Judicial Power

Resumo: A Inteligência Artificial é um ramo da Ciência da Computação que replica a inteligência humana em com-putadores para atividades específicas. A aprendizagem de máquina, por sua vez, é uma subárea da Inteligência Artificial situada na interseção da Ciência da Computação, Estatística e Matemática, que objetiva descobrir padrões a partir de dados históricos, permitindo realizar análises descritivas ou preditivas. A Ciência da Computação e suas áreas correlatas podem servir de base para auxiliar o Direi-to e sua análise. Tendo em vista o potencial que a apren-dizagem de máquina possui na identificação de vieses, é possível, a partir de dados disponíveis em processos judi-ciais, prever decisões judiciais e estudar o comportamento judicial. Por intermédio do método dedutivo de pesquisa, utilizando-se de uma abordagem descritiva, traz-se uma retrospectiva de diversos estudos acadêmicos que apon-tam a aproximação entre a tecnologia e o Direito. Conclui-se que, na intersecção de áreas, a análise de heurísticas e vieses em decisões judiciais, por meio de técnicas preditivas, em muito poderá contribuir para a compreensão da aplicação prática do Direito.

The principle of separation of powers in the Republic of Azerbaijan (hereinafter, AR) is reflected in the Constitution of AR, which is the main source of law. The separation of powers prevents the concentration of power in the hands of a single structure in a democratic state. The implementation of this principle has various elements: the mechanism of deterrence and balancing, the unity and the interaction of government authorities. Our Constitution seeks to achieve both control and independence of the executive, legislative and judicial branches by making maximum use of these tools.

Монография посвящена институту судебной власти в правовой системе Англии. В работе дается характеристика исторического развития британской юстиции, институтов присяжных заседателей и состязательного судебного процесса, освещается система источников английского права. Раскрыты три ведущих функции судебной власти - правотворческая, интерпретативная и надзорная. Значимое место в монографии уделено доктрине судебного прецедента.

This article considers the dilemma faced by judges in the famous Ryan v Lennon case, arguing that the 'all-or-nothing' nature of their option - under the system of judicial supremacy - undermined their actual capacity to 'save' democracy from itself. It goes on to make a broader case for a more constrained form of judicial review in the Irish system, considering cases like AG v X, Zappone & Gilligan, and Coughlan v Broadcasting Commission along the way.

In 1988, the Brazilian Constitution enshrined in its text the right to universal health care, which formed the basis of the public health system, SUS. However, since the 90s the country observed an increasing trend of citizens starting legal action against the State to get access to drugs, treatments and medical devices not offered by SUS. The stark increase in successful health care cases is today a source of major concern. Against this backdrop, this thesis aims to understand what are the main socio-legal factors that influence the rise of successful litigation for access to health care in Brazil.
To answer this question, the thesis provides an in-depth analysis of qualitative empirical data about health care litigation in Brazil, based on semi-structured interviews with 55 actors – with a particular focus on judges and litigants.
The main outcome of the research is a middle-range theory about the links between internal and external socio-legal factors that influence the rise of successful health care litigation in Brazil. The thesis argues that there is a complex socio-legal web that combines various types of factors. A central factor that influences judges to grant health care claims is a deep-sited distrust in the quality of the health care public policy and the policymaker, aligned with an individual self-empowerment and tendency to altruism. The result is an attenuated form of judicial activism that uses the substantive constitutional law as a hindsight justification for granting claims. In parallel, a utilitarian trust in the positive outcome of legal action and low costs of litigating incentivises litigants to start legal action against the state. These various factors are analysed in the context of a post-colonial society, where citizens’ individualist approach to the State, and the commodification of health incentivise the multiplication of individual litigation for access to health care.

This article aims to analyse some arguments frequently deployed by legal theorists to approach the problem of utilising AI technologies in judicial evaluation. I will show that such arguments tend to cling on an implicit (where not explicit) reference to the question of subjectivity: in other words, jurists often put forward the problem of distinguishing between human subjects and artificial entities, but seem unable to solve it in the last resort. To conclude, I will contend that the relationship between the human judge and AI might be profitably understood through reference to Waldenfels' phenomenology of the 'alien'.

Les mouvements migratoires, la mondialisation des flux économiques et l’internationalisation croissante du droit rendent désormais inéluctable l’ouverture à l’altérité juridique. Dans plusieurs régions du monde, la colonisation a en outre laissé en héritage une pluralité juridique plus ou moins assumée et organisée. La prise en compte de cette pluralité s’impose comme une revendication sociale et politique, et comme une condition de gouvernance démocratique.

Les auteurs de cet ouvrage, magistrats et universitaires, se penchent sur le rôle du juge dans la gestion de la pluralité juridique dans l’espace francophone et mettent en évidence les obstacles rencontrés : persistance de la prétention étatique au monopole du droit, subordination des ordres juridiques autochtones dans les États postcoloniaux, inadaptation voire résistance de l’organisation judiciaire aux échanges entre systèmes juridiques et, enfin, difficulté pour les juges de faire une lecture pluraliste des droits de l’homme. Certaines voies de dialogue existent cependant là où le juge a pour mission spécifique d’appliquer un pluralisme normatif ouvert et tendant vers l’égalité des cultures.

Cet ouvrage offre ainsi des clés pour comprendre le parcours parfois difficile de la justice dans les méandres de la diversité juridique et pour identifier les évolutions nécessaires afin que le juge devienne un acteur volontaire et performant de la rencontre des cultures juridiques.

Resumen: El objetivo de esta ponencia es determinar y analizar la presencia de derecho indiano y su significado en los fallos de la Suprema Corte, desde su instalación el 23 de enero de 1875, hasta la federalización de Buenos Aires en 1880, acontecimiento que generó cambios en el mapa judicial y en la organización de los tribunales. La investigación comienza por establecer la composición, funcionamiento y competencia del máximo Tribunal. Habiendo resuelto quiénes eran y qué formación tenían sus ministros, el estudio estará centrado en los
fallos que citen legislación indiana en forma exclusiva o junto con legislación patria o nacional, para determinar su papel en la resolución del conflicto judicial buscando verificar que el derecho indiano toma una dimensión histórica diferente, como raíz y fuente de nuestro Derecho, siendo su cultura jurídica el cause necesario para las transformaciones subsiguientes.

Describing the role of precedent quickly engages political view because precedent is inevitably partly in the eye of the beholder.  Yet, the concept of precedent has force and sufficient discipline to decide the great percentage of cases, including constitutional issues.  For the purpose of discussing the relation between text and precedent, precedent in this particular case will refer to how the Supreme Court treats its own precedent and how precedent binds on its vertical reach—first treating precedent in its common law tradition as stare decisis and then adding to the mix constitutional text.

Courts, including the Supreme Court, are empowered to decide cases and controversies.  They are not empowered to pronounce rules of governance other than in the decision of cases and controversies.  Because constitutional law is then the holdings of cases, their reach is informed by the way in which courts treat precedent, and courts do here have a regression line; the value choices are made by the text.

The implementation of the Electoral Court in Uruguay in 1924 is considered, both by historians and contemporaries, a key event in the country’s political history. The episode formed part of a tendency at the time which advocated for the specialization of the electoral organs. The Uruguayan experience is interesting because the Electoral Court created there was not inserted into the Judicial Power, as it was in other countries. The presence of judges in the electoral management, nevertheless, actually took place in Uruguay before the establishment of the Court, as it can be seen as early as in Uruguayan first electoral laws. This article examines this phenomenon, in order to understand the meanings and limits of this peculiar task assigned to the Judicial Power, particularly in terms of the effects it had on the construction of the country’s citizenship.

Procès politiques en Italie pendant les années de plomb : le cas de la poursuite judiciaire contre le mouvement « Autonomia Operaia » Résumé : Vers la fin des années 1970, dans le contexte de l'urgence liée à la lutte contre la violence politique et le terrorisme, un type de procès judiciaire assez inédit se déroule en Italie contre le mouvement « extra-institutionnel » « Autonomia Operaia ». Ce procès pénal, mieux connu sous le nom de procès 7 aprile, représente l'aboutissement d'une longue gestation durant laquelle certaines pratiques judiciaires spéciales se précisent. Elles sont d'abord utilisées pour contrecarrer la violence politique des mouvements extra institutionnels, puis employées dans la poursuite de certains groupes d'individus considérés comme les responsables de tout le mouvement subversif des années 1970. C'est tout au long de la durée presque décennale du procès 7 aprile que se cristallisent certains traits innovateurs du procès pénal en Italie, traits qui allaient être systématisés pour déterminer une véritable innovation du paradigme judiciaire pendant les phases de crise ou d'urgence. Mots-clés : procès politiques – terrorisme – pouvoir judiciaire – Italie Abstract : In the late 70s, an unprecedented trial took place against a backdrop of terrorism and political violence: the prosecution of the extra-institutional movement " Autonomia Operaia ". This case, better known as the trial of " 7th April " , marked the culmination of a long gestation period shaping special judicial practices. These were first used to counter political violence of extra institutional movements, then in order to prosecute some groups of people considered to be the leaders of 1970's subversive movement. The criminal case lasted 10 years and paved the way for some innovative features within the Italian Criminal Justice that would achieve thereafter a true innovation of the Justice System during crisis or emergency.

Монгол Улсын Үндсэн хуульд 2019 оны 11 дүгээр сарын 14-ний өдөр оруулсан нэмэлт, өөрчлөлтийн дагуу хийгдэж буй эрх зүйн шинэтгэлийн шинэ үе шатанд шүүгчийн хариуцлагыг сайжруулах нэмэлт, өөрчлөлттэй холбогдуулан хийх эрх зүйн шинэтгэл нь шүүгчийн хараат бус (хууль, хууль зүйн шинжлэх ухаанд тулгуурлан шударгаар хянан шийдвэрлэх), шүүхийн бие даасан байдлыг хангах явдалд чиглэх нь чухал билээ. Энэхүү судалгаагаар захиргааны байгууллагын сонгох боломж (шийдвэр гаргах орон зай)-д хэтрэн орсон зарим шүүхийн шийдвэр нь шүүх эрх мэдлийн зүгээс гүйцэтгэх эрх мэдэлд халдаж буй хэрэг тул эдгээр 2 эрх мэдлийн хяналт, тэнцвэрийн асуудлыг хөндөх замаар шүүгчийн мэргэжлийн хариуцлагын асуудлыг авч үзсэн болно.

An insulated court refuses to review challenges to the judiciary's constitutional authority to exercise judicial power

"... [T]his case involves a governmental challenge to the power of this Court to review the work of Article III judges in a subordinate court. If these matters are not worthy of our time, what is?

Respectfully, I dissent."

The (re)construction of the Judiciary in post-Communist Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) has seldom been studied and never sufficiently explained. This monograph reveals that transnational networking empowered elite, interlocked Judiciary revisionists to entrench their minority institutional template in the constitutions of CEE, setting these transitional democracies on a path toward the judicialization of politics, now a global trend. The first, crucial step in that process is traced: the formal disempowerment of democracy through Judiciary revisions that ordinary people and politicians little heeded, with attention to the causal nexus converging on this outcome. Significantly, the revisionist template reorients this most venerable of non-majoritarian institutions above and beyond adjudicating under legal certainty the guilt or innocence of subjects of state power – the classical role of modern courts – toward the improvisation of public policy, with or without the consent of a majority of the governed, by ‘finding’ it in constitutions the unique legitimacy of which, ironically, derives from their prior ratification by supermajorities. The question who shall have final disposition of contested constitutional meaning – Executive, Legislative, Judiciary, the People, or All of these – implicates sovereignty itself and whom it shall rest on: for the last word is sovereign for all practical purposes. The interdisciplinarity of this monograph will appeal to a wide audience, from scholars of law and politics and socio-legal studies, to social scientists researching elite transnationalism and regional integration (not only in Europe), and institutional design practitioners.

La nostra cultura giuridica tende per lo più a ignorare od occultare il conflitto tra democrazia e diritti. Talora lo maschera dilatando l'area semantica del concetto di democrazia fino a includervi la vasta congerie di diritti proclamati nelle costituzioni o da esse ritenuti comunque estrapolabili. Altre volte lo dissolve trattando il principio democratico come subordinato e residuale rispetto ai diritti fondamentali e intendendo questi ultimi come un dato normativo sottratto all'esercizio dell'autonomia politica dei cittadini, cristallizzato nel documento costituzionale e affidato alla custodia dei giudici.

Questo libro censura ambedue le operazioni. Esso si propone innanzi tutto di evidenziare le buone ragioni che suggeriscono un uso sorvegliato della parola democrazia e raccomandano di intenderla come un insieme di regole di procedura per la formazione di decisioni collettive, secondo la nota definizione di Bobbio. Cerca altresì di portare alla luce alcune tra le tante ambiguità che affliggono la nozione di diritto fondamentale e ne fanno il veicolo di insidiose operazioni ideologiche.

Il libro denuncia poi i pericoli insiti in un mondo giuridico dominato dai diritti, primo fra tutti quello della giuridicizzazione dell'etica e della politica, con la conseguente svalutazione del ruolo dell'organo legislativo e l'elevazione dell'organo giudiziario a decisore di ultima istanza. Segnala inoltre i rischi di una politica dominata da quelle retoriche dell'intransigenza che tendono ad accompagnarsi alla raffigurazione dei diritti come carte vincenti del gioco politico. Critica infine l'idea che i diritti siano l'unico strumento di protezione degli interessi individuali e che la loro moltiplicazione sia cosa necessariamente buona.

¿Qué papel tiene el Poder Judicial y en particular, la Suprema Corte de Justicia (SCJ) en el sistema político uruguayo? El artículo analiza el rol de la SCJ como actor político, a partir del estudio de su poder formal y del ejercicio efectivo del mismo en el control de la constitucionalidad de las leyes. La investigación muestra que la SCJ tiene un diseño institucional que le confiere una autonomía formal media, pero una autoridad baja. Si bien la SCJ es formalmente poco poderosa, y no ha habido cambios en su diseño institucional, en los últimos años se ha vuelto más activa, ya sea por el aumento de la demanda proveniente de la sociedad como por las respuestas de la Corte, cuyas sentencias desafían, en mayor medida que antes, las decisiones de los poderes electos. Estos elementos son indicativos de un aumento del poder efectivo de la SCJ en el sistema político. Desde esta perspectiva, el artículo contribuye al estudio del vínculo entre justicia y política en Uruguay, cuestión inexplorada desde la Ciencia Política nacional.

A legal doctrine and constitutional adjudication emphasize that a judge follows the dictates of the law and conscience. The article analyses the relationship between the personal conscience of a judge and the limits of judicial power and authority not only as a legal but ethico-philosophical issue as well. Types of judicial conscience are related to three normative models of the judicial application of law connected respectively to post-positivist jurisprudence , virtue jurisprudence and personalist/natural law jurisprudence. The evolution of the state distinctive for late modernity, including changes of contemporary statutory law systems, the judicialization of politics and reconceptualization of the doctrine of separation of power, emphasize the significance of the proper limits of judicial power and authority set by the dictates of conscience.

Legal reforms that make judges independent from political pressures and empower them with judicial review do not imply an effective judiciary. Something has to fill the gap between institutional design and effectiveness. When the executive and legislative powers are ready to react to an objectionable judicial decision, the judiciary may be weak and deferent towards those in power. But coordination difficulties in the elected organs of government make courts less constrained. I argue that the fragmentation of political power is a factor that accounts for an effective judiciary, a judiciary that is able to rule against power holders’ interests without being systematically challenged or ignored. I test this argument analyzing Mexican Supreme Court decisions against the PRI on constitutional cases from 1994 to 2002. I find that the probability for the Supreme Court of voting against the PRI increased from .07 to .44 to .52 as the PRI lost the majority in the Chamber of Deputies in 1997 and the Presidency in 2000.

The legal status of case-law is ambiguous in most legal systems.  Do judges "discover" law or do they "make" it? It is in fact a constitutional matter, a matter of separation of powers. If the judges can “make” the law, doesn’t it make them the equivalent of the legislative power? The legal situation of case-law in France traditionally reflects this ambiguity. However, a recent trend in French law seems to imply that case-law is progressively accepted as a source of law. Even though it has some positive effects - notably in terms of legal certainty - it also raises certain issues.

En las últimas décadas, la Suprema Corte de Justicia (SCJ) de Uruguay ha estado en el centro de la escena política a partir del au­mento de sentencias que declararon inconsti­tucionales un conjunto leyes importantes. Para comenzar a comprender el papel de este actor en el sistema político uruguayo, el artículo analiza los alcances del poder formal de la SCJ, así como sus instituciones informales y la re­lación entre ambos. Los principales resultados indican que la SCJ tiene un diseño institucional que le confiere una autonomía media, pero una autoridad baja para intervenir de forma decisiva sobre disputas políticas significativas. Dicha configuración es muy estable en com­paración con las experiencias de los países de la región. Además, las instituciones informales que guían la designación de los miembros de la Corte refuerzan los niveles de autonomía, pero el entendimiento que los jueces tradicional­mente han tenido sobre su papel en el sistema político potencia sus limitaciones en...

The Supreme Court conducted a selection of judges without the involvement of the Judiciary Committee. The Judiciary Committee deemed the recruitment was violating the law since it was not involving them in the process. While the Supreme Court viewed that the implementation guidelines for the mutual regulation of the Judiciary Committee and Supreme Court was yet to be existed, while the need for fresh judges was deemed as urgent at that time. Based on that premise, the Supreme Court conducted the recruitment and appointment of judges, several supreme court judges and registrars were conducting a judicial review on the Law No. 49 of 2009, Law No. 50 of 2009, and Law No. 51 of 2009.The Constitutional Court granted their plea with Stipulation No. 43/PUU-XIII/2015.One of the points of considerations of the constitutional judges was the involvement of Judiciary Committee on the recruitment of judges was deemed to disrupt the independency of the Supreme Court. Actually, the involvement of the Judiciary Committee in the selection of judges will not intrude the independency of the judicial power or the judge itself. The independency of judges will be disrupted if the Judiciary Committee is intervening with the technical aspect of judicial power which includescross-examination, trial, and the verdict on a case.

En las últimas décadas, la Suprema Corte de Justicia (SCJ) de Uruguay ha estado en el centro de la escena política a partir del aumento de sentencias que declararon inconstitucionales un conjunto leyes importantes. Para comenzar a comprender el papel de este actor en el sistema político uruguayo, el artículo analiza los alcances del poder formal de la SCJ, así como sus instituciones informales y la relación entre ambos. Los principales resultados indican que la SCJ tiene un diseño institucional que le confiere una autonomía media, pero una autoridad baja para intervenir de forma decisiva sobre disputas políticas significativas. Dicha configuración es sumamente estable en la comparación con las experiencias de los países de la región. Además, las instituciones informales que guían la designación de los miembros de la Corte refuerzan los niveles de autonomía, pero el entendimiento que los jueces tradicionalmente han tenido sobre su papel en el sistema político potencia sus limitaciones en el plano de la autoridad. No obstante, se identifican algunos indicios de cambios en la concepción del rol profesional de los jueces, que podrían estar ambientando un mayor protagonismo de la Corte en el escenario político.

"Resumen: El artículo analisa el actual Estado de Derecho en conexión con la redescubierta del valor de la justicia, producida por la Filosofía de los Valores característica del siglo XX, cuya vertiente neokantiana e idealista tendrá un significativo impacto en el Derecho. La justicia surge como el centro simbólico de la experiencia del Derecho, asumiendo papel axial en sus procesos de construcción y concrección. En el marco de la llamada Escuela Iusfilosófica de Minas Gerais, investigase las interfaces (evidentemente interdisciplinares) entre lo jurídico y lo ético. Al retomar la justicia, acabamos construyendo la experiencia del Imperio de los jueces, en el fenómeno llamado justicialización de la política. El gran riesgo de la Era de la Justicia es despolitizar el nomos y el Ethos, como pasa hoy en Brasil. En ese sentido, hay que asumirse la necesaria reconstitucionalización de Brasil, para impedirse el fortalecimiento de las prerrogativas autocráticas judiciales y bien así el vaciamiento de lo político, de lo ideológico y de lo democrático. Afirmase que una comprensión culturalista del Derecho podrá combater la desideologización del Estado y recuperar la dimensión ética del Derecho, sin expoliarlo de la política y la historicidad.
Palabras clave: Estado de Derecho, Filosofía de los Valores, Derecho y Ética, Justicialización de la política

Abstract: The article analyses the current Rechtstaat in connection with the rediscovery of the value of the justice, produced by the Philosophy of Values, characteristic of the XXth century, witch neokantian and idealistic thought will have a significant impact on Law. The justice arises like the symbolic centre of the experience of Law, assuming axial paper in his processes of building and application. In the frame of the called Iusphilosophycal
School of Minas Gerais, research the interfaces (obviously interdisciplinaries) between the juridical and the ethical. Retaking the justice, we have finished building the experience of the Empire of the judges, in the phenomenon called judicialization of politics. The big risk of the Era of the Justice is depoliticize the nomos and the Ethos, as it happens nowadays in Brazil. In this sense, we shall assume the necessary reconstitucionalization of Brazil, to prevent the strengthening of the autocratical judicial prerogatives and well like
this the progressive emptyness of the political, of the ideological and of the democratic. We affirm that a culturalistic understanding of Law will be able to struggle against the desideologization of the State and recover the ethical dimension of Law, without despoiling his politics and historicity.
Key words: Rule of Law, Philosophy of Values, Law and Ethics, Judicialization of politics"

Liora Israël, Patricia Woods, Jayanth Krishnan, Stephen Meili, Marie-Aude Beernaert, Katia Weidenfeld, Bruno Milly, and François Chazel, “La justice comme espace politique. Trois études de cas: Israël, Inde, Argentine” a special issue of Droit et Société 3:55 (2003): 595-780.

https://www.cairn.info/revue-droit-et-societe1-2003-3.htm

Objetivo: El presente artículo tiene por objetivo analizar la manera y la forma como el Supremo Tribunal Federal de Brasil y la Corte Constitucional de Colombia definen, caracterizan o fundamentan la independencia judicial.

Metodología: Se utiliza una metodología deductiva, descriptiva y comparada, conjugada con una técnica de investigación empírica jurisprudencial y de documentación indirecta doctrinaria y normativa. 

Resultados: Se concluye que: (1) Aunque existen elementos comunes, persiste una preocupación sobre la competencia atribuida por parte de los tribunales constitucionales en la definición y el entendimiento de la independencia judicial, siendo saludable que se someta su entendimiento a la Constitución y la ley, pues el juez en su condición humana es falible; (2) Más allá de entender la imparcialidad, la objetividad y de considerar la deliberación, la participación directa de los ciudadanos en el proceso de decisión, así como otros instrumentos, puede ser una idea sana y racional para mitigar el excesivo poder judicial; (3) El destinatario de la garantía de la independencia es la sociedad, pero no solo el que tiene acceso y conocimiento a la justicia, sino todos en condiciones de igualdad; (4) Superándose la posición de la supremacía del poder judicial, la teoría del principio negativo de Sieyès sobre le pouvoir constituant, brinda un análisis al fomento de un constitucionalismo que permite a las otras ramas electas del gobierno tomar y ejecutar sus propias decisiones.

Contribuciones: El artículo profundiza sobre la morfología de la independencia judicial. Si bien usualmente se identifica como un principio genérico, no por eso menos fundamental del Estado Social de Derecho, la investigación contribuye al sumergirse en la profundidad de su implicancia como principio, el sentido y las fuentes de su invocación genérica, sus presupuestos teóricos, sus perspectivas, la legitimidad de sus destinatarios y titulares. En general, sobre los límites, las formas y las estructuras, más aún cuando son los propios tribunales constitucionales quienes lo invocan, particularmente la Corte Constitucional de Colombia y el Supremo Tribunal Federal de Brasil.