Blacksmithing

Hammerscale is the product of high-temperature oxidation of iron alloys and it is particularly associated with the forging of iron. Due to its magnetic properties hammerscale is easily recovered from archaeological contexts. While most hammerscale consists of flakes of iron oxide, a small proportion consists of spheres. This paper presents the results of the microscopic examination and chemical analysis of both flake and spheroidal hammerscale from archaeological contexts as well as material recovered during experimental forging and welding. In addition, the experimental fire-welding of iron has been recorded using high-speed digital video. This demonstrates that spheroidal hammerscale is produced during forge welding. The chemical analysis of the experimental hammerscale shows that it isformedfrom oxidized iron with a small but significant contribution from the non-metallic inclusions in the metal.

The pamagpande (blacksmithing) tradition of Apalit, Pampanga has been one of the prominent cottage industries in the town since the colonial period. Certain oral accounts imply that this practice may have originated from the metallurgical practice of 16th century cannon maker, Panday Pira, who resided in the town after fleeing a battle from Manila.  Earliest ethnographic research however can be traced to the efforts of the students of H. Otley Beyer in 1913. According to the earliest ethnographic manuscript on the practice, although men are usually involved in the actual making of the palang (blade) due to the extensive physical demand of the process, women and children also participate in the industry by assisting in dividing the charcoal into smaller pieces, distributing the products, and even completing the articles in the palang. The manuscript also stated that the operations of the practice had to start from 4 o’ clock in the morning and end at around 8 o’ clock in the evening due to high demand. Hence, it can be argued that it was once a communal activity that is intertwined with the lives of many in the town, partly because of how it was able to support livelihood then. These highlights the economic, historical, and social significance of the practice since decades ago.

The liveliness of the practice was primarily due to the predominance of agriculture in the province and the region where the town belongs. However, due to the changes in society through the succeeding decades—most especially those related to urbanization, industrialization, and the allure of other lucrative professions—and the influx of cheaper alternatives mostly from foreign countries, the practice of pamagpande has gradually diminished. At present, the town is left with only two pandayan (forge) actively being used by four practitioners in the town. The only master blacksmith left is at his 70’s already, and have already suffered mild stroke, aside from other ailments. Amid this economic and personal condition, he continues to perform pamagpande at least once a week.

The project hence is, in the long run, aimed at ensuring the viability of the practice of pamagpande in the town of Apalit. This is a challenging, yet interesting case given how closely intertwined the tradition is with its economics—possibly since the products are primarily utilitarian in nature; given how labor intensive it is—where it takes several decades before someone get to be considered a mestru (lead blacksmith); and given how through the decline of the number of its practitioners, the tradition that was once shared between a community has gradually turned more into individualized creative practices. The component of the project that will be detailed out in this document dwells on preliminary steps, focusing on the assessment of the AS-IS condition of the tradition via-a-vis various aspects of its economic, cultural, and political environments through community workshops, as means to evaluate the potential of the tradition to persist sustainably and to instill responsible ownership of the tradition within the community.

This study focuses on smithy and forge constructions in present day Estonia and Finland. The studied smithies can be divided into three time periods: pre-crusade Late Iron Age (11th-12th centuries); the age of transition (13th and 14th centuries), when foreign craftsmen settled in newly founded towns bringing their own traditions; and the 15-17th centuries, during which rivalry was established between rural and urban smiths. The most visible feature in the smithies-the forge-also changed during this period, evolving from a ground-level forge pit into a massive rectangular raised forge. The latter was adopted following the crusades and continued to be used until the 19th century.

My bold suggestions in this paper, as an artisan-anthropologist-therapist, are as follows: (a) human manufacturing of objects brings about individual/collective (deep well-being) experiences of beauty and grace and (b)‘making artifacts’ represents an important ancient continuity in (social-cultural-biological) humanization. Combining these two assertions suggests a universal existence of ‘crafting in the world’. The argument was ignited by the termination of both my mother’s and father’s family blacksmithing workshops in the twentieth century. Being a technical engineer/craftsman in my first career, and being one of six sons, I was deeply puzzled about why and how our transgenerational arts and crafting family tradition would die out when my father closed down his metal construction workshop in 1986. My great-uncles from mother’s side had already closed down their smithy decades earlier.

The high valleys of the Mount Bego region, in the Southern Alps, shelter a very important corpus of rock art from Recent Prehistory (IV-II millennium B.C.). Among these thousands of engravings, at least four anthropomorphic figures, attributed to the Final Neolithic, share a singularity: their feet are turned inward. The anatomical anomaly evokes the pathology of the bilateral clubfoot. If the identification hypothesis is correct, and knowing the context that accompanies these representations – namely the achievement of copper metallurgy in Northern Italy and in the Southern Alps –, maybe we should see there the oldest manifestations of the orthopedic affections from which, by nature, the mythological blacksmiths suffer.

This thesis is a study of Late Iron Age graves containing smiths’ tools in Hordaland. As a way of maintaining personal and collective memory, tools and other items reflecting a persons life were added as grave goods. This thesis is an attempt to see what the smiths’ tools can tell us about the Late Iron Age smith, focusing on social status, the use of different materials and a connection between pre- scientific technology and belief in magic. Based on Sigurd Griegs Smedverktøi i norske gravfund (Smiths’ Tools in Norwegian Grave Finds)(1920) and Jan Petersens Vikingetidens redskaper (Viking Age Tools)(1951), there are 33 graves with smiths’ tools. It can be inferred that the smith was viewed as an ironsmith of high social standing, providing tools and weapons for the chiefs and farmers of Norway. Since then, the number of known graves with smiths’ tools has increased from 33 to 46. This increase in source material and recent scientific advances has brought new perspectives to the overall understanding of the Norwegian Iron Age smith. The grave finds from Hordaland reflect a wide range of smiths and the grave goods are interpreted as a personal connection between the deceased and his or her activities in life. We find tools for both ferrous and non-ferrous metalwork. Using the presence of weapons and size of grave mounds as indicators of social status, a range from free men of lower upper class, to signifiant high-status graves with several weapons, tools and jewellery are apparent.

Though it operates on the margins of the Norwegian folk music scene, the munnharpe (jew’s harp) revival has been active since the 1960s and today boasts an active network of festivals, musicians, and blacksmiths. After contextualising the instrument’s position within Norwegian folk music and outlining the history of the munnharpe community, I explore the transmission and revitalisation of the munnharpe tradition, suggesting that a large part of the revival’s success lies in the availability and accessibility of archival recordings. I examine the transmission of playing technique and repertoire amongst musicians, then compare it with instrument building transmission amongst blacksmiths, analysing how the dynamic between munnharpe players and makers has shaped the instrument’s musical and material spheres. Tracing the symbiotic relationship between archives, recordings, players, and makers, I argue that this interplay has been central to the revival in both its past and present iterations.

Abstract
The blacksmithing technology is as old as human civilization itself. Indeed the development of different human civilizations has been linked to the discovery and use of metal to manufacture tools and implements that supported an agrarian lifestyle. In Awka, Anambra State Nigeria, this occupation has come under intense threats associated with modernity. The paper attempts a theoretical analysis of threats associated with modernity as it affects the local blacksmithing industry, using the skill discretion model as analytical tool. 
Keywords – Blacksmithing, New Technology, Entrepreneurship, Awka

This article describes a simple model of mechanics involved in hand forging and examines energy, power and efficiency of different hammering configurations.  Variables include hammer mass, and the driving force of the hammer both on the up stroke and the down stroke.

This article is published in the Northern Wilderness Skills and Traditions blog.
Among the larger iron works in Finland the Strömfors Bruk Iron Works and Forge is one of the least known to a larger public. The iron works had a 250 year old history when the production was finally halted in 1950. Today the area with all its buildings remain as a protected heritage site and the mill village is among the most visually attractive in Finland. The axes produced by the Iron Works were crafted by centuries old methods using water-powered hammers.

Musical instruments […] have the power to transform not only our surroundings but also our minds and bodies, and our sense of identity and belonging.
(Dawe 2005: 59)

While music revivals have been the subject of some recent ethnomusicological studies (Livingston 1999, Bithell and Hill 2014), the roles of musical instruments and their makers in these revivals remain absent in much of the literature. Arguing for an instrument-centered approach to music revivals, this paper is based on my ethnographic fieldwork on the munnharpe (jew’s harp) revival in Norway. Using the Norwegian case study, I examine the interplay between the material (instruments and design) and the intangible (music and transmission) aspects of the revival. Looking at the dynamic between munnharpe blacksmiths and the players who use their instruments, I analyze the cultural values that are reflected in the construction of the munnharpe. Further, I explore how munnharpe smithing skills are acquired and transmitted amongst smiths of various regions and generations, and how their instruments both shape, and are shaped by, the musical features of the tradition. To what extent are munnharpe blacksmiths today accessing or referencing older models of munnharpe found in museums and archives? Which design aspects are passed down, and which are re-imagined? And what motivating factors might prompt someone to become a munnharpe smith in the digital age? To answer these questions, I will draw upon my fieldwork observing and interviewing blacksmiths in their forges, homes, and at festivals, and participating in the annual munnharpe forging workshop in Gjøvik, Norway. Building upon a growing body of work on the cultural study of musical instruments (Dawe 2003 & 2005, Bates 2012, Roda 2013), I demonstrate how musical instrument construction is both a technical and a social process, and suggest how it can contribute to a more nuanced understanding of music revival movements.

When I tell musicians and cultural stakeholders in Norway that I am researching the munnharpe (jew’s harp) revival, I am often met with the same reaction: Great! But is it really a revival? Or just a continuation of what was already there? While music revivals have been the subject of some recent ethnomusicological studies (Bithell and Hill 2014, Livingston 1999), musical instrument builders and their roles within these revivals are notable by their absence in much of the literature. With an ethnographic focus on Norway, I explore how munnharpe smithing skills are acquired and transmitted in the digital age. I look at how proprietary knowledge is (or isn't) shared amongst smiths of various regions and generations, and discuss how this complicates the borders of the revival/continuation concept. How do technical skills pass between practitioners? Can we speak of oral/aural tradition with regards to instrument construction? What gets passed down, and what gets reinvented? And who becomes a munnharpe blacksmith in the first place? The analysis is based on ongoing fieldwork observing and interviewing blacksmiths in their forges, homes, and at festivals, and attending the annual munnharpe forging workshop in Gjøvik, Norway. Building upon a growing body of work on the cultural study of musical instruments (Dawe 2003 & 2005, Bates 2012), this paper refocuses the lens on the human makers behind the instruments, without whom music revivals would not be possible.

***Francais***

Renaissance / Continuation:
Paradigmes de transmission et limites de connaissance
dans la tradition de la forge du munnharpe norvégienne

Quand je dis aux musiciens et aux acteurs culturels en Norvège que je fais des recherches sur la relance du munnharpe (la guimbarde), je suis souvent rencontré avec la même réaction: Super! Mais est-ce vraiment un renouveau? Ou tout simplement une continuation de ce qui existait déjà? Alors que les réveils musicaux ont fait l'objet de certaines études récentes dans l’ethnomusicologie (Bithell et Hill 2014, Livingston 1999), les constructeurs d'instruments de musique et leurs rôles dans ces réveils sont remarquables par leur absence dans la plupart des ouvrages. Avec une concentraion ethnographique sur la Norvège, j’explore comment les compétences de forger le munnharpe sont acquisés et transmisés pendant l'ère digital. Je regarde la façon dont la connaissance de la construction est (ou n’est pas) partagée entre forgerons de diverses régions et générations, et je discute comment cela complique les frontières du concept de renaissance / continuation. Comment est-ce que les compétences techniques passent entre les praticiens? Peut-on parler d’un tradition orale / auditive en ce qui concerne la construction de l'instrument? Qu’est ce qui est transmis, et que ce qui est réinventé? Et qui devient forgeron de munnharpe en premier lieu? Mon analyse est basée sur mon recherch en observant et en interrogeant les forgerons dans leurs forges, maisons, et dans les festivals, et mon propre participation à l’atelier annuel de forgeage du munnharpe à Gjøvik, Norvège. Ajoutant sur un nombre gradissant de travaux sur l'étude culturelle des instruments de musique (Dawe 2003 et 2005, Bates 2012), ce document recentre l'objectif sur les constructeurs humains derrière les instruments, sans qui les réveils musicaux ne seraient pas possibles.

Nous étudions dans cet ouvrage les archers dans l'armée romaine. Nous établissons leur visage de la fin de la République romaine jusqu'à Trajan à travers les sources littéraires, épigraphiques et archéologiques. Nous examinons par la suite l'efficacité de leurs armes et tentons de montrer qu'elles peuvent refléter un véritable travail technique grâce à une étude métallographique, complétée par des analyses physico-chimiques, du mobilier de pointes de flèche découvert au Puy d'Issolud (Lot), l'antique Uxellodunum: l'objectif principal étant la caractérisation, pour ces armes, des structures métallurgiques, des distributions, des morphologies et compositions des phases et des constituants présents. Il est dès lors possible d'imaginer les différents protocoles d'élaboration et les traitements thermo-mécaniques développés par les forgerons pour leur mise en forme et d'apporter de nouveaux éléments à l'histoire des techniques de la forge en relation avec l'armée romaine et plus particulièrement avec les corps et l'armement des archers.

With basis in Jan Petersen's (1951) 375 "smith's graves" this thesis deals with the phenomenon of placing tools in graves, with a main occurence from the Migration Period and into the Viking Age in Norway. It is my claim that the uncritical use of old typologies in present archaeology, and a lack of understanding for the practical use of tools for smithing and other kinds of crafting (also Bøckman 2007), may have contributed with a bias toward research on metalsmithing in accordance with current archaeological trends. It has thus been necessary to analyse the tools as a part of grave goods, with a primary focus on tool combinations and other artefacts present in context. Several factors seem to indicate that the notion of the specialised smith is a product of modern mentality, and that skills of smithing may be viewed practically and symbolically in accordance with Iron Age mentality and warrior ideology. As such, It is the purpose of this thesis to investigate to which degree our ideas of the specialised metalsmith conform to smiths as presented in the grave material, and to argue for an interpretation of these figures as important pieces of society in the Late Norwegian Iron Age.

This study examines the continuation in European Christian society of magical-religious traditions previously associated with pagan gods of the forge. What was the importance of the forge god in the pantheons of worship? What were the roles of the blacksmith as a representative of these pagan gods in those diverse societies? How did the arrival of Christianity, both as a faith and in its role as a function of the Roman Empire in decline, redefine that status quo? What elements of the forge gods and their cleric-smith agents were integrated into Christianity? What beliefs and practices endured in the folklore and superstitions of European Middle Age society? How did such beliefs fall into decline in the Age of Industry? Contemporary sources including hagiographies, commentaries, and chronicles supplemented by modern analysis and research support a parallel continuance of the smith’s power. The first continuance is in the syncretism of pagan elements of the forge in the Saints of Catholicism, whose appointments as patrons of the smith and related crafts gave them the powers of the forge gods in sanctioned form. The second continuance is in a hodgepodge of curatives, protective charms, and divinatory rituals cobbled together from surviving fragmented pagan worship and cosmology, blended into folk beliefs and Catholic dogma by a largely illiterate and superstitious society. Both avenues of persistence would see a decline with that of the blacksmith’s trade in the nineteenth century.

The Myślibórz Gorge, located within the Kaczawy Foothills, is well-known to environmentalists and scholars studying the past. The investigations launched in the 1990s made it possible to determine the chronology of three of the archaeological sites in this area. In 2018, two hillforts – on the Kobylica and Golica hills – were investigated. Czech literature classifies such hillforts as the ostrožna-type. The excavations of these hillforts made it possible to establish to date them between the 9th and 10th centuries. The hillforts were located on hilltops with similar altitudes above the sea level, less than 200 m from each other. Such a spatial arrangement made it possible to control the gateway to the Myślibórz Gorge from the north-east. Reasons for developing a defensive system in the southern part of the gorge are obscure, as is the role that two other early medieval hillforts played in it. Was it simply a warning system, or rather part of a comprehensive network of defensive sites?

Finds and features related to bloomery smelting and blacksmithing have been excavated at the castles of Feinfeld and Sachsendorf (Horn district, Lower Austria). The archaeological evidence in both castles consists of roasting hearths and finds of iron ore, slag, and parts of ovens and hearths, while in Sachsendorf there are also some iron objects which could be related to blacksmithing. Archaeological and metallurgical research allows us to draw conclusions about the metallurgical working processes. Model calculations Show the importance of bloomery smelting and blacksmithing at these medieval castles.

В статье предлагается подтверждение и дальнейшее развитие теории В.И. Абаева о связи осетинского бога кузнеца Уаргона с латинским Вулканом. Привлекаются новые параллели из европейских (кельтские, германские, греческие, славянские, латинские, балтийские) и кавказских традиций (адыгские, ингушские). Наибольший интерес представляет образ кельтского кузнеца Олка, равнофункционального аналога данного мифологического образа, в чьем имени сохранился отголосок того же индоевропейского корня обозначающего волка.

Moi in Setesdal, Southern Norway: Settlement from late Bronze Age through to the Viking Age and early Middle Ages – different versions of the same farm?

This paper presents the results from a dig at the infields of the farm Moi in the municipality of Bygland, Setesdal valley in Aust-Agder county, Southern Norway. The excavation took place due to a planned upgrade of the road through the valley. In spite of a narrow area of investigation, the site yielded traces of as much as about ten buildings, all with earth-dug posts. These buildings seem to represent a continuous farm settlement all the way from late Bronze Age through to the early Middle Ages (except the Pre-Roman Iron Age). Yet, seemingly no two of the farms are contemporary. A large Roman Iron Age longhouse surrounded
by cooking pits and traces of metal working, and a later farm with i.a. a three-aisled longhouse with convex walls are the most prominent finds. The latter was in use from the Viking Age until c. 1300, a period of major shifts at several social levels. It is suggested that the various settlement phases at Moi are traces of the very same farm unit throughout a long continuum. Around the Black Death the farm was probably abandoned. The farm was then rebuilt near by in the late 16th century, at the latest, and parts of this farm are still standing. In sharp contrast to the rich grave finds from this period, the Viking Age settlement in Norway is – surprisingly enough – not particularly well known. Hence, Moi represents a rare glimpse into this, and sheds new light on the many grave finds in the area. The paper further
discusses the architectonic changes that took place in Norway in the transition between the Viking Age and the Middle Ages.

Metalworking is a key part of human development. It has given names to archaeological ages and it is difficult to think of human activities where its products are not involved. Metalworking is likewise important in most mythologies. In Greek myth there is Hephaistos; in Roman, Vulcan. Egypt can look to Hathor or Ptah; Ireland to Goibnu or Brigid. But in the North? Where is the Smith God in Anglo-Saxon or Norse mythology?

Små ryarøkser med fal finnast det gangske mange av i arkeologisk materiale frå sein mellomalder og nyare tid. Saman med smeden Jon Dahlmo har eg undersøkt funksjon og produksjonsmåte på desse øksene. Dette er gjort gjennom praktiske forsøk med smiing og ved å bruke øksene.

This paper is an ethnoarchaeological look at blacksmithing by combining ethnographic field work and archaeological data.  I interviewed blacksmith Jack Frost, a resident of Glenwood, Oregon but originally from Devon, Great Britain.  Frost works with a traditional forge and tries to keep his practices as authentic as possible.  By asking Frost questions about his blacksmithing techniques and experience, I have been able to compare his methods and his step-by-step processes to what the archaeological record tells us of blacksmithing.  In particular, I focus on the quantity of carbon versus phosphorus in iron and how that affects the blacksmithing process as a whole. By looking at the procedure of modern blacksmithing in a traditional vein through Frost’s work, I attempt to explain how archaeological data, such as carbon residue discovered during an excavation, might have come to be.  Blacksmithing and smelting methods from Europe to Africa are explored to provide a historical context.  This paper combines two usually differing fields of anthropology, socio-cultural and archaeology, to show how ethnographic research might contribute to how we interpret archaeological data. Bringing Frost into the study shows how ethnographic research can couple with archaeological data to offer some insight into the unrecorded past.

The Myślibórz Gorge, located within the Kaczawy Foothills, is well-known to environmentalists and scholars
studying the past. The investigations launched in the 1990s made it possible to determine the chronology of
three of the archaeological sites in this area. In 2018, two hillforts – on the Kobylica and Golica hills – were investigated.
Czech literature classifies such hillforts as the ostrožna-type. The excavations of these hillforts made
it possible to establish to date them between the 9th and 10th centuries.
The hillforts were located on hilltops with similar altitudes above the sea level, less than 200 m from each other.
Such a spatial arrangement made it possible to control the gateway to the Myślibórz Gorge from the north-east.
Reasons for developing a defensive system in the southern part of the gorge are obscure, as is the role that two
other early medieval hillforts played in it. Was it simply a warning system, or rather part of a comprehensive
network of defensive sites?

This article examines the energy transfer between forging hammer and workpiece, and what circumstances are required for a hammer strike to increase the workpiece temperature significantly so that there is a visual change in the incandecent colour of the workpiece.

Ogromny rozwój hutnictwa żelaza jaki nastąpił na ziemiach polskich za sprawą ludności kultury przeworskiej w pierwszych wiekach po Chr. spowodował zapewne wyraźny wzrost kowalstwa. Tymczasem kuźnie są prawie nieznane, co pozostaje w rażącej dysproporcji w stosunku do ogromnej liczby stanowisk związanych z wytopem. W procesie dymarskim otrzymywano żelazo, które musiało być oczyszczane i kompaktowane. Warsztat hutnika był zatem ściśle związany z pracownią kowala, który odpowiadał za dalszą jego obróbkę. Nie wiemy jednak, czy oczyszczaniem łupek zajmowali się prowadzący wytop hutnicy, czy kowale wykonujący konkretne przedmioty.
Nieliczne znaleziska archeologiczne wskazują, że obróbkę kowalską prowadzono poza miejscem wytopu żelaza, w strefach produkcyjnych osad. Funkcje palenisk kowalskich nie pełniły jednak znane z licznych stanowisk prostokątne paleniska z kamieniami. Ich wielkość ale przede wszystkim brak odpadów powstających w kuźniach, wyklucza takie ich przeznaczenie.
Podczas obróbki plastycznej powstaje przede wszystkim zendra – drobne płytki tlenków żelaza tworzące się na powierzchni kutego przedmiotu. W wyniku innych operacji, jak zgrzewanie i nawęglanie w paleniskach kowalskich tworzyła się też pewna ilość żużla, w formie miseczek lub dysków zbudowanych z resztek żużli, płytek zendry oraz stopionej wylepy palenisk.

The focus of this study is on the challenges faced by the municipal government of early modern Edinburgh in attempting to regulate suburban work. It has been demonstrated that as taxation became more common in the Scottish capital, certain occupational groups attempted to avoid the monetary burdens by settling outside the town walls, beyond the reach of burgh jurisdiction. Over the course of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the town council struggled to gain legal ‘superiority’ over these constantly-growing suburbs. This in turn led the Edinburgh craft guilds to seek superiority over their suburban counterparts. The effects of this process are highlighted by evidence from the surviving minute books of the metalworkers’ guilds, in both the capital and its suburbs, illuminating the struggle of a European capital to control the urban expansion beyond its jurisdiction.

My bold suggestions in this paper, as an artisan-anthropologist-therapist, are as follows:
(a) human manufacturing of objects brings about individual/collective (deep well-being) experiences of beauty and grace and
(b)‘making artifacts’ represents an
important ancient continuity in (social-cultural-biological) humanization.
Combining
these two assertions suggests a universal existence of ‘crafting in the world’. The argument was ignited by the termination of both my mother’s and father’s family
blacksmithing workshops in the twentieth century. Being a technical engineer/craftsman in my first career, and being one of six sons, I was deeply puzzled about why
and how our transgenerational arts and crafting family tradition would die out when my father closed down his metal construction workshop in 1986. My great-uncles
from mother’s side had already closed down their smithy decades earlier.