Melanesian culture

Contemporary Melanesia

The colonial processes that caused the indigenous peoples of Melanesia to become part of the world economic system included the pressures of Christianization and Westernization. In some areas these forces have operated for more than a century. In other areas, however, particularly the interior highlands of New Guinea, Western penetration came as late as the 1930s or, in some places, the 1950s. By the early 21st century, even the most remote regions had become accessible, and they have been transformed. Squatter settlements on urban peripheries abound, and migration into towns is increasingly common, with both phenomena serving to link village and urban life.

Christianity has been a powerful force of change within the region since the late 1800s. In the colonial period, missions introduced Western education and caused local economic change. As a result, many of the leaders in Melanesia have come from mission schools and backgrounds, and some have been trained as Christian ministers or evangelists. During the late 20th and early 21st centuries, the Melanesian postcolonial states were among the most Christian nations on earth.

Different Christian denominations, and even individual missionaries, have in varying degrees been sympathetic to and knowledgeable about local languages and cultures. Together, missionary work and the imposition of colonial rule eliminated a variety of cultural traditions, some of which were quite intricate and rich and others of which were violent and exploitative.

Since the 1970s, multinational and transnational corporations have moved into Melanesia and have brought additional changes, especially in Papua New Guinea. Most of the international logging investment in Melanesia has centred on that country (which has more than 175,000 square miles [450,000 square km] of forested land). Logging also plays a dominant role in the Solomon Islands, where it accounts for a large proportion of merchandise exports.

Mining—mainly by multinational corporations—has also become significant for many Melanesian countries, notably Papua New Guinea. Local opposition to copper mining on the island of Bougainville (part of Papua New Guinea) was apparent when prospecting began in the 1960s. Although various ad hoc agreements were made, local landowners remained dissatisfied with royalty and compensation payments. In 1989 rebellion and physical violence brought that mine to a close. Another mine on Bougainville began production in 1982 and also ran into major disputes with landowners and provincial governments.

These forms of economic development have caused the formerly classless Melanesian societies to become class-stratified, with politicians, public servants, and entrepreneurs constituting an emerging elite. Moreover, at least in the English-speaking areas, the elites increasingly share a common (Westernized and consumerist) culture and common political and economic interests that cut across cultural, linguistic, and national boundaries.

Among the new elite, cultural nationalist ideologies have tended to focus on traditional customs (kastom) and “the Melanesian way.” Cultural revivalism has become a prominent theme. Art festivals, cultural centres, and ideologies of kastom have cast in a more positive light the traditional cultural elements, such as ceremonial exchange, dance and music, and oral traditions, that had long been suppressed by the more conservative and evangelistic forms of Christianity. The emphasis on traditional culture as a source of identity finds expression in the perpetuation or revival of old systems of exchange. In Papua New Guinea, the kula exchange of shell armbands and necklaces continues in the Massim region (in southeastern Papua New Guinea), carried on by air travel and among politicians, professionals, and public servants, as well as by villagers in canoes. Members of the new elite still conspicuously pay bridewealth in shell valuables.