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The main theme of this volume centres on how the exchange routes transformed the frontier regions of the Silk Roads. In doing so, it utilises a range of methods expanded to reach an archaeological interpretation of the main ways that... more
The main theme of this volume centres on how the exchange routes transformed the frontier regions of the Silk Roads. In doing so, it utilises a range of methods expanded to reach an archaeological interpretation of the main ways that linked people with the environment. The expertise and knowledge needed to deliver an array of topics embedded in the Silk Roads environments are demonstrated in a series of case studies. Taken as a whole, the collection of papers provides an overview of current developments where multiple lines of evidence are employed at integrating and resolving different data sets. To provide consistency, the contributions address three key questions and are grouped accordingly into three related thematic sections: movements, settlements, and beliefs. Each contribution addresses an environmental or anthropological question connected with the trade and use cultural history interpretation in archaeological context to support a range of methods.

The first section centres on the question of trade networks and the migratory practices of the Silk Roads. The case studies illustrate the significance of the analyses, contextualisation, and (re)interpretation of art and objects with traditional and new methods.

The vastness of the land, the abundance of migratory opportunities with human mobility, and settlements are assessed implicitly or explicitly in the second section. The case studies focus on the question of commerce and civilian settlement formation and discuss human endeavours that transformed their landscape.

The case studies in the third part address the question of the dissemination of ritual and burial practices along the Silk Roads. The premise that a relationship exists between social, cultural, and religious is fundamental to many archaeological studies.

The case studies shed new light on several forms and levels of ancient connectivity of the Silk Roads and their lasting impact on our history that bind communities together and resonate even today. Because the Silk Roads connected a diversity of cultures, interdisciplinary collaboration is fundamental to reach the full research potential where single realms would omit the bigger picture of network connectivity. The overarching message is that contemporary archaeological efforts on the global scale are defining pivotal applications in reconstructing the ancient life along the Silk Roads. In this respect, it demonstrates how archaeological data can be integrated to deliver an exclusive viewpoint on a timeline of the Silk Roads.
A wide variety of animals inhabit Minoan art. Each type fulfill a specific role. Monkey sand apes function very differently from other creatures: sometimes they participate in rituals, sometimes they imitate humans and sometimes they... more
A wide variety of animals inhabit Minoan art. Each type fulfill a specific role. Monkey sand apes function very differently from other creatures: sometimes they participate in rituals, sometimes they imitate humans and sometimes they simply behave as natural animals. This study explores these different roles. The discussion of their iconography is set within the broader context of Egyptian and Near eastern art and involves consideration of the use of "pattern books," or standardized images in Minoan wall paintings, figurines, and glyptic art. The analyses inform broader themes in Minoan art, religion, and cult practice. In addition, a substantial appendix surveys the range and nature of other terrestrial, aquatic, and mythical creatures.
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The wall paintings from the site of Akrotiri, Thera are often considered instrumental to understanding elements of life in the Bronze Age. This is partially due to their high degree of preservation. The large-scale detail present in the... more
The wall paintings from the site of Akrotiri, Thera are often considered instrumental to understanding elements of life in the Bronze Age. This is partially due to their high degree of preservation. The large-scale detail present in the scenes allows for a more detailed and nuanced understanding of the imagery that survives in glyptic art that, considered together with the surviving wall paintings, helps to better inform Aegean life. Many of the iconographic elements and themes, however, remain at least partially enigmatic. This is particularly the case for Xeste 3, a cultic building at Akortiri, where the wall paintings contribute to a larger, programmatic cultic narrative. The current investigation seeks to better understand the monkeys scene from Room 2 of the first floor by deconstructing and examining each visual element via comparative analysis. They are first contextualized within the Aegean, then considered in light of Mesopotamian comparanda. This method allows for possible parallels between the monkeys from Xeste 3 and at least three priestly classes known from contemporary Mesopotamian tradition: the gala, assinnu, and kurgarrû. Each of these priestly classes belonged to the adaptable and widespread cult of Inanna, one of the most powerful and popular deities in Mesopotamia.
In replying to our 2019 publication: “A New Identification of the Monkeys Depicted in a Bronze Age Wall Painting from Akrotiri, Thera,” Urbani and Youlatos (2020) argue for the traditional identification of the monkeys depicted on the... more
In replying to our 2019 publication: “A New Identification of the Monkeys Depicted in a Bronze Age Wall Painting from Akrotiri, Thera,” Urbani and Youlatos (2020) argue for the traditional identification of the monkeys depicted on the north and west walls of room 6 of Building Complex Beta at Akrotiri, Thera, as vervet monkeys (Fig. 1). Their argument is based largely on previous scholarship and their analysis of monkey morphology as it appears in the Bronze Age artwork. Here, after clarifying some misconceptions and misquotations, we thoroughly contextualize the wall painting in question, emphasizing the importance of collaboration between disparate disciplines for a multifaceted and rigorous approach. The nature of the item in question is key in this reply: we are studying artwork. Because this is a cultural representation of monkeys rather than a study of live primates or preserved specimens, consideration of artistic choice, color conventions, and the agency of the artist are important for answering the questions raised by Urbani and Youlatos, stimulating further cross-disciplinary discussions.
Bronze Age Aegean (ca. 3500-1100 B.C.) wall paintings from the islands of Crete and Thera depict monkeys in a variety of roles such as running wild in nature, possibly following (trained) commands, and participating in sacred activities.... more
Bronze Age Aegean (ca. 3500-1100 B.C.) wall paintings from the islands of Crete and Thera depict monkeys in a variety of roles such as running wild in nature, possibly following (trained) commands, and participating in sacred activities. These images, while stylistically Aegean, are traditionally considered closely related to—and descendant from—Egyptian, Near Eastern, and Mesopotamian monkey imagery. While monkey depictions in the latter regions may provide species-specific characteristics, Aegean wall paintings typically lack this level of detail. In an attempt to better understand the relationships between the monkeys depicted in Aegean wall paintings and the species that were encountered by the Aegean, Mesopotamian, and Egyptian peoples, a collaborative team of primatologists, a taxonomic illustrator, and an art historian/archaeologist identified species-indicative visual characteristics. This collaborative approach led us to identify a new region that serves as source for monkey iconography: the Indus River Valley. With an emphasis on the primatological aspect and the growing corpus of possible Indus goods and possible species found in the Aegean, a broader iconographic and socio-religious sphere of interaction emerges. In this expanded system, Mesopotamia functions as an intermediary that enables the movement of goods, raw materials, people, and iconography between the east and west. Mesopotamia may have even afforded an opportunity for Aegean peoples to encounter the creatures themselves, first-hand. Of primary importance to the methodology employed for this project is the cooperation of scholars from disparate disciplines—the stitching together of various projects and experiences in attempt to answer both new and previously unanswerable questions. This type of interdisciplinary approach can be applied to other species, sites, paintings, and objects to hone our understanding of period, place, animal, movement, and trade.
Among the scenes in Minoan glyptic are images whose iconography suggests they may be borrowed from longer narratives. By identifying specific elements that reappear several times in seals, it may be possible to reconstruct some ceremonial... more
Among the scenes in Minoan glyptic are images whose iconography suggests they may be borrowed from longer narratives. By identifying specific elements that reappear several times in seals, it may be possible to reconstruct some ceremonial practices. One example is furnished by a group of images including monkeys, baskets, women, and crocuses that tie together a series of images in seals and fresco. These images, when considered together, seem to derive from one over-arching narrative that may be illustrative of ritual behaviors. If this is the case, it becomes possible to reconstruct the participants in and basic procedures of the depicted ceremony.
A two-step reconstruction of a crocus ceremony becomes possible with the close examination of both Minoan wall paintings and glyptic sources. First, the crocus stamens are gathered by female figures and/or monkeys into baskets. Then, some of the saffron-bearing stamens are offered to the seated nature goddess. This general reconstruction of a crocus ceremony serves as one example of the many ways in which wall paintings and glyptic sources are closely related and may be read together. By coupling the readings and interpretations of individual iconographic elements from both media, one gains the ability to glean larger narratives from the series of vignettes presented in Minoan art.
Bronze Age Clothing in Minoan Crete was multicolored and made from intricately woven textiles. Until now, our only evidence related to the colors in the textiles came from the study of costume in wall paintings. Fortunately, recent... more
Bronze Age Clothing in Minoan Crete was multicolored and made from intricately woven textiles. Until now, our only evidence related to the colors in the textiles came from the study of costume in wall paintings. Fortunately, recent research has revealed that several different dyes were produced in Minoan Crete. Clothing is depicted in frescoes and other art forms from various Middle to Late Bronze Age Aegean sites (ca.1700–1400 BCE). Many of these images such as those on the tiny surface of seals—fail to convey the strikingly colorful nature of Minoan garments. And the representation of a blue bodice is not sufficient evidence to conclude that Minoans wore indigo-dyed, blue, woolen clothing. To identify the dyestuffs used during this period, we conducted scientific analysis of the pottery from a dye workshop at Alatzomouri-Pefka in Crete.
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Analysis by gas chromatography was conducted on pottery from a Middle Bronze Age workshop from the Minoan culture of Crete, confirming it as a facility for manufacturing organic dyes. The archaeological site is located at... more
Analysis by gas chromatography was conducted on pottery from a Middle Bronze Age workshop from the Minoan culture of Crete, confirming it as a facility for manufacturing organic dyes. The archaeological site is located at Alatzomouri-Pefka in northeast Crete. The site has a series of nine rock-cut basins associated with channels in the bedrock, remains of stone walls, and many artifacts. Its pottery provides a date in Middle Minoan IIB (ca. 1800/1700 B.C.). The gas chromatography identified three dyes (Murex purple, yellow from weld, and red from madder) as well as lanolin, the oil associated with wool from sheep.
To hear (in Greek) more about the recent work from the Minoan-Style Peak Sanctuary at Stelida, Naxos, please click the link below. Our presentation begins from approximately 1.36. Academia won't let me add co-authors at the moment... more
To hear (in Greek) more about the recent work from the Minoan-Style Peak Sanctuary at Stelida, Naxos, please click the link below. Our presentation begins from approximately 1.36.

Academia won't let me add co-authors at the moment (looks like a glitch), so please also note that the following scholars are authors of this work: Tristan Carter, Dan Contreras, Shannon Crewson, Claudette Lopez, Vagia Mastrogiannopoulou, Kristine Mallinson, Dimitra Mylona, Marie N. Pareja, Georgia Tsartsidou, and Dimitris Athanasoulis.
The fourth and third millennia BCE were host to the rapid expansion of Afro-Eurasian trade and exchange networks. Early studies primarily focused on maritime connections among those who lived in relation to bodies of water that are... more
The fourth and third millennia BCE were host to the rapid expansion of Afro-Eurasian trade and exchange networks. Early studies primarily focused on maritime connections among those who lived in relation to bodies of water that are considered distinct today: the Aegean Sea, the Red Sea, and Persian Gulf, and the broader Indian Ocean, for instance. Concurrently, trade relations in these regions are well accepted: between the Aegean, Egypt, and the Near East; Mesopotamia, the Near East, and Egypt; Mesopotamia, the Indus River Valley, and the regions between. Nevertheless, each of these areas is connected to the next and to those farther removed by water, whether in the form of rivers, seas, or oceans. More recent analytical studies of human remains (via strontium-isotope analysis or the study of dental calculus, among others) show that individuals not only moved between but settled in these distinct regions. This study seeks to revisit and reconsider evidence for extra-regional connections – those currently considered only indirect or down-the-line – to explore possible indications of closer and more direct relationships between these seemingly distinct cultures.
Bronze Age Aegean representations of the divine have long puzzled scholars. Iconography and material evidence are sometimes at odds, and no deity possesses a repeated, reliable set of attributes. The system itself -- whether polytheistic,... more
Bronze Age Aegean representations of the divine have long puzzled scholars. Iconography and material evidence are sometimes at odds, and no deity possesses a repeated, reliable set of attributes. The system itself -- whether polytheistic, monotheistic, shamanic, or animist – is still debated, and Linear B evidence for polytheism does not seem to singularly support Mycenaean, Minoan, or Cycladic iconographies. This paper proposes that the ambiguity of Aegean representations of the divine was a conscious choice, which is only possible in the context of the large-scale, frequent transregional and prehistoric Afro-Eurasian exchange that peaks during the Late Bronze Age.
            By invoking Sir Arthur Evans’ early comparative methodologies, the existing comparanda from the Ancient Near East and Mesopotamia can be re-examined for evidence of a shared visual vocabulary of the divine. A methodological shift in regional subdivisions is critical: rather than Crete, the Cyclades, and Mycenaean Mainland, consider islanders and mainlanders. With this duality in mind, select cult imagery from Xeste 3 at Akrotiri, Thera and the Cult Centre at Mycenae is reviewed and then reconsidered with the distinct temporal, spatial, and socio-political contexts of the Late Bronze Age Aegean. This paper ultimately entertains two options: either these are distinct deities, or more likely, a single and central multifaceted, polyvalent goddess is represented differently in distinct contexts, depending on which aspect best fits the culture and circumstances.  Such polysemaity may recall the Sumerian Inanna (later Akkadian Ishtar/Inanna-Ishtar). As such, possible parallels between these two deities are considered, from their places in the natural world to their associations with death and the underworld. Although exchange between Mesopotamia and the Aegean is well documented, the centrality of a polyvalent representation of Inanna (or an Inanna-like deity) in the Aegean begs a methodological interrogation: they are, after all, separate regions that operate differently. By employing later historic iconographic parallels, the multifaceted nature of the Aegean Potnia, at once terrible warrior and tender nature goddess, is explored.
Recent archaeological discoveries reveal that Bronze Age (ca. 3,000-1,100 BCE) exchange networks reach from at least the Aegean to the Indus River Valley, and almost certainly much farther afield. Within the context of the quickly growing... more
Recent archaeological discoveries reveal that Bronze Age (ca. 3,000-1,100 BCE) exchange networks reach from at least the Aegean to the Indus River Valley, and almost certainly much farther afield. Within the context of the quickly growing corpus of evidence for such far-flung exchange, this particular iconographic study addresses a critical and lingering lacuna: evidence for possible overlap between Aegean and Mesopotamian cosmologies, as they may relate to down-the-line exchange and western (Aegean) knowledge of eastern (Mesopotamian, Harappan, and even more distant) imports. This paper focuses on the mythical Minoan genius, a hybrid creature derived from the Egyptian Taweret, and the monkey, which may have been considered a supernatural hybrid by Aegean people. Both of these creatures serve as liminal figures in Mesopotamian and Aegean art, and yet seem to also serve distinctly different roles within the broader Aegean.
In Aegean iconography, the genius and monkey are not depicted as dead, wounded, hunted, or conquered, unlike other animals, and both creatures are depicted interacting with over-sized humans, who are traditionally identified as deities or rulers. Although monkeys are accepted as agents/symbols of rebirth and renewal in both the Aegean Islands and eastern regions, the specific role of the genius is rarely addressed, despite its depictions as performing similar tasks as those of the monkey. Perhaps more importantly, Genius iconography surges on the Greek Mainland while monkey imagery almost disappears, after eruption at Akrotiri. Perhaps the Minoan genius serves as psychopomp, escorting – in some cases, even carrying – the deceased. When considered in light of the Tiryns Ring, which preserves a subterranean scene in which several genii bring libations to a seated female figure, a pattern emerges in which a deeper, more nuanced understanding of the liminal natures of these creatures becomes possible. This study interrogates notions of liminality, the metaphysical, death, and renewal within Bronze Age cosmologies.
Possible Bronze Age Aegean representations of the divine have long puzzled scholars. Iconography and material evidence are sometimes at odds, and deities rarely possess a reliable set of attributes. The type of system -- whether... more
Possible Bronze Age Aegean representations of the divine have long puzzled scholars. Iconography and material evidence are sometimes at odds, and deities rarely possess a reliable set of attributes. The type of system -- whether polytheistic, monotheistic, shamanic, or animist – is still debated, and Linear B evidence for polytheism does not often seem to support Mycenaean, Minoan, or Cycladic iconographies. This investigation suggests that the ambiguity and polyvalent nature of Aegean representations of the divine was a conscious choice, and one that is only possible in the context of the large-scale, frequent transregional and prehistoric Afro-Eurasian exchange that peaks during the Late Bronze Age.
By invoking Sir Arthur Evans’ early comparative methodologies, the body of existing comparanda from the Ancient Near East and Mesopotamia can be re-examined for evidence of a shared visual vocabulary of the divine. Critical to this theory is a methodological shift in the conception of regional subdivisions: rather than Crete, the Cyclades, and Mycenaean Mainland, consider only islanders and mainlanders. With this duality in mind, select cult imagery from Xeste 3 at Akrotiri, Thera and the Cult Centre at Mycenae is reviewed and then reconsidered with the distinct temporal, spatial, and socio-political contexts of the Late Bronze Age Aegean. This ultimately leads to two options: either two distinct goddesses exist, or more likely, a single and central multifaceted, polyvalent deity is represented in terms of which aspect best fits the culture, circumstances, and period.  Such polysemaity of a deity is present in the Sumerian Inanna (later Akkadian Ishtar or Inanna-Ishtar). The possible parallels between Inanna(-Ishtar) and the Aegean Potnia are explored and examined. Although the connections between Mesopotamia and the Aegean are well documented, the centrality of a polyvalent representation of Inanna (or an Inanna-like deity) in the Aegean begs a methodological interrogation: they are, after all, separate regions that operate differently. By employing later historical and iconographic parallels, the multifaceted nature of the Aegean Potnia, at once terrible warrior and tender nature goddess, is explored.
Coupling terms such as Bronze Age and plaster often conjures imagery from the wall paintings at sites such as Knossos on Crete, Akrotiri on Thera, or Pylos on the Greek mainland. Nevertheless, painted architectural decoration constitutes... more
Coupling terms such as Bronze Age and plaster often conjures imagery from the wall paintings at sites such as Knossos on Crete, Akrotiri on Thera, or Pylos on the Greek mainland. Nevertheless, painted architectural decoration constitutes just one of plaster’s many uses during the Aegean
Bronze Age. Used as a hydrophobic coating for vessels and architecture, a modality for creating surface decoration, and as a lightweight medium when used on its own, it seems that plaster was broadly employed in other ways, as well. The present discussion first introduces some potentially new or often-overlooked uses of lime plaster before focusing on one type of object in particular: the tripod offering table.

The character and relative quality of tripod offering tables ranges dramatically from small and poorly-fired clay vessels to plastered, finely painted, and polished luxury items, such as those painted with dolphins and other marine motifs from Akrotiri, Thera. Some broken offering tables
recovered from the recent excavations at Sissi (on Crete) preserve evidence for prehistoric recycling: the plaster is used to bind together, coat, and then decorate the substructure, which is made from pottery. This study centers on the variability in form, function, and decoration that can be identified from tripod offering tables, which may in turn be used to interrogate current
conceptions of technologies, workshop practices, and luxury.
During the Aegean Bronze Age (ca. 3,200-1,100 B.C.), blue pigments are rendered from a myriad of different sources across distinct media: from naturally-occurring minerals such as riebeckite and lapis lazuli to man-made compounds like... more
During the Aegean Bronze Age (ca. 3,200-1,100 B.C.), blue pigments are rendered from a myriad of different sources across distinct media: from naturally-occurring minerals such as riebeckite and lapis lazuli to man-made compounds like Egyptian blue, and even plant- and animal-based pigments, such as murex purple and indigo. The ways in which these colors are employed in wall painting, however, often leaves modern viewers with more questions than answers. For instance, why render the shaved scalps of young individuals in blue? The fur of monkeys and cats, and the feathers of birds are not blue in reality either, so why depict them as such? One might turn to color theory, which is well established for the art of neighboring regions (Egypt, Mesopotamia), yet no such over-arching theory exists for the Aegean. Previous, cursory explanations for the choice to show a pictorial element as blue either regard Aegean artistic norms as mildly derivative of Egyptian artistic convention, or simply state that blue is more visually appealing than gray or brown. Rather than entertain reductionist notions, this paper seeks to propose a new, polyvalent understanding for the use of Aegean color. Not only might the pigments themselves serve as material references to the places from which they come (mostly The East), but blue may also be considered a luxury pigment, perhaps evocative of inextricable notions of personal or regional identity, access to far-flung trade networks, and participation in or belonging to an elite, international lineage.
Since the start of excavations at Sissi in 2007, thousands of plaster fragments have been recovered and stored for conservation and study. Initially, the dirty fragments appeared to be mostly white lime plaster. During the 2017 and 2018... more
Since the start of excavations at Sissi in 2007, thousands of plaster fragments have been recovered and stored for conservation and study. Initially, the dirty fragments appeared to be mostly white lime plaster. During the 2017 and 2018 field seasons, a plasters specialist and conservator team inspected and cleaned several plaster samples from across the site, revealing that more than half of the samples examined preserve indications of painted surfaces.

Evidence survives from Zone 5 for the application of plaster from the Early Minoan Period. Its application levels areas where the bedrock is exceedingly uneven, and it serves a purely structural function. The majority of the remaining plaster dates to the Protopalatial period, during which the earliest painted lime plaster becomes widely employed throughout Crete. These fragments carry almost the full range of pigments, as well as evidence for the planning of the composition of the image (snap lines and incision marks). Some of these early plasters are also continuously applied from the walls to the floor with no division between planes: no seams or edges separate the plastered walls and floor. As such, this type of treatment provides an opportunity to deepen our understanding of the early and experimental phases of painted plaster. Neopalatial material survives as well, although not as much, and it is not as well preserved as the Protopalatial fragments. Nevertheless, scant evidence that suggests large-scale, possibly figural imagery survives, and parallels between identified motifs and comparanda from throughout the broader Aegean are proposed when possible.

The lengthy, nearly continuous habitation at Sissi provides an outstanding opportunity for the study of the experimentation with and development of plaster use and technology through the Bronze Age. As a site uniquely located nearest the natural gateway to East Crete, its inhabitants would have direct access to trade, technology, goods, and artistic trends from both north central and eastern Crete. As plaster studies continue at Sissi, the relationship with not only Malia, but with the rest of Crete and the broader Aegean will continue to be explored.
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Bronze Age Aegean wall paintings depicting monkeys from Crete and Thera show the animals in a variety of roles, from wild to possibly trained, to cultic or sacred. These images, while stylistically Aegean, are closely related to—and seem... more
Bronze Age Aegean wall paintings depicting monkeys from Crete and Thera show the animals in a variety of roles, from wild to possibly trained, to cultic or sacred. These images, while stylistically Aegean, are closely related to—and seem to be descendant from—Egyptian and Near Eastern monkey and ape iconography. While monkey depictions in these latter regions often provide species-specific characteristics, Aegean wall paintings often lack this distinct level of identification. In order to better understand the relationships between the monkeys in Aegean wall paintings and those that live(d) in the Aegean, Near East, and Egypt, several primatologists were consulted to more accurately identify species-specific visual characteristics. When these identified traits are coupled with collaborators’ expertise in primate cognition, behavior, ecology, habitat, and history, a new region is recognized as a contributing source for monkey iconography: Harappa and the broader Indus River Valley. With an emphasis on the primatological aspects and the growing corpus of Indus goods and species found in the Aegean, an image emerges of an even broader iconographic and socio-religious sphere of interaction. In this expanded system, the Near East functions both as an independent source of iconography and as an intermediary that facilitated a dissemination of monkey iconography, belief systems, and possibly the creatures themselves.

Of primary importance to the methodology employed is the cooperation of scholars from seemingly disparate disciplines—the stitching together of the results of various projects and experiences to attempt to answer new (and the previously unanswerable) questions. This type of interdisciplinary approach could certainly be used for other species, sites, paintings, and objects to hone our understanding of period, place, animal, movement, and trade.
The Offering to the Seated Goddess fresco from building Xeste 3 at Akrotiri on Thera is among the best preserved wall paintings from the Aegean Bronze Age. Located in a ceremonial structure, the painting shows a young girl depositing... more
The Offering to the Seated Goddess fresco from building Xeste 3 at Akrotiri on Thera is among the best preserved wall paintings from the Aegean Bronze Age. Located in a ceremonial structure, the painting shows a young girl depositing crocus stamens into a basket behind a blue monkey, who stands on hind legs and offers stamens to a large, seated female figure. A leashed griffin stands behind the seated goddess, completing a scene that is considered completely Minoan in nature. Many parallels between the roles and appearances of Minoan and Egyptian monkeys are well attested in scholarship, but the possible relationships between Minoan and Near Eastern monkeys, particularly in light of this wall painting, have not yet been thoroughly explored.

Bronze Age Near Eastern figurines, plaques, hairpins, and glyptic arts preserve depictions of monkeys that fulfill a myriad of roles, including but not limited to those of their Minoan counterparts. In contrast, however, Near Eastern texts survive with reference not only to monkeys as exotic pets, but as gifts between elites, agents of healing, and sometimes even harbingers of the supernatural. These primates are frequently identified in glyptic art as participants in Presentation Scenes, and they often appear between the approaching supplicant(s) and a seated figure. These small-scale, highly portable scenes from the Near East may have served as the basis for at least the composition of the Minoan Offering to the Seated Goddess fresco.

This discussion first examines the iconography and roles of monkeys in Near East. Next, the ways in which the role of the monkey in Minoan art may be more closely associated with the animal’s role in Near Eastern than Egyptian art will be illustrated through the close examination of text, iconography, trade, and possible faunal evidence. Finally, a new possible source for the monkeys for the Near East is proposed: the Indus River Valley.
Among the scenes in Minoan glyptic are images whose iconography suggests they may be borrowed from longer narratives. By identifying specific elements that reappear several times in seals, it may be possible to reconstruct some ceremonial... more
Among the scenes in Minoan glyptic are images whose iconography suggests they may be borrowed from longer narratives. By identifying specific elements that reappear several times in seals, it may be possible to reconstruct some ceremonial practices. One example is furnished by a group of images including monkeys, baskets, women, and crocuses that tie together a series of images in seals and fresco. These images, when considered together, seem to derive from one over-arching narrative that may be illustrative of ritual behaviors. If this is the case, it becomes possible to reconstruct the participants in and basic procedures of the depicted ceremony.
In the Offering to the Seated Goddess Fresco, from Room 3 of Xeste 3 at Akrotiri, A seated goddess receives an offering of crocus stamens from a blue monkey. The monkey appears to have selected the proffered handful of stamens from one of the baskets full of crocuses, presumably filled by the young female figure who stands behind the primate. In order for this scene to occur, however, the flowers must first be gathered. This is an event that may be depicted in scenes from both glyptic art and wall painting.
The picking of crocuses is clearly depicted in the Saffron Gatherers scene that is located on the wall adjacent to the Offering to the Seated Goddess fresco. A similar activity is depicted in the Saffron Gatherer wall painting from the Lower Keep at Knossos, but blue monkeys perform the action instead of young girls. Depictions of the harvest also have possible parallels in glyptic art. For example, CMS III 358 features a monkey that holds a basket while a female figure holds a flower in one hand. Another seal, CMS II.6 073, features a monkey surrounded by foliate motifs that may be crocuses that are ready for harvest. These scenes appear to incorporate the same iconographic elements that appear in the Offering to the Seated Goddess scene, including the female figure, basket, crocus, and monkey.
A two-step reconstruction of a crocus ceremony becomes possible with the close examination of both Minoan wall paintings and glyptic sources. First, the crocus stamens are gathered by female figures and/or monkeys into baskets. Then, some of the saffron-bearing stamens are offered to the seated nature goddess. This general reconstruction of a crocus ceremony serves as one example of the many ways in which wall paintings and glyptic sources are closely related and may be read together. By coupling the readings and interpretations of individual iconographic elements from both media, one gains the ability to glean larger narratives from the series of vignettes presented in Minoan art.
The Offering to the Seated Goddess fresco from Bronze Age Akrotiri depicts the culmination of a ritual that involves crocuses, monkeys, young women, and a seated goddess. These elements also occur in glyptic art and aid in the... more
The Offering to the Seated Goddess fresco from Bronze Age Akrotiri depicts the culmination of a ritual that involves crocuses, monkeys, young women, and a seated goddess. These elements also occur in glyptic art and aid in the reconstruction of a Minoan crocus ceremony. Further investigation into the monkey, one of the core iconographic elements, suggests that this scene is not unique to Minoan art but rather a combination of both Egyptian and Near Eastern influence. The color, pose, placement, and elements present with the animal indicate the foreign influences that shaped the identity of the monkey in Minoan art.
The archaeological site at Alatsomouri-Pefka was excavated under the direction of Vili Apostolakou on behalf of the 24th Ephorate of Classical and Prehistoric Archaeology. The site is located near the village of Pacheia Ammos near the... more
The archaeological site at Alatsomouri-Pefka was excavated under the direction of Vili Apostolakou on behalf of the 24th Ephorate of Classical and Prehistoric Archaeology. The site is located near the village of Pacheia Ammos near the coast in northeast Crete.
The workshop engaged in manufacturing dyes during Middle Minoan IIB. Its main feature consists of a group of rock-cut vats. Seven rectangular pits are cut into the limestone bedrock in a row that extends roughly from east to west. Next to them at the north is a larger rectangular basin that contains a deep well or cistern. At the south are a few poorly preserved stone walls that must have been some type of small shelter for the workshop, but no houses are preserved. Samples of several pieces of pottery were taken from the site, residues were extracted from them, and those residues were then submitted to gas chromatography-mass spectroscopy analyses. The results were then interpreted independently of a thorough pottery study, and the two data sets were then interpreted together. At Alatzomouri-Pefka, several types of organic dyes were being used, including (but not limited to) murex purple, madder, and weld.
This discussion examines indigo-dyed textiles from the Italian Renaissance, particularly the painted representation of eastern tiraz garments worn by the Virgin Mary. In the absence of other ways in which to track and understand the trade... more
This discussion examines indigo-dyed textiles from the Italian Renaissance, particularly the painted representation of eastern tiraz garments worn by the Virgin Mary. In the absence of other ways in which to track and understand the trade of indigo, one may turn to Renaissance images in which a deep blue, indigo-colored garment is represented. Although this type of clothing sometimes appears on anonymous individuals, deep blue dyed textiles are most often identified with the Virgin Mary. Variations in the representation of this garment include the presence of a solid gold hem or border, the absence of a golden hem, and the presence of a golden hem that bears an inscription. In the last case, the clothing worn by the Virgin closely resembles the tiraz, a traditional Islamic garment that is inscribed with professions of the Muslim faith. This paper will discuss the origin and possible meanings associated with the blue tiraz-like garment when worn by the Virgin. By concentrating on the representation of a specific type of garment and its apparent change through time, not only does an investigation of the cross-cultural significance of that object become possible, but the multifaceted reading of the object as referential to a specific locality is also reinforced. The variety of ways in which her blue garment is depicted will be considered with particular emphasis on the origin of the represented materiality (i.e., the origin of the indigo-dyed textiles).
The site of Akrotiri, Thera is a little-known treasure-trove of information about the Aegean culture during the Bronze Age. At some point between 1640 and 1525 B.C., the volcano at the center of the island erupted and encased the town of... more
The site of Akrotiri, Thera is a little-known treasure-trove of information about the Aegean culture during the Bronze Age. At some point between 1640 and 1525 B.C., the volcano at the center of the island erupted and encased the town of Akrotiri in a destructive yet protective layer of ash. Akrotiri is, essentially, the Pompeii of the Bronze Age Aegean. The large-scale frescoes stand out as one of the rarest and perhaps most prized recoveries among the other stunning finds at the settlement. Among images of naval fleets, female-exclusive religious ceremonies, and calm Nilotic scenery, a strange and foreign yet completely natural figure makes its debut: the blue monkey.
Blue monkeys have been identified in at least four different frescoes from Akrotiri. The creatures have been depicted with such clarity and consistency that the species has even been identified: the vervet, commonly referred to as the green monkey, which hails from sub-Saharan Africa. In Egyptian frescoes, the same species is represented relatively infrequently, and is always painted green. Of course, it has been well established that the Egyptians and Aegean people traded during the Bronze Age, but why are the monkeys represented with such different colors? Furthermore, the role of the vervet is radically different in each setting. In Egypt, the vervet is portrayed as precisely what it is: a monkey, doing silly monkey things or tasks that monkeys are trained to do (like pick fruit). At Akrotiri, however, the monkey appears in a number of ritual contexts and exhibits anthropomorphic behaviors, and it seems to be the only natural animal (as opposed to unnatural compound creatures, like the griffin) to appear as active in any ritual contexts. At least one scene, however, shows vervets behaving like the average monkey and climbing around a natural, rocky landscape.
Obviously, the significance of the vervet shifts considerably when moved from its native habitat to Akrotiri (and perhaps Crete) and from Egyptian to Aegean iconography. This discussion will focus on deciphering the role played by the blue monkey through an investigation of the depicted landscape, cohabitants, activities, and gestures of the monkeys painted on the walls at Akrotiri. After all, images are the only evidence that exists for monkeys at Akrotiri – physical remains have never been found.
In the Bronze Age, seal stones from Crete were often used as a means for personal and administrative authentication, among other uses. Figural and abstract imagery was carved into small portable stones, both precious and not. These stones... more
In the Bronze Age, seal stones from Crete were often used as a means for personal and administrative authentication, among other uses. Figural and abstract imagery was carved into small portable stones, both precious and not. These stones were usually pierced and threaded onto a strap to be carried on a person at all times, and they generally resembled and perhaps doubled as jewelry. Several creatures are represented on the seals, including those from the natural and supernatural realms. This discussion, however, will focus exclusively on the appearance of monkeys in glyptic (seals and sealings), who have been seen elsewhere to function in both the natural and supernatural worlds.
Due to the tiny size of the media, many scenes are often stripped down to their barest constituent parts. Although this tendency is purely practical, it has not been directly addressed. In an effort to identify monkey imagery in glyptic, possible scenes involving monkeys will first be examined and then discussed, which lead one to a clear conclusion: the monkey is formulaically represented. Does this visual formula extend beyond Crete, into other regions in which seal stones were used? Did those other regions regard monkeys in a similar fashion to the way monkeys appear to be revered on Crete and Thera?
This investigation dovetails nicely with a talk being given by the same author in another session, but it also stands alone as a separate topic and may be clearly understood by those who did not attend the talk about frescoes. While the first discussion serves to explain the north-south iconographic dichotomy apparent between Egypt and the Aegean islands with regards to monkey imagery, this discussion focuses more closely on the relationship between the Aegean islands and the Near East. By finally taking a step back, any overarching and uniting themes that appear in the Near East, Aegean, and Egypt may also be examined.
During the Bronze Age, frescoes were created throughout the Aegean depicting humans -- the individual and the group, male and female, young and old. Social divisions with which we are familiar today, like age and gender, are usually... more
During the Bronze Age, frescoes were created throughout the Aegean depicting humans -- the individual and the group, male and female, young and old. Social divisions with which we are familiar today, like age and gender, are usually clearly depicted and understood but are factors in deciphering more complex social roles. For instance, are there visual cues that render a ceremonial activity distinct from daily work? Are there indications of a separate, elite class present in the frescoes? In an attempt to grapple with depictions of societal roles, figural traits considered will include but are not limited to body shape, relative size, facial features, costume, and setting. In an exploration of ideology, convention, and interpretation, the possible roles in which Minoans and Mycenaeans depict themselves will be investigated.
Donatello’s bronze David remains one of the most ambiguous works from the early Renaissance. Despite its accurate attribution to Donatello’s hand and clearly documented contexts (beginning with its place in the Medici courtyard during the... more
Donatello’s bronze David remains one of the most ambiguous works from the early Renaissance. Despite its accurate attribution to Donatello’s hand and clearly documented contexts (beginning with its place in the Medici courtyard during the 1460s), its date, production location, patron(s), and the intended identity of the figure itself have all been and continue to be debated by scholars. The dominating theories regarding David’s identity have centered on either adamantly discounting or supporting the bronze as Mercury. In a third, apologetic camp, some seek to reconcile both David and Mercury with one another.
I propose a different, new identity for Donatello’s bronze: Apollo. Before diving headlong into this debate, the David and his position within the Medici household will be discussed. Next, I will introduce the Greek Apollo with particular emphasis on his attributes and the myths that are relevant to this investigation. With Apollo in mind, I will then reexamine the David, and answer the problematical questions that result from previous attempts to read this figure as David, Mercury, or a syncretism of the two. Ascribing the role of Mercury on to the bronze nude is remarkably unnecessary when the proverbial shoe fits Apollo. By continuing to read this figure as Mercury, one ignores a more fitting character. Finally, I will illustrate the presence of an overarching humanistic program constructed by the Medici within their palazzo, to which the David clearly belonged as a polyvalent Apollo figure—a program in which a Mercury has no place.
During the Bronze Age, frescoes of foreign blue vervet monkeys were created at both Knossos on Crete and Akrotiri on Thera; at the same time in Egypt, vervet monkeys were being painted in green. The same species of monkey is being... more
During the Bronze Age, frescoes of foreign blue vervet monkeys were created at both Knossos on Crete and Akrotiri on Thera; at the same time in Egypt, vervet monkeys were being painted in green.  The same species of monkey is being depicted in each location, but Egypt seems to limit the vervet to common, menial places in everyday life. There, monkeys are viewed as helpers for harvesting, comic relief, and entertainers. The same species of monkey was recognized as exotic in Crete and Thera, where the Minoans treated the vervet as a sort of intermediary between themselves and their gods. In an exploration of ideology, trade, and convention, the link between these two cultures in their portrayal of the green monkey species will be investigated.
From the website: For decades, researchers assumed the monkeys depicted on a 3,500-year-old painting in Greece were from Africa, just across the Mediterranean. But recently a team of experts looked at these animals and said – wait a... more
From the website: For decades, researchers assumed the monkeys depicted on a 3,500-year-old painting in Greece were from Africa, just across the Mediterranean. But recently a team of experts looked at these animals and said – wait a second, that’s not right at all – and that’s forced a lot of other scientists to reconsider what they know about the Bronze Age.

Joining me today to talk about this new mystery is Nikki Pareja. She is an archeologist and art historian, and the lead author of a new paper in the journal Primates, which doesn’t just rewrite the history of this mural, but also offers enticing new clues about trade in the Bronze Age.
This dissertation examines monkey and ape iconography in Minoan art during the Aegean Bronze Age. Although a broad range of animals exist for depiction, Minoan artists carefully selected each sub sect in order to fulfill specific roles.... more
This dissertation examines monkey and ape iconography in  Minoan art during the Aegean Bronze Age. Although a broad range of animals exist for depiction, Minoan artists carefully selected each sub sect in order to fulfill specific roles. Monkeys and apes appear to function differently than the other creatures that are depicted in art. Rather than subscribing to the general roles played by other animals, these primates may be shown outdoors, behaving like wild animals, or in a ceremonial context, participating in a ritual. Monkeys also imitate human activities. The deviation of primates from the typical roles of other animals found in Minoan art invites a deeper investigation of the role and iconography of apes and monkeys.
In this study, three types of media that bear depictions of primates are considered. These media include figurines, glyphic art, and wall paintings. First, a review of the stylistic features of Minoan art and the possibility for the use of pattern books is discussed. Next, monkey and ape iconography in Egyptian art is explored. A thorough review of the creatures' iconography in Minoan art follows, which includes the identification of figures as either ape or monkey, as well as a detailed description and conclusions about each type of representation. A new possible reconstruction of the Saffron Gatherer fresco is also included. Finally, the possible origins of Minoan primate iconography are considered, as well as the possible implications of the creature's history, development, and roles. With this information in mind, the Offering to the Seated Goddess scene is then examined. The possible reconstruction of a crocus ceremony is proposed and explained, and the Levantine parallels for the compositional arrangement of the scene are also addressed. These conclusions may directly inform greater themes in Minoan culture, such as religion and cult practices.
Recent interdisciplinary projects provide scientific evidence that indicate the ‘Silk Roads’ were in use long before the first millennium BC. Such studies indicate that the earliest exchange begins as early as the Bronze Age (c.... more
Recent interdisciplinary projects provide scientific evidence that indicate the ‘Silk Roads’ were in use long before the first millennium BC. Such studies indicate that the earliest exchange begins as early as the Bronze Age (c. 3,000–1,100 BC). Despite the movement of materials, technologies, iconographies, diseases, and people, some scholars are reluctant to consider this Afro-Eurasian exchange as something more than informal and opportunistic. This suggests, problematically, that each culture exchanged almost exclusively with nearby groups but with minimal awareness of populations beyond their neighbours. Before its eventual wane, the Silk Roads saw an early fluorescence during the Late Bronze Age, which is supported by textual, iconographic, genetic, and material evidence. This chapter first reviews such studies to allay any remaining hesitation regarding Bronze Age Indus-Aegean exchange. Next, the budding relationship between the Indus and Aegean will be examined through the lens of animal imagery to better understand notions of identity, access, and luxury. As a result, this paper challenges traditional Silk Roads chronologies and proposes that some of the earliest Eurasian exchange occurred during the Neolithic and Early Bronze Age.
Bronze Age Aegean representations of the divine have long puzzled scholars. Iconography and material evidence are sometimes at odds, and deities rarely possess a single, reliable set of attributes. The Bronze Age Aegean... more
Bronze Age Aegean representations of the divine have long puzzled scholars. Iconography and material evidence are sometimes at odds, and deities rarely possess a single, reliable set of attributes. The Bronze Age Aegean religious/ideological system itself -- whether polytheistic, monotheistic, shamanic, or animist – remains hotly debated, and Linear B evidence for polytheism does not seem to support Mycenaean, Minoan, or Cycladic iconographies. This chapter proposes that the ambiguity and polyvalent nature of Aegean representations of the divine was a conscious choice that was only possible in the context of the large-scale, frequent transregional and prehistoric Afro-Eurasian exchange that peaked during the Late Bronze Age.
By invoking Sir Arthur Evans’ early comparative methodologies, the body of existing comparanda from the Ancient Near East and Mesopotamia can be re-examined for evidence of a shared visual vocabulary of the divine. Critical to this theory is a methodological shift in the conception of regional subdivisions: rather than Crete, the Cyclades, and Mycenaean Mainland, consider only islanders and mainlanders. With this duality in mind, select cult imagery from Xeste 3 at Akrotiri, Thera and the Cult Centre at Mycenae is reviewed and then reconsidered with the distinct temporal, spatial, and socio-political contexts of the Late Bronze Age Aegean. This ultimately leads to two options: either two distinct goddesses exist, or more likely, a single and central multifaceted, polyvalent deity is represented in terms of which aspect best fits the culture and circumstances.  Such polysemaity of a deity is present in the Sumerian Inanna (later Akkadian Ishtar or Inanna-Ishtar). The possible parallels between these two deities are explored and examined. Although the connections between Mesopotamia and the Aegean are well documented, the centrality of a polyvalent representation of Inanna (or an Inanna-like deity) in the Aegean begs a methodological interrogation: they are, after all, separate regions that operate differently. By employing later historical and iconographic parallels, the multifaceted nature of the Aegean Potnia, at once terrible warrior and tender nature goddess, is explored in order to better understand the power of the polyvalent goddesses that travelled the Silk Roads.
Exchange between the Aegean and Mesopotamia during the Early Bronze Age is well documented; so is contemporary exchange between Mesopotamia and the Indus. Precious stone, shells, metals, and other raw materials illustrate these early... more
Exchange between the Aegean and Mesopotamia during the Early Bronze Age is well documented; so is contemporary exchange between Mesopotamia and the Indus. Precious stone, shells, metals, and other raw materials illustrate these early connections, and slightly later textual sources reinforce these relationships. Early imagery and its development, translation, and adaptation further support ideas of mid-to-late fourth millennium BC far-reaching exchange. By examining the types and movement of ape and monkey iconography from the Early Bronze Age Indus, through Mesopotamia, and to the Aegean, one may associate simian iconography with a class of exotic, elite imports to the Aegean, particularly Crete. In contrast to previous scholarship, this discussion acknowledges the Aegean’s close relationship with Egypt while allowing for iconographic and perhaps ideological adoptions and translations via both closer-range exchange with Mesopotamia and the Near East and indirect long-distance exchange with regions as far east as the Indus River Valley.
A program of extraction and analysis of organic residues in order to determine the contents of ceramic vessels from the site of Pefka was accomplished by a collaboration between several institutions: ARCHEM; the 24th EPCA in eastern... more
A program of extraction and analysis of organic residues in order to determine the contents of ceramic vessels from the site of Pefka was accomplished by a collaboration between several institutions: ARCHEM; the 24th EPCA in eastern Crete; the Departments of Classical Studies and Chemistry at Brandeis University, Waltham, Massachusetts; the INSTAP SCEC in Pacheia Ammos, Crete; the Museum of Cretan Ethnology Research Centre in Vori, Crete; and the Department of Art History, Temple University, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. This nondestructive field technique can provide important information to supplement the data recovered by other means.
Minoan and Cycladic art, famous for its representations of wild nature, has a reputation for imaginative rather than accurate images of plants and animals when in fact, most were depicted with enough key characteristics to permit species... more
Minoan and Cycladic art, famous for its representations of wild nature, has a reputation for imaginative rather than accurate images of plants and animals when in fact, most were depicted with enough key characteristics to permit species identification. This study investigates animal imagery in well-known Aegean art works, including the blue monkeys from Akrotiri, the plumes of the feather crown from the Priest-King Fresco of Knossos, the snakes wielded by the Knossian Snake-goddesses, and additional bird imagery. Pareja and a team of primatologists and a taxonomic illustrator recently identified the monkeys from Room 6 (Building Complex Beta, Akrotiri) as langurs, native to India, Bhutan, and Nepal. According to Evans, the Priest-King’s long plumes are peacock feathers, identifiable from their distinctive eyes. Peacocks, or Indian peafowl (Pavo cristatus), are also native to India, not the Aegean, and are thought to have first been imported to Greece during the Hellenistic period. The third investigation focuses on the snakes held in the raised arms of the famous “Snake Goddess” figurine from Knossos: although heavily restored, half of one snake is original; its striped body and flat, rounded, paddle-like tail suggests its identification as a sea snake, perhaps the yellow-lipped sea krait (also known as a banded sea krait, Laticauda colubrina) native to the Indian and western Pacific Oceans. This study then continues to explore the intriguing possibility that Late Bronze Age trade networks extended as far east as India, the Indus Valley, and the Indian Ocean, and that exotic animals (or at least their imagery) travelled along those same routes.
A long-recognised characteristic of Crete’s later Bronze Age [BA] state-level society – the ‘Minoan civilization’ of the 2nd millennium cal. BC – was the establishment of socio-economic connections with off-island populations. The nature... more
A long-recognised characteristic of Crete’s later Bronze Age [BA] state-level society – the ‘Minoan civilization’ of the 2nd millennium cal. BC – was the establishment of socio-economic connections with off-island populations. The nature of these relationships has been interpreted in various ways, from the establishment of overseas colonies1 to a more mutually beneficial relationship between local political agents and their Cretan partners, not least Knossos.2 Minoan influence has been documented throughout the southern Aegean in the form of material culture, iconography, metrological systems and socio-religious practices.3 It is the latter theme that concerns us here, specifically in the form of ‘peak sanctuaries’, i.e. upland foci of ritual activity associated with settlements and palatial centres throughout Crete,4 a handful of which are claimed to have been established overseas, on Kythera, Kea, Naxos, Rhodes and possibly Andros (Figure 1).5 We report here on what we claim to be...
This dissertation examines monkey and ape iconography in Minoan art during the Aegean Bronze Age (ca. 3,000–1,100 B.C.). Although a broad range of animals exist for depiction, Minoan artists carefully selected each subject in order to... more
This dissertation examines monkey and ape iconography in Minoan art during the Aegean Bronze Age (ca. 3,000–1,100 B.C.). Although a broad range of animals exist for depiction, Minoan artists carefully selected each subject in order to fulfill specific roles. Monkeys and apes appear to function differently than the other creatures that are depicted in art. Rather than subscribing to the general roles played by other animals, these primates may be shown outdoors, behaving like wild animals, or in a ceremonial context, participating in a ritual. Monkeys also imitate human activities. The deviation of primates from the typical roles of other animals found in Minoan art invites a deeper investigation of the role and iconography of apes and monkeys. In this study, three types of media that bear depictions of primates are considered. These media include figurines, glyptic art, and wall paintings. First, a review of the stylistic features of Minoan art and the possibility for the use of pat...
Bronze Age Clothing in Minoan Crete was multicolored and made from intricately woven textiles. Until now, our only evidence related to the colors in the textiles came from the study of costume in wall paintings. Fortunately, recent... more
Bronze Age Clothing in Minoan Crete was multicolored and made from intricately woven textiles. Until now, our only evidence related to the colors in the textiles came from the study of costume in wall paintings. Fortunately, recent research has revealed that several different dyes were produced in Minoan Crete. Clothing is depicted in frescoes and other art forms from various Middle to Late Bronze Age Aegean sites (ca.1700–1400 BCE). Many of these images such as those on the tiny surface of seals—fail to convey the strikingly colorful nature of Minoan garments. And the representation of a blue bodice is not sufficient evidence to conclude that Minoans wore indigo-dyed, blue, woolen clothing. To identify the dyestuffs used during this period, we conducted scientific analysis of the pottery from a dye workshop at Alatzomouri-Pefka in Crete.
In their reply to our article "A new identification of the monkeys depicted in a Bronze Age wall painting from Akrotiri, Thera" [Primates 61(3), 2019], Urbani and Youlatos (Primates https://doi.org/10.1007/s10329-020-00825-2 ,... more
In their reply to our article "A new identification of the monkeys depicted in a Bronze Age wall painting from Akrotiri, Thera" [Primates 61(3), 2019], Urbani and Youlatos (Primates https://doi.org/10.1007/s10329-020-00825-2 , 2020) argue for the traditional identification of the monkeys depicted on the north and west walls of Room 6 of Building Complex Beta at Akrotiri, Thera, as vervet monkeys (Fig. 1). Their argument is based largely on previous scholarship and their analysis of monkey morphology as it appears in this Bronze Age artwork. Here, after clarifying some misconceptions and misquotations, we thoroughly contextualize the wall painting in question, emphasizing the importance of collaboration between disparate disciplines for a multifaceted and rigorous approach. The nature of the item in question is key in this reply: it is an artwork. Because the artwork in question is a cultural representation of monkeys rather than a study of live primates or preserved specimens, consideration of artistic choice, color conventions, and the agency of the artist, which are important facets of material culture, is important when answering the questions raised by Urbani and Youlatos, and should stimulate further cross-disciplinary discussions.
Abstract Analysis by gas chromatography was conducted on pottery from a Middle Bronze Age workshop from the Minoan culture of Crete, confirming it as a facility for manufacturing organic dyes. The archaeological site is located at... more
Abstract Analysis by gas chromatography was conducted on pottery from a Middle Bronze Age workshop from the Minoan culture of Crete, confirming it as a facility for manufacturing organic dyes. The archaeological site is located at Alatzomouri-Pefka in northeast Crete. The site has a series of nine rock-cut basins associated with channels in the bedrock, remains of stone walls, and many artifacts. Its pottery provides a date in Middle Minoan IIB (ca. 1800/1700 B.C.). The gas chromatography identified three dyes (Murex purple, yellow from weld, and red from madder) as well as lanolin, the oil associated with wool from sheep.
Bronze Age Aegean (ca. 3500–1100 B.C.) wall paintings from the islands of Crete and Thera depict monkeys in a variety of roles such as running wild in nature, possibly following (trained) commands, and participating in sacred activities.... more
Bronze Age Aegean (ca. 3500–1100 B.C.) wall paintings from the islands of Crete and Thera depict monkeys in a variety of roles such as running wild in nature, possibly following (trained) commands, and participating in sacred activities. These images, while stylistically Aegean, are traditionally considered closely related to—and descendant from—Egyptian, Near Eastern, and Mesopotamian monkey imagery. While monkey depictions in the latter regions may provide species-specific characteristics, Aegean wall paintings typically lack this level of detail. In an attempt to better understand the relationships between the monkeys depicted in Aegean wall paintings and the species that were encountered by the Aegean, Mesopotamian, and Egyptian peoples, a collaborative team of primatologists, a taxonomic illustrator, and an art historian/archaeologist identified species-indicative visual characteristics. This collaborative approach led us to identify a new region that serves as a source for monkey iconography: the Indus River Valley. With an emphasis on the primatological aspect and the growing corpus of possible Indus goods and possible species found in the Aegean, a broader iconographic and socioreligious sphere of interaction emerges. In this expanded system, Mesopotamia functions as an intermediary that enables the movement of goods, raw materials, people, and iconography between the east and west. Mesopotamia may have even afforded an opportunity for Aegean peoples to encounter the creatures themselves, first-hand. Of primary importance to the methodology employed for this project is the cooperation of scholars from disparate disciplines—the stitching together of various projects and experiences in attempt to answer both new and previously unanswerable questions. This type of interdisciplinary approach can be applied to other species, sites, paintings, and objects to hone our understanding of period, place, animal, movement, and trade.
This dissertation examines monkey and ape iconography in Minoan art during the Aegean Bronze Age. Although a broad range of animals exist for depiction, Minoan artists carefully selected each sub sect in order to fulfill specific roles.... more
This dissertation examines monkey and ape iconography in Minoan art during the Aegean Bronze Age. Although a broad range of animals exist for depiction, Minoan artists carefully selected each sub sect in order to fulfill specific roles. Monkeys and apes appear to function differently than the other creatures that are depicted in art. Rather than subscribing to the general roles played by other animals, these primates may be shown outdoors, behaving like wild animals, or in a ceremonial context, participating in a ritual. Monkeys also imitate human activities. The deviation of primates from the typical roles of other animals found in Minoan art invites a deeper investigation of the role and iconography of apes and monkeys. In this study, three types of media that bear depictions of primates are considered. These media include figurines, glyphic art, and wall paintings. First, a review of the stylistic features of Minoan art and the possibility for the use of pattern books is discussed. Next, monkey and ape iconography in Egyptian art is explored. A thorough review of the creatures' iconography in Minoan art follows, which includes the identification of figures as either ape or monkey, as well as a detailed description and conclusions about each type of representation. A new possible reconstruction of the Saffron Gatherer fresco is also included. Finally, the possible origins of Minoan primate iconography are considered, as well as the possible implications of the creature's history, development, and roles. With this information in mind, the Offering to the Seated Goddess scene is then examined. The possible reconstruction of a crocus ceremony is proposed and explained, and the Levantine parallels for the compositional arrangement of the scene are also addressed. These conclusions may directly inform greater themes in Minoan culture, such as religion and cult practices.
The Late Bronze Age wall painting program from Xeste 3 at Akrotiri, Thera is traditionally considered as showing animal and human attendants to a seated nature-/fertility goddess. As Andreas Vlachopoulos has shown, the wall paintings... more
The Late Bronze Age wall painting program from Xeste 3 at Akrotiri, Thera is traditionally considered as showing animal and human attendants to a seated nature-/fertility goddess. As Andreas Vlachopoulos has shown, the wall paintings guide the building's visitors on a programmatic journey, along which many scholars believe the scenes show coming-of-age ceremonies related to fertility. Such theories engage and perpetuate (whether consciously or not) conventional patriarchal notions regarding childbirth and childrearing as necessarily pivotal to a woman's roles and identities. In the case of Xeste 3, the entire building is conventionally discussed in terms of coming-of-age-ceremonies related to menstruation (its onset, duration, and cessation). The depictions of saffron and crocuses depicted throughout the structure are typically considered references to healing, further supporting the notion of a fertile, healing, gentle nature deity.

Traditional scholarship overlooks a critical facet of the iconography within Xeste 3: no pregnant women, infants, or toddlers have been identified in the wall paintings. Such depictions in any media are rare in Bronze Age Aegean island iconography (beyond the Cave of Eileithya on Crete), which allows for the possibility that while the wall paintings do address fertility, modern patriarchal bias has reframed depictions of reproductive health in terms of the 'healthy' ability to bear children. This discussion highlights this inherently biased reading and reframes an examination of Xeste 3 in light of often-overlooked or ignored information. For instance, small doses of saffron can be healing, but slightly larger doses can induce menstruation and abortion, and even act as poison. When considered together with the iconography throughout Xeste 3 and the lack of pregnancy, childbirth, and children, it is possible that the herb supports women's reproductive health by helping women avoid pregnancy and subsequent childbirth. If one allows for such a reading, then a plethora of striking parallels emerge between the iconography and subsequent interpretation of the seated deity at Xeste 3 and a long-lived Mesopotamian deity of paradoxical duality: Inanna.
During the Aegean Bronze Age (ca. 3,200-1,100 B.C.), blue pigments are rendered from a myriad of different sources across distinct media: from naturally occurring minerals such as riebeckite and lapis lazuli to man-made compounds like... more
During the Aegean Bronze Age (ca. 3,200-1,100 B.C.), blue pigments are rendered from a myriad of different sources across distinct media: from naturally occurring minerals such as riebeckite and lapis lazuli to man-made compounds like Egyptian blue and even plant- and animal-based pigments, such as murex purple and indigo. The ways in which these colors are employed in wall painting, however, often leave modern viewers with more questions than answers. For instance, why render the shaved scalps of young individuals in blue? The fur of monkeys and cats and the feathers of birds are not blue in reality either. One might turn to color theory, which is well established in the art of neighboring regions (Egypt, Mesopotamia), yet no such over-arching theory exists for the Aegean. Traditional explanations for the choice to show a pictorial element as blue either regard Aegean artistic norms as mildly derivative of Egyptian artistic conventions or simply state that blue is more visually appealing than gray or brown. Rather than entertain reductionist notions, this study proposes a new, polyvalent understanding for the use of Aegean color. Not only might the pigments themselves serve as material references to the places from which they come (the east), but blue may also be considered a luxury pigment, perhaps evocative of inextricable notions of personal or regional identity, access to far-flung trade networks, and participation in or belonging to an elite, international lineage.



Short bibliography and/or website on lecture topic:

https://www.penn.museum/sites/expedition/aegean-dyes/

Koh, A., V. Apostolakou, M.N. Pareja, A.M. Crandall, and P.P. Betancourt. 2020. “Organic Residue Studies,” in Alatzomouri Pefka. A Middle Minoan IIB Workshop Making Organic Dyes, V. Apostolakou, T. Brogan, and P.P. Betancourt, eds., pp. 111-118.
Bronze Age (ca. 3,200-1,100 B.C.) Aegean art is renowned for its depictions of the natural world, particularly the detailed and nuanced renderings of plants, animals, humans, and geological features. Hybrid creatures appear as well,... more
Bronze Age (ca. 3,200-1,100 B.C.) Aegean art is renowned for its depictions of the natural world, particularly the detailed and nuanced renderings of plants, animals, humans, and geological features. Hybrid creatures appear as well, sometimes sharing pictorial space with natural figures, as can be seen in the Offering to the Seated Goddess wall painting in Xeste 3 at Akrotiri, Thera. Although some of the hybrid creatures are adapted from or inspired by the east (Egypt, the Near East, Mesopotamia) such as the griffin or sphinx, others are uniquely Aegean in origin. Fritz Blakolmer’s (2016) extensive study of animal imagery proposes a dominance hierarchy based on depictions of conflict in Aegean art, which includes a subdivision between the human and divine realms. In his system, the monkey appears in the divine sphere, among the supernatural hybrid creatures. When Blakolmer’s system is paired with a new eco-social model for animals in Aegean island art (Chapin and Pareja forthcoming 2021), monkeys’ associations with or even roles as supernatural creatures become clear: one may consider them exotic animals from beyond the Aegean world, negotiating the boundaries of the natural and supernatural realms as a real, visible, tangible, and powerful animal-human hybrid.

Monkeys’ hybridity has far-reaching implications with regard to Aegean conceptions of lineage, identity, luxury, exchange, and access. Nevertheless, this shift in perceived identity also affords an opportunity to deconstruct and more deeply understand the complex relationships between supernatural hybrids. As such, this investigation contextualizes the monkey’s new compound identity together with the griffin and Minoan genius to offer a nuanced approach to possible Aegean cosmology – one in which the monkey serves as an agent of renewal or rebirth, the genius as a psychopomp or agent of death, and the griffin as an agent of chaos and destruction.



Short bibliography and/or website on lecture topic:

Blakolmer, F. 2016. “Il Buono, Il Brutto, Il Cattivo? Character, Symbolism, and Hierarchy of Animals and Supernatural Creatures in Minoan and Mycenaean Iconography,” Creta Antica 17, 97-183.

Chapin, A.P.  and M.N. Pareja 2021. “Betwixt and Between: An Eco-social Model for Understanding Minoan and Cycladic Animal Art,” ZOIA (Aegaeum series), T. Palaima and R. Laffineur, eds., Liège and Austin. Anticipated June 2021.
The following talk was presented March 20 in Winnipeg; April 14 in Rochester, NY; and April 26 in Carlisle, PA. Bronze Age Aegean wall paintings depicting monkeys from Crete and Thera show the animals in a variety of roles, from wild to... more
The following talk was presented March 20 in Winnipeg; April 14 in Rochester, NY; and April 26 in Carlisle, PA.

Bronze Age Aegean wall paintings depicting monkeys from Crete and Thera show the animals in a variety of roles, from wild to possibly trained, to cultic or sacred. These images, while stylistically Aegean, are closely related to—and seem to be descendant from—Egyptian and Mesopotamian monkey and ape iconography. In order to better understand the relationships between the monkeys in Aegean wall paintings and those that live(d) in the Aegean, Mesopotamia, and Egypt, several primatologists were consulted to identify species-specific visual characteristics more accurately. This approach results in the recognition of a new region as a contributing source for monkey iconography: the broader Indus River Valley. Communication and collaboration with Indus and Mesopotamian specialists also prove critical for the art historical and archaeological component of this project, which facilitates the tracing of possible Indus-Aegean trade routes via the movement of iconography, raw materials, goods, people (through DNA analysis), while also considering textual documentation and color theory. With an emphasis on the primatological aspect and the growing corpus of Indus goods found in the Aegean, an image emerges of an even broader iconographic and socio-religious sphere of interaction. In this expanded system, Mesopotamia functions both as an independent source of iconography and as an intermediary that facilitated a dissemination of monkey iconography, related beliefs, and possibly the creatures themselves.



Short bibliography and/or website on lecture topic:

https://www.newscientist.com/article/2227146-ancient-monkey-painting-suggests-bronze-age-greeks-travelled-widely/

https://www.smithsonianmag.com/smart-news/painted-bronze-age-monkeys-hint-interconnectedness-ancient-world-180973789/

Pareja, M.N., T. McKinney, J. Mayhew, J.M. Setchell, R. Heaton, and S. Nash. 2019. “A New Identification of the Monkeys Depicted in Bronze Age Wall Paintings from Akrotiri,” Primates (Online First, Dec. 2019).

Pareja, M.N., T. McKinney, and J.M. Setchell. 2020. “Aegean Monkeys and the Importance of Cross-Disciplinary Collaboration in Archaeoprimatology: A Reply to Urbani and Youlatos (2020),” Primates (Online First, Sept. 2020).
The modern understanding of Bronze Age Aegean medical practices is largely based on the study of three types of evidence: surviving physical remains; a sharing of knowledge from Egyptian, Near Eastern, and Mesopotamian texts; and... more
The modern understanding of Bronze Age Aegean medical practices is largely based on the study of three types of evidence: surviving physical remains; a sharing of knowledge from Egyptian, Near Eastern, and Mesopotamian texts; and iconography -- particularly the Seated Goddess wall painting from Room 3a of Xeste 3 at Akrotiri. Although saffron has been discussed ad nauseam in its role as "healing" herb, its harmful potential has neither been studied in detail by archaeologists and art historians, nor considered in light of the broader context in which the herb is so painstakingly painted at Akrotiri. This discussion seeks to address the ways that patriarchal interpretations of the Xeste 3 imagery as indicative of a fertility goddess and cult -- i.e., "coming of age ceremonies" related to childbearing -- are not supported by the imagery. Rather, the centrality of saffron, animal and vegetal fertility, as well as the absence of pregnant, breast feeding, and child-rearing women in the surviving imagery, together currently suggest that reaching child-bearing age is not the focus of this cult. Rather, the inverse may be exactly the point: that through skilled medical application of saffron, a rare and valuable herb potentially reserved for these women, women never need to bear children.
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