groups in this way provide health enhancing
environments in which healthy sexual behaviour is more
likely to be maintained.
Acknowledgements
This research was conducted as part of the evaluation
of the Mothusimpilo Project in Carletonville. Thanks to
Prof. Brian Williams, who initiated the project and gave
valuable insight during the writing of the paper. Thanks
to Zodwa Mzaidume of the intervention team at
Mothusimpilo, Gaph Phatedi and Mrs Dijhejane for
recruiting informants. David Molebatsi, Palesa Nxumalo, Patricia Zita, Adam Mphephoka and Prudence
Ngoako assisted in translating and transcribing discussions. The work reported on in this paper was funded
through the Department for International Development
(UK) as part of the Carletonville-Mothusimpilo intervention project. Thanks to the Khutsong community for
making community venues available for focus group
discussions. Finally, thanks to the young people who
participated in the discussions with such interest and
enthusiasm.
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