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{{Short description|Term for American geopolitical dominance}}
{{Other uses}}
{{Other uses}}
{{Use American English|date=January 2019}}{{Use mdy dates|date=May 2017}}
'''American Century'''<ref>Lamb, Brian, and Harold Evans. The American Century. West Lafayette, IN: C-SPAN Archives, 1999.</ref><ref>[http://www.randomhouse.com/features/americancentury/frame.html The American Century]. randomhouse.com.</ref> is a characterization of the 20th century as being largely dominated by the [[United States]] in political, economic and cultural terms. Critical to the American Century was US control of the world's oil resources.<ref name = "Painter 2012 24">{{Harvnb|Painter|2012|p=24}}: "Understanding how oil fueled the 'American century' is fundamental to understanding the sources, dynamics, and consequences of U.S. global dominance. Essential to both military power and the functioning of modern society, oil fueled American power and prosperity during the twentieth century. .&nbsp;.&nbsp;. Control of oil bolstered U.S. military and economic might and enabled the United States and its allies to win both world wars and the Cold War. The U.S. government worked closely with the oil industry to gain and maintain control of overseas oil reserves, reflecting a symbiosis of national security interests and the interests of the oil companies. Maintaining access to oil became a key priority of U.S. foreign policy and involved the United States in regional and local conflicts in Latin America, the Middle East, and other oil-producing areas in ways that distorted development in many countries. Most of the major doctrines of postwar U.S. foreign policy—the Truman, Eisenhower, Nixon, and Carter Doctrines—related, either directly or indirectly, to the Middle East and its oil."</ref> The United States' influence grew throughout the [[20th century]], but became especially dominant after the end of [[World War II]], when only two [[superpower]]s remained, the United States and the [[Soviet Union]]. After the [[dissolution of the Soviet Union]] in 1991, the United States remained the world's only superpower,<ref name="Paper for presentation at the biennial meetings of the South African Political Studies Association Saldanha, Western Cape 29 June-2 July 1999">{{cite web|url=http://post.queensu.ca/~nossalk/papers/hyperpower.htm|title=Analyzing American Power in the Post-Cold War Era|accessdate=2007-02-28| archiveurl= http://web.archive.org/web/20070311021450/http://post.queensu.ca/~nossalk/papers/hyperpower.htm| archivedate= 11 March 2007 <!--DASHBot-->| deadurl= no}}</ref> and became the [[hegemon]], or what some have termed a [[hyperpower]].<ref>[http://www.wordspy.com/words/hyper-power.asp Definition and Use of the Word ''Hyperpower'']</ref>
[[File:Flag of the United States.svg|thumb|Flag of The United States of America]]
The '''American Century'''<ref>Lamb, Brian, and Harold Evans. The American Century. West Lafayette, IN: C-SPAN Archives, 1999.</ref><ref>[http://www.randomhouse.com/features/americancentury/frame.html The American Century]. randomhouse.com.</ref> is a characterization of the period since the middle of the 20th century as being largely dominated by the [[United States]] in political, economic, and cultural terms. It is comparable to the description of the period 1815–1914 as [[Britain's Imperial Century]].<ref>{{Cite book|first=Ronald|last=Hyam|title=Britain's Imperial Century, 1815–1914: A Study of Empire and Expansion|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|year=2002|isbn=978-0-7134-3089-9|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=2eMoHQAACAAJ|access-date=December 15, 2013}}</ref> The United States' influence grew throughout the 20th century, but became especially dominant after the end of [[World War II]], when only two [[superpower]]s remained, the United States and the [[Soviet Union]]. After the [[dissolution of the Soviet Union]] in 1991, the United States remained the world's only superpower,<ref name="Paper for presentation at the biennial meetings of the South African Political Studies Association Saldanha, Western Cape 29 June2 July 1999">{{cite web|url=http://post.queensu.ca/~nossalk/papers/hyperpower.htm|title=Analyzing American Power in the Post-Cold War Era|access-date=February 28, 2007| archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20070311021450/http://post.queensu.ca/~nossalk/papers/hyperpower.htm| archive-date= March 11, 2007 | url-status= live}}</ref> and became the [[hegemon]], or what some have termed a hyperpower.<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://www.wordspy.com/words/hyper-power.asp |title=Definition and Use of the Word ''Hyperpower'' |access-date=July 11, 2010 |archive-date=October 15, 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141015030000/http://www.wordspy.com/words/hyper-power.asp |url-status=dead }}</ref>

#


==Origin of the phrase==
==Origin of the phrase==
The term was coined by ''[[Time (magazine)|Time]]'' publisher [[Henry Luce]] to describe what he thought the role of the [[United States]] would be and should be during the 20th century.<ref>David Harvey, ''The New Imperialism'', (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2003)</ref>
The term was coined by ''[[Time (magazine)|Time]]'' publisher [[Henry Luce]] to describe what he thought the role of the United States would be and should be during the 20th century.<ref>{{cite book |first=David |last=Harvey |title=The New Imperialism |location=New York |publisher=Oxford University Press |year=2003 |isbn=0-19-926431-7 }}</ref> Luce, the son of a missionary, in a February 17, 1941 ''[[Life (magazine)|Life]]'' magazine editorial urged the United States to forsake [[isolationism]] for a missionary's role, acting as the world's [[Good Samaritan]] and spreading democracy.<ref>{{cite journal |first=Henry |last=Luce |date=February 17, 1941 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=I0kEAAAAMBAJ&pg=PA61 |title=The American Century |journal=[[Life Magazine]] }}</ref> He called upon the US to enter [[World War II]] to defend democratic values:
{{blockquote|
Luce, the son of a missionary, in a February 17, 1941 ''[[Life (magazine)|Life]]'' magazine editorial<ref>[[Henry Luce|Luce, Henry]] (1941-02-17) [http://books.google.com/books?id=I0kEAAAAMBAJ&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q=century&f=false The American Century], ''[[Life Magazine]]''</ref> urged the [[United States]] to forsake [[isolationism]] for a missionary's role, acting as the world's [[Good Samaritan]] and spreading [[democracy]]. He called upon the US to enter [[World War II]] to defend democratic values:
Throughout the 17th century and the 18th century and the 19th century, this continent teemed with manifold projects and magnificent purposes. Above them all and weaving them all together into the most exciting flag of all the world and of all history was the triumphal purpose of freedom.
<blockquote>
Throughout the 17th century and the 18th century and the 19th century, this continent teemed with manifold projects and magnificent purposes. Above them all and weaving them all together into the most exciting flag of all the world and of all history was the triumphal purpose of freedom.
<br>
<br>
It is in this spirit that all of us are called, each to his own measure of capacity, and each in the widest horizon of his vision, to create the first great American Century.<ref>Luce, H. R: "The American Century" reprinted in ''The Ambiguous Legacy'', M. J. Hogan, ed. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999.</ref>
It is in this spirit that all of us are called, each to his own measure of capacity, and each in the widest horizon of his vision, to create the first great American Century.<ref>{{cite book |last=Luce |first=H. R |chapter=The American Century |title=The Ambiguous Legacy |editor-first=M. J. |editor-last=Hogan |location=Cambridge |publisher=Cambridge University Press |year=1999 |isbn=0-521-77977-4 }}</ref>
}}
</blockquote>
Democracy and other American ideals would "do their mysterious work of lifting the life of mankind from the level of the beasts to what the Psalmist called a little lower than the angels". Only under the American Century can the world "come to life in any nobility of health and vigor".<ref>{{cite journal |first=Henry |last=Luce |date=February 17, 1941 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=I0kEAAAAMBAJ&pg=PA64 |title=The American Century |journal=[[Life Magazine]] |pages=64–65 }}</ref>
According to [[David Harvey (geographer)|David Harvey]], Luce believed "the power conferred was global and universal rather than territorially specific, so Luce preferred to talk of an American century rather than an empire."<ref>David Harvey, ''The New Imperialism'', (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2003), 50.</ref> In the same article he called upon United States "to exert upon the world the full impact of our influence, for such purposes as we see fit and by such means as we see fit." <ref>Michael J. Hogan, ''The ambiguous legacy: U.S. foreign relations in the "American century"'', (Cambridge University Press, 1999), page [http://books.google.com/books?id=T_QfEZw6hKkC&pg=PA287 20].</ref>

According to [[David Harvey (geographer)|David Harvey]], Luce believed "the power conferred was global and universal rather than territorially specific, so Luce preferred to talk of an American century rather than an empire".<ref>{{cite book |first=David |last=Harvey |title=The New Imperialism |location=New York |publisher=Oxford University Press |year=2003 |isbn=0-19-926431-7 |page=50 }}</ref> In the same article he called upon United States "to exert upon the world the full impact of our influence, for such purposes as we see fit and by such means as we see fit".<ref>{{cite book |last=Luce |first=H. R |chapter=The American Century |title=The Ambiguous Legacy |editor-first=M. J. |editor-last=Hogan |location=Cambridge |publisher=Cambridge University Press |year=1999 |isbn=0-521-77977-4 |page=20 |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=T_QfEZw6hKkC&pg=PA20 }}</ref>


==Early characteristics==
==Early characteristics==
[[File:American Empire1.PNG|upright=1.5|thumb|Map of the United States and directly controlled territories at its greatest extent from 1898 to 1902, after the [[Spanish–American War]]]]
Beginning at the end of the [[19th Century]], with the [[Spanish-American War]] in 1898 and the [[Boxer Rebellion]], the United States began to play a more important role in the world beyond the North American continent. The government adopted [[protectionism]] after the Spanish-American War to develop its native industry and built up a powerful navy, the "[[Great White Fleet]]". When [[Theodore Roosevelt]] became [[President of the United States|President]] in 1901, he accelerated a foreign policy shift away from [[isolationism]] and towards foreign involvement, a process which had begun under his predecessor [[William McKinley]]. For instance, the United States fought the [[Philippine-American War]] against the [[First Philippine Republic]] to solidify its control over the newly acquired [[Philippines]].<ref>[http://www3.wooster.edu/History/jgates/book-ch3.html John M. Gates, “War-Related Deaths in the Philippines”, ''Pacific Historical Review'' , v. 53, No. 3 (August, 1984), 367-378.]</ref> In 1904, Roosevelt committed the United States to building the [[Panama Canal]], creating the [[Panama Canal Zone]]. Interventionism found its formal articulation in the 1904 [[Roosevelt Corollary]] to the [[Monroe Doctrine]], proclaiming a right for the United States to intervene anywhere in the Americas, a moment that underlined the emergent US regional [[hegemony]].
[[Image:GreaterAmericaMap.jpg|thumb|250px|Post–[[Spanish–American War]] map of "Greater America"]]
Beginning at the end of the 19th century, with the [[Spanish–American War]] in 1898 and the [[Boxer Rebellion]], the United States began to play a more prominent role in the world beyond the North American continent. The government adopted [[protectionism]] after the Spanish–American War to develop its native industry and built up the navy, the "[[Great White Fleet]]". When [[Theodore Roosevelt]] became president in 1901, he accelerated a foreign policy shift away from [[isolationism]] and towards foreign involvement, a process which had begun under his predecessor [[William McKinley]].


For instance, the United States fought the [[Philippine–American War]] against the [[First Philippine Republic]] to solidify its control over the newly acquired Philippines.<ref>{{cite journal |first=John M. |last=Gates |year=1984 |title=War-Related Deaths in the Philippines |journal=[[Pacific Historical Review]] |volume=53 |issue=3 |pages=367–78 |doi=10.2307/3639234 |jstor=3639234 }}</ref> In 1904, Roosevelt committed the United States to building the [[Panama Canal]], creating the [[Panama Canal Zone]]. Interventionism found its formal articulation in the 1904 [[Roosevelt Corollary]] to the [[Monroe Doctrine]], proclaiming a right for the United States to intervene anywhere in the Americas, a moment that underlined the emergent US regional [[hegemony]].
The United States also played an important role in [[World War I]] and [[World War II]].

After the outbreak of [[World War I]] in 1914, the United States pursued a policy of [[non-intervention]], avoiding conflict while trying to broker a peace. President [[Woodrow Wilson]] later argued that the war was so important that the US had to have a voice in the peace conference.<ref name="Karp-PoW-1979">{{harvnb|Karp|1979}}</ref> The United States was never formally a member of the [[Allies of World War I|Allies]] but entered the war in 1917 as a self-styled "Associated Power". Initially the United States had a small army, but, after the passage of the [[Selective Service Act of 1917|Selective Service Act]], it drafted 2.8 million men,<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.sss.gov/induct.htm |title=Selective Service System: History and Records |publisher=Sss.gov |access-date=July 27, 2010 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090507211238/http://www.sss.gov/induct.htm |archive-date=May 7, 2009 }}</ref> and, by summer 1918, was sending 10,000 fresh soldiers to France every day. The war ended in 1919 with the [[Treaty of Versailles]]. The United States then adopted a policy of [[isolationism]], having refused to endorse the 1919 [[Versailles Treaty]] or formally enter the [[League of Nations]].<ref>{{cite book |last=Kennedy |first=David M. |title=Freedom From Fear: The American People in Depression and War, 1929–1945 |location=Oxford |publisher=Oxford University Press |year=1999 |pages=386 |isbn=0-19-503834-7 }}</ref>

During the interwar period, economic [[protectionism]] took hold in the United States, particularly as a result of the [[Smoot–Hawley Tariff Act]] which is credited by economists with the prolonging and worldwide propagation of the [[Great Depression]].<ref name="Eun & Resnick 2011">{{cite book |title=International Financial Management |edition=6th |last1=Eun |first1=Cheol S. |last2=Resnick |first2=Bruce G. |year=2011 |publisher=McGraw-Hill/Irwin |location=New York |isbn=978-0-07-803465-7}}</ref>{{rp|33}} From 1934, [[trade liberalization]] began to take place through the [[Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act]].

With the onset of [[World War II]] in 1939, Congress loosened the [[Neutrality Acts of 1930s]] but remained opposed to entering the [[World War II in Europe|European war]].<ref name="Schmitz 2000 124">{{Harvnb|Schmitz|2000|p=124}}.</ref> In 1940, the United States ranked 18th in terms of military power.<ref>{{cite web|title=WWII Overview|url=http://www.nationalww2museum.org/learn/education/for-students/ww2-history/overview.html|publisher=The National WWII Museum|access-date=February 28, 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150305070506/http://www.nationalww2museum.org/learn/education/for-students/ww2-history/overview.html|archive-date=March 5, 2015|url-status=dead|df=mdy-all}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url=http://ssi.armywarcollege.edu/pubs/summary.cfm?q=358|title=Excerpt – General George C. Marshall: Strategic Leadership and the Challenges of Reconstituting the Army, 1939–41|website=ssi.armywarcollege.edu|access-date=2018-01-23|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180124005751/http://ssi.armywarcollege.edu/pubs/summary.cfm?q=358|archive-date=January 24, 2018|url-status=dead}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news|url=http://www.politifact.com/texas/statements/2014/jun/13/ken-paxton/us-army-was-smaller-army-portugal-world-war-ii/|title=U.S. army was smaller than the army for Portugal before World War II|work=Politifact|access-date=2018-01-23}}</ref> The [[Neutrality Patrol]] had US destroyers fighting at sea, but no state of war had been declared by Congress. American public opinion remained isolationist. The 800,000-member [[America First Committee]] vehemently opposed any American intervention in the European conflict, even as the US sold military aid to the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union through the [[Lend-Lease]] program.

In the 1941 State of the Union address, known as the [[Four Freedoms]] speech, President [[Franklin D. Roosevelt]] made a break with the tradition of [[non-interventionism]]. He outlined the US role in helping allies already engaged in warfare. By August, President Roosevelt and British Prime Minister [[Winston Churchill]] had drafted the [[Atlantic Charter]] to define goals for the post-war world.<ref>Langer and Gleason, chapter 21</ref> In December 1941, Japan attacked American and British territories with near-simultaneous [[Japanese expansion (1941–1942)|offensives against Southeast Asia and the Central Pacific]] including an [[attack on Pearl Harbor|attack on the US fleet at Pearl Harbor]].<ref name="Wohlstetter 1962 341_343">{{Harvnb|Wohlstetter|1962|pp=341–43}}.</ref> These attacks led the United States and United Kingdom to [[United States declaration of war on Japan|declare war on Japan]]. Three days later, Germany and Italy declared war on the United States, which the United States reciprocated.<ref>{{Harvnb|Dunn|1998|p=157}}</ref>

During the War, the [[Four Policemen|Big Four]] powers (the United States, United Kingdom, the Soviet Union, and China) met to plan the post-war world.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Doenecke|first1=Justus D.|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=xdMF9rX6mX8C&pg=PA62|title=Debating Franklin D. Roosevelt's foreign policies, 1933–1945|last2=Stoler|first2=Mark A.|year=2005|publisher=Rowman & Littlefield |isbn=978-0-8476-9416-7|access-date=19 March 2016}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal|last=Kelly|first=Brian|title=The Four Policemen and. Postwar Planning, 1943-1945: The Collision of Realist and. Idealist Perspectives|url=https://www.iup.edu/WorkArea/DownloadAsset.aspx?id=37681|access-date=25 August 2015}}</ref> In an effort to maintain peace,<ref name="Yoder 1997 39">{{Harvnb|Yoder|1997|p=39}}.</ref> the [[Allies of World War II|Allies]] formed the [[United Nations]], which came into existence on October 24, 1945,<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.un.org/aboutun/history.htm|title=History of the UN|publisher=United Nations|access-date=January 25, 2010}}</ref> and adopted the [[Universal Declaration of Human Rights]] in 1948, as a common standard for all member states.<ref name="Waltz 2002">{{Harvnb|Waltz|2002}}</ref> The United States worked closely with the United Kingdom to establish the [[IMF]], [[World Bank]] and [[NATO]].<ref>{{Cite news|url=http://rooseveltinstitute.org/special-relationship-between-great-britain-and-united-states-began-fdr/|title=The "Special Relationship" between Great Britain and the United States Began with FDR.|date=2010-07-22|work=Roosevelt Institute|access-date=2018-01-24|quote=and the joint efforts of both powers to create a new post-war strategic and economic order through the drafting of the Atlantic Charter; the establishment of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank; and the creation of the United Nations.|archive-date=January 25, 2018|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180125021103/http://rooseveltinstitute.org/special-relationship-between-great-britain-and-united-states-began-fdr/|url-status=dead}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news|url=https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/2016/04/22/remarks-president-obama-and-prime-minister-cameron-joint-press|title=Remarks by the President Obama and Prime Minister Cameron in Joint Press Conference|date=2016-04-22|work=whitehouse.gov|access-date=2018-01-24|quote=That's what we built after World War II. The United States and the UK designed a set of institutions—whether it was the United Nations, or the Bretton Woods structure, IMF, World Bank, NATO, across the board.}}</ref>


==Pax Americana==
==Pax Americana==
{{Main|Pax Americana}}
{{Main|Pax Americana}}
[[Pax Americana]] represents the relative liberal [[peace]] in the [[Western world]], resulting from the preponderance of [[power (international relations)|power]] enjoyed by the United States of America starting around the turn of the 20th century. Although the term finds its primary utility in the late 20th century, it has been used in other times in the 20th century. Its modern connotations concern the peace established after the end of World War II in 1945.
[[Pax Americana]] represents the relative [[peace]] in the Western world, resulting in part from the preponderance of [[power (international relations)|power]] enjoyed by the United States of America starting around the middle of the 20th century. Although the term finds its primary utility in the late 20th century, it has been used in other times in the 20th century. Its modern connotations concern the peace established after the end of World War II in 1945.


==Post-1945 characteristics==
==Post-1945 characteristics==
The ''American Century'' existed through the [[Cold War]] and demonstrated the status of the United States as one of the world's two [[superpower]]s. After the Cold War, the most common belief held that only the United States fulfilled the criteria to be considered a superpower.<ref name="Paper for presentation at the biennial meetings of the South African Political Studies Association Saldanha, Western Cape 29 June-2 July 1999"/> America's geographic area composed the [[List of countries and dependencies by area|fourth largest country in the world]], with an area of approximately 9.37 million km².<ref>[http://www.theodora.com/wfb1989/united_states/united_states_geography.html US geography]</ref> America's demographic exhibited a population of 248.7 million in 1990, at that time the fourth largest on Earth.<ref>[http://www.census.gov/population/censusdata/table-2.pdf US Census] census.gov</ref>
The ''American Century'' existed through the [[Cold War]] and demonstrated the status of the United States as the foremost of the world's two superpowers. After the Cold War, the most common belief held that only the United States fulfilled the criteria to be considered a superpower.<ref name="Paper for presentation at the biennial meetings of the South African Political Studies Association Saldanha, Western Cape 29 June2 July 1999"/> Its geographic area composed the [[List of countries and dependencies by area|fourth-largest state in the world]], with an area of approximately 9.37 million km<sup>2</sup>.<ref>[http://www.theodora.com/wfb1989/united_states/united_states_geography.html US geography]</ref> The population of the US was 248.7 million in 1990, at that time the fourth-largest nation.<ref>[https://www.census.gov/population/censusdata/table-2.pdf US Census] census.gov</ref>


Regarding the Mid-to-Late-20th Century characteristics, America's political status was a strong [[capitalist]] [[federation]]/[[constitutional republic]]. America had a permanent seat on the [[UN Security Council]] plus two allies with permanent seats, [[France–United States relations|France]] and [[United Kingdom–United States relations|United Kingdom]]. America had strong ties with [[Western Europe]], [[Latin America]], [[British Commonwealth]], and several [[East Asia]]n countries ([[South Korea–United States relations|Korea]], [[Republic of China–United States relations|Taiwan]], [[Japan–United States relations|Japan]]). America wielded influence by supporting [[right-wing]] [[dictatorship]]s in undeveloped countries and democracies in developed countries.<ref>{{cite book|author=Stephen Kinzer |title=Overthrow: America's Century of Regime Change from Hawaii to Iraq |publisher=Times Books |year=2007}}</ref>
In the mid-to-late 20th century, the political status of the US was defined as a strongly capitalist federation and constitutional republic. It had a permanent seat on the [[United Nations Security Council]] plus two allies with permanent seats, the [[United Kingdom–United States relations|United Kingdom]] and [[France–United States relations|France]]. The US had strong ties with capitalist Western Europe, Latin America, [[British Commonwealth]], and several East Asian countries ([[South Korea–United States relations|Korea]], [[Republic of China–United States relations|Taiwan]], [[Japan–United States relations|Japan]]). It allied itself with both right-wing dictatorships and capitalist democracies.<ref>{{cite book|author=Stephen Kinzer |title=Overthrow: America's Century of Regime Change from Hawaii to Iraq |url=https://archive.org/details/overthrow00step |url-access=registration |publisher=Times Books |year=2007|isbn=9780805082401 }}</ref>


The American Century doesn't just include the political influence of the United States. As to the United States' economic influence, many states around the world would over the course of the 20th century adopt the economic policies of the [[Washington Consensus]]. America's economic force was powerful at the end of the century due to America being by far the [[List of countries by GDP (nominal)|largest economy in the world]]. America had large resources of minerals, energy resources, metals, and timber, a large and modernized farming industry and large industrial base. [[United States Dollar|U.S. Dollar]] was the dominant world [[reserve currency]] under [[Bretton Woods system|Bretton Woods]]. American systems were rooted in the western economic theory based on supply and demand: production determined by customers' demands. America was allied with [[G7]] major economies. American economic policy prescriptions were the "standard" reform packages promoted for [[Economic crisis|crisis-wracked]] [[developing country|developing countries]] by [[Washington, DC]]-based institutions such as the [[International Monetary Fund]] (IMF), [[World Bank]] and the [[US Treasury Department]].<ref>Williamson, John: [http://www.iie.com/publications/papers/paper.cfm?researchid=486 What Washington Means by Policy Reform], in: Williamson, John (ed.): ''Latin American Readjustment: How Much has Happened'', Washington: Institute for International Economics 1989.</ref>
The American Century includes the political influence of the United States but also its economic influence. Many [[State (polity)|states]] around the world would, over the course of the 20th century, adopt the economic policies of the [[Washington Consensus]], sometimes against the wishes of their populations. The economic force of the US was powerful at the end of the century due to it being by far the [[List of countries by GDP (nominal)|largest economy in the world]]. The US had large resources of minerals, energy resources, metals, and timber, a large and modernized farming industry and large industrial base. The United States dollar is the dominant world [[reserve currency]] under the [[Bretton Woods system]]. US systems were rooted in capitalist economic theory based on supply and demand, that is, production determined by customers' demands. The US was allied with the [[G7]] major economies. US economic policy prescriptions were the "standard" reform packages promoted for [[Economic crisis|crisis-wracked]] [[developing country|developing countries]] by Washington, DC-based international institutions such as the [[International Monetary Fund]] (IMF), [[World Bank]], as well as the [[US Treasury Department]].<ref>Williamson, John: [http://www.iie.com/publications/papers/paper.cfm?researchid=486 What Washington Means by Policy Reform] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090625085003/http://www.iie.com/publications/papers/paper.cfm?ResearchID=486 |date=June 25, 2009 }}, in: Williamson, John (ed.): ''Latin American Readjustment: How Much has Happened'', Washington: Institute for International Economics 1989.</ref>


[[File:American bases worldwide.svg|thumb|right|[[List of United States military bases|Countries with United States military bases]], as of 2023]]
[[Military of the United States|America's military strength]] was an essentially naval-based advanced military with the [[List of countries by military expenditures|highest military expenditure]] in the world.<ref>[http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/spending.htm Military spending]</ref> America had [[United States Navy|the world's largest navy]] with largest number of [[aircraft carrier]]s, bases all over the world, particularly in an incomplete "ring" bordering the [[Warsaw Pact]] to the West, South and East. America had the largest nuclear arsenal in the world during the first half of the Cold War. America had one of the largest armies in the world. America had one of the two largest air forces in the world. America's powerful military allies in Western Europe ([[NATO]]) had their own nuclear capabilities. America possessed a global Intelligence network ([[CIA]]).
The [[military of the United States]] was a naval-based advanced military with by far the [[List of countries by military expenditures|highest military expenditure]] in the world.<ref>[http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/spending.htm Military spending]</ref> The [[United States Navy]] is the world's largest navy, with the largest number of [[aircraft carrier]]s, bases all over the world (particularly in an incomplete "ring" bordering the [[Warsaw Pact]] states to the west, south and east). The US had the largest [[nuclear arsenal]] in the world during the first half of the Cold War, one of the largest armies in the world and one of the two largest air forces in the world. Its powerful military allies in Western Europe (the [[North Atlantic Treaty Organization]] states) had their own nuclear capabilities. The US also possessed a powerful global intelligence network in the [[Central Intelligence Agency]].


America's cultural impact is seen in the influence of music, TV, films, art, and fashion, as well as [[freedom of speech]] and other guaranteed rights for residents. American pop stars such as [[Elvis Presley]], [[Michael Jackson]], and [[Madonna (entertainer)|Madonna]] have become global celebrities.<ref>Biddle, Julian (2001). ''What Was Hot!: Five Decades of Pop Culture in America''. New York: Citadel, p. ix. ISBN 0-8065-2311-5.</ref>
The cultural effect of the US, often known as [[Americanization]], is seen in the influence on other countries of US music, TV, films, art, and fashion, as well as the desire for [[freedom of speech]] and other guaranteed rights its residents enjoy. US pop stars such as [[Elvis Presley]], [[Michael Jackson]], and [[Madonna (entertainer)|Madonna]] have become global celebrities.<ref>Biddle, Julian (2001). ''What Was Hot!: Five Decades of Pop Culture in America''. New York: Citadel, p. ix. {{ISBN|0-8065-2311-5}}.</ref>


==Criticism==
==Criticism and usage==
Critics have condemned Luce's "[[Jingoism|jingoistic]] [[missionary]] zeal."<ref>Michael, Terry (2011-02-16) [http://reason.com/archives/2011/02/16/the-end-of-the-american-centur The End of the American Century], ''[[Reason magazine|Reason]]''</ref> Others have noted the end of the 20th Century and the American Century, most famously the late [[Gonzo journalism|gonzo]] journalist [[Hunter S. Thompson]] who titled his autobiography ''Kingdom Of Fear: Loathsome Secrets of A Star Crossed Child in the Last Days of the American Century''.
Critics have condemned Luce's "[[Jingoism|jingoistic]] missionary zeal".<ref>Michael, Terry (February 16, 2011) [http://reason.com/archives/2011/02/16/the-end-of-the-american-centur The End of the American Century], ''[[Reason magazine|Reason]]''</ref> Others have noted the end of the 20th century and the American Century, most famously the late [[Gonzo journalism|gonzo]] journalist [[Hunter S. Thompson]] who titled his 2003 autobiography ''[[Kingdom of Fear (book)|Kingdom of Fear]]: Loathsome Secrets of a Star Crossed Child in the Last Days of the American Century''.


With the advent of the new [[millennium]], critics from the [[University of Illinois]] stated that it was a matter of debate whether the US was losing its superpower status, especially in relation to [[Chinese Century|China's rise]].<ref name="uiuc-superpower">{{cite web |title=U.S. no longer superpower, now a besieged global power, scholars say |website=[[University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign]] |publisher=[[Center for Global Studies]] |access-date=5 February 2024 |url=http://www.news.uiuc.edu/news/08/0508superpower.html |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080724094925/http://www.news.uiuc.edu/NEWS/08/0508superpower.html |archive-date=24 July 2008 |date=8 May 2008 }}{{cbignore}}</ref> Other analysts have made the case for the "American Century" fitting neatly between the US's late entry into [[World War I]] in 1917 and the inauguration of its [[Presidency of Donald Trump|45th President]] in 2017.<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.smh.com.au/business/comment-and-analysis/donald-trump-in-the-white-house-is-the-end-of-the-american-century-20170119-gtv1ae.html|title=Donald Trump in the White House is the end of the 'American Century'|last=Pascoe|first=Michael|date=January 20, 2017|work=The Sydney Morning Herald|access-date=January 21, 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180505073742/https://www.smh.com.au/business/donald-trump-in-the-white-house-is-the-end-of-the-american-century-20170120-gtv1ae.html|archive-date=May 5, 2018}}</ref>
With the advent of the new [[millennium]], critics{{Who|date=June 2011}} have stated that it is a matter of debate whether America's influence is leading it to be a [[Hegemony|hegemon]] or if it is losing its superpower status,<ref name="uiuc-superpower">Unger J (2008), [http://www.news.uiuc.edu/news/08/0508superpower.html U.S. no longer superpower, now a besieged global power, scholars say] ''University of Illinois''</ref> especially in relation to [[China's rise]].

Other scholars, such as [[George Friedman]], stipulate that the 21st century will be the U.S. century: "The twenty-first century will be the American century."<ref>Friedman, George, [https://www.amazon.com/Next-100-Years-Forecast-Century/dp/038551705X/ ''The Next 100 Years: A Forecast for the 21st Century''], p. 18</ref>


==See also==
==See also==
*[[American imperialism]]
* [[Pax Americana]]
* [[American Empire Project]]
*[[New world order (politics)|New World Order]]
*[[Pax Americana]]
* [[American decline]]
*[[Project for the New American Century]]
* [[American exceptionalism]]
* [[American imperialism]]
* [[Britain's Imperial Century]]
* [[Chinese Century]]
* ''[[Confessions of an Economic Hit Man]]''
* [[Golden Age]]
* [[New world order (politics)|New World Order]]
* [[Project for the New American Century]]


==References==
==References==
{{Reflist|2}}
{{Reflist}}


==Bibliography==
==Bibliography==
{{Refbegin}}
{{Refbegin|indent=yes|30em}}
* {{Cite book |last=Dunn |first=Dennis J. |title=Caught Between Roosevelt & Stalin: America's Ambassadors to Moscow |date=1998 |publisher=University Press of Kentucky |isbn=978-0-8131-2023-2}}
*{{Cite book
* {{Cite book |last=Hogan |first=Michael J. |title=The Ambiguous Legacy: U.S. Foreign Relations in The "American Century" |year=1999 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-0-521-77019-4 |author-link=Michael Hogan (academic)}}<br>{{Small|A symposium of articles assessing aspects of Luce's editorial and its significance originally published in ''[[Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations|Diplomatic History]]'' '''23''' (2 & 3), 1999}}
|last= Hogan |first= Michael J. |authorlink= Michael Hogan (academic) |year= 1999
* {{Citation |last=Karp |first=Walter |title=The Politics of War |year=1979 |publisher=Harper & Row |edition=1st |isbn=0-06-012265-X |oclc=4593327}}
|title= The Ambiguous Legacy: U.S. Foreign Relations in The "American Century"
* {{Citation |last1=Langer |first1=William L. |title=The Undeclared War 1940–1941: The World Crisis and American Foreign Policy |date=1953 |isbn=978-1258766986 |last2=Gleason |first2=S. Everett|publisher=Literary Licensing, LLC }}
|location= Cambridge |publisher= [[Cambridge University Press]]
* {{Citation |last=Northedge |first=FS |title=The League of Nations: Its Life and Times, 1920–1946 |date=1986 |publisher=Leicester University Press |isbn=0-7185-1316-9}}
|isbn= 978-0-521-77019-4 |ref= harv }}<br><small>A symposium of scholarly articles assessing aspects of Luce's editorial and its significance originally published in ''[[Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations|Diplomatic History]]'' '''23''' (2 & 3), 1999</small>
* {{Cite journal |last=Painter |first=David S. |author-link=David S. Painter |date=2012 |title=Oil and the American Century |journal=The Journal of American History |volume=99 |issue=1 |pages=24–39 |doi=10.1093/jahist/jas073|doi-access=free }}
*{{Cite journal
* {{Citation |last=Schmitz |first=David F. |title=Henry L. Stimson: The First Wise Man |date=2000 |publisher=Rowman & Littlefield |isbn=978-0-8420-2632-1}}
|last= Painter |first= David S. |authorlink= David S. Painter |year= 2012
* {{Cite journal |last=Waltz |first=Susan |author-link=Susan Waltz |date=2002 |title=Reclaiming and Rebuilding the History of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights |journal=Third World Quarterly |volume=23 |issue=3 |pages=437–48 |doi=10.1080/01436590220138378 |jstor=3993535|s2cid=145398136 }}
|title= Oil and the American Century
* {{Cite book |last=Wohlstetter |first=Roberta |title=Pearl Harbor: Warning and Decision |date=1962 |isbn=978-0-8047-0597-4 |author-link=Roberta Wohlstetter}}
|url= http://jah.oxfordjournals.org/content/99/1/24.full.pdf
* {{Cite book |last=Yoder |first=Amos |title=The Evolution of the United Nations System |date=1997 |publisher=Taylor & Francis |isbn=1-56032-546-1 |edition=3rd}}
|journal= [[The Journal of American History]] |volume= 99 |issue= 1 |pages= 24-39
|doi= 10.1093/jahist/jas073 |ref= harv }}
{{Refend}}
{{Refend}}


==Further reading==
==Further reading==
{{Refbegin}}
{{Refbegin|30em}}
* {{Cite book |last=Evans |first=Harold |title=The American Century |date=1998 |publisher=Knopf |isbn=0-679-41070-8}}
* [[Henry Luce]], ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=I0kEAAAAMBAJ&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q=century&f=false The American Century]'', ''[[Life Magazine]]'' (February 17, 1941)
* {{Cite magazine |last=Luce |first=Henry |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=I0kEAAAAMBAJ&q=century |title=The American Century |date=February 17, 1941 |magazine=[[Life (magazine)|Life]] |author-link=Henry Luce}}
* [[Andrew Bacevich]], ''[http://www.salon.com/opinion/feature/2009/04/30/bacevich/print.html Farewell to the American Century]'', ''[[Salon.com]]'' (April 30, 2009)
* {{Cite web |last=Bacevich |first=Andrew |author-link=Andrew Bacevich |date=April 30, 2009 |title=Farewell to the American Century |url=http://www.salon.com/opinion/feature/2009/04/30/bacevich/print.html |website=[[Salon (website)|Salon]]}}
* Terry Michael, [http://reason.com/archives/2011/02/16/the-end-of-the-american-centur The End of the American Century], ''[[Reason magazine|Reason]]'' (February 16, 2011)
*''[http://www.tomdispatch.com/post/175290/tomgram%3A_andrew_bacevich,_how_washington_rules__/ The Unmaking of a Company Man]'' By Andrew Bacevich
* {{Cite web |last=Bacevich |first=Andrew |author-link=Andrew Bacevich |title=The Unmaking of a Company Man |date=August 26, 2010 |url=http://www.tomdispatch.com/post/175290/tomgram%3A_andrew_bacevich,_how_washington_rules__}}
* {{Cite web |last=Michael |first=Terry |date=February 16, 2011 |title=The End of the American Century |url=http://reason.com/archives/2011/02/16/the-end-of-the-american-centur |website=[[Reason magazine|Reason]]}}
{{Refend}}
{{Refend}}


==External links==

* [http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p0054594 "The American Century"], BBC Radio 4 discussion with Harry Evans and John Lloyd (''In Our Time'', Dec. 17, 1998)


{{International power}}
{{International power}}
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[[Category:20th century]]
[[Category:20th century]]
[[Category:20th century in the United States]]
[[Category:20th century in the United States]]
[[Category:American exceptionalism]]
[[Category:Eras of United States history]]
[[Category:Eras of United States history]]
[[Category:Superpowers]]
[[Category:Rises to prominence]]
[[Category:Nostalgia in the United States]]

Latest revision as of 20:53, 5 February 2024

Flag of The United States of America

The American Century[1][2] is a characterization of the period since the middle of the 20th century as being largely dominated by the United States in political, economic, and cultural terms. It is comparable to the description of the period 1815–1914 as Britain's Imperial Century.[3] The United States' influence grew throughout the 20th century, but became especially dominant after the end of World War II, when only two superpowers remained, the United States and the Soviet Union. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, the United States remained the world's only superpower,[4] and became the hegemon, or what some have termed a hyperpower.[5]

Origin of the phrase[edit]

The term was coined by Time publisher Henry Luce to describe what he thought the role of the United States would be and should be during the 20th century.[6] Luce, the son of a missionary, in a February 17, 1941 Life magazine editorial urged the United States to forsake isolationism for a missionary's role, acting as the world's Good Samaritan and spreading democracy.[7] He called upon the US to enter World War II to defend democratic values:

Throughout the 17th century and the 18th century and the 19th century, this continent teemed with manifold projects and magnificent purposes. Above them all and weaving them all together into the most exciting flag of all the world and of all history was the triumphal purpose of freedom.
It is in this spirit that all of us are called, each to his own measure of capacity, and each in the widest horizon of his vision, to create the first great American Century.[8]

Democracy and other American ideals would "do their mysterious work of lifting the life of mankind from the level of the beasts to what the Psalmist called a little lower than the angels". Only under the American Century can the world "come to life in any nobility of health and vigor".[9]

According to David Harvey, Luce believed "the power conferred was global and universal rather than territorially specific, so Luce preferred to talk of an American century rather than an empire".[10] In the same article he called upon United States "to exert upon the world the full impact of our influence, for such purposes as we see fit and by such means as we see fit".[11]

Early characteristics[edit]

Map of the United States and directly controlled territories at its greatest extent from 1898 to 1902, after the Spanish–American War
Post–Spanish–American War map of "Greater America"

Beginning at the end of the 19th century, with the Spanish–American War in 1898 and the Boxer Rebellion, the United States began to play a more prominent role in the world beyond the North American continent. The government adopted protectionism after the Spanish–American War to develop its native industry and built up the navy, the "Great White Fleet". When Theodore Roosevelt became president in 1901, he accelerated a foreign policy shift away from isolationism and towards foreign involvement, a process which had begun under his predecessor William McKinley.

For instance, the United States fought the Philippine–American War against the First Philippine Republic to solidify its control over the newly acquired Philippines.[12] In 1904, Roosevelt committed the United States to building the Panama Canal, creating the Panama Canal Zone. Interventionism found its formal articulation in the 1904 Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, proclaiming a right for the United States to intervene anywhere in the Americas, a moment that underlined the emergent US regional hegemony.

After the outbreak of World War I in 1914, the United States pursued a policy of non-intervention, avoiding conflict while trying to broker a peace. President Woodrow Wilson later argued that the war was so important that the US had to have a voice in the peace conference.[13] The United States was never formally a member of the Allies but entered the war in 1917 as a self-styled "Associated Power". Initially the United States had a small army, but, after the passage of the Selective Service Act, it drafted 2.8 million men,[14] and, by summer 1918, was sending 10,000 fresh soldiers to France every day. The war ended in 1919 with the Treaty of Versailles. The United States then adopted a policy of isolationism, having refused to endorse the 1919 Versailles Treaty or formally enter the League of Nations.[15]

During the interwar period, economic protectionism took hold in the United States, particularly as a result of the Smoot–Hawley Tariff Act which is credited by economists with the prolonging and worldwide propagation of the Great Depression.[16]: 33  From 1934, trade liberalization began to take place through the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act.

With the onset of World War II in 1939, Congress loosened the Neutrality Acts of 1930s but remained opposed to entering the European war.[17] In 1940, the United States ranked 18th in terms of military power.[18][19][20] The Neutrality Patrol had US destroyers fighting at sea, but no state of war had been declared by Congress. American public opinion remained isolationist. The 800,000-member America First Committee vehemently opposed any American intervention in the European conflict, even as the US sold military aid to the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union through the Lend-Lease program.

In the 1941 State of the Union address, known as the Four Freedoms speech, President Franklin D. Roosevelt made a break with the tradition of non-interventionism. He outlined the US role in helping allies already engaged in warfare. By August, President Roosevelt and British Prime Minister Winston Churchill had drafted the Atlantic Charter to define goals for the post-war world.[21] In December 1941, Japan attacked American and British territories with near-simultaneous offensives against Southeast Asia and the Central Pacific including an attack on the US fleet at Pearl Harbor.[22] These attacks led the United States and United Kingdom to declare war on Japan. Three days later, Germany and Italy declared war on the United States, which the United States reciprocated.[23]

During the War, the Big Four powers (the United States, United Kingdom, the Soviet Union, and China) met to plan the post-war world.[24][25] In an effort to maintain peace,[26] the Allies formed the United Nations, which came into existence on October 24, 1945,[27] and adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948, as a common standard for all member states.[28] The United States worked closely with the United Kingdom to establish the IMF, World Bank and NATO.[29][30]

Pax Americana[edit]

Pax Americana represents the relative peace in the Western world, resulting in part from the preponderance of power enjoyed by the United States of America starting around the middle of the 20th century. Although the term finds its primary utility in the late 20th century, it has been used in other times in the 20th century. Its modern connotations concern the peace established after the end of World War II in 1945.

Post-1945 characteristics[edit]

The American Century existed through the Cold War and demonstrated the status of the United States as the foremost of the world's two superpowers. After the Cold War, the most common belief held that only the United States fulfilled the criteria to be considered a superpower.[4] Its geographic area composed the fourth-largest state in the world, with an area of approximately 9.37 million km2.[31] The population of the US was 248.7 million in 1990, at that time the fourth-largest nation.[32]

In the mid-to-late 20th century, the political status of the US was defined as a strongly capitalist federation and constitutional republic. It had a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council plus two allies with permanent seats, the United Kingdom and France. The US had strong ties with capitalist Western Europe, Latin America, British Commonwealth, and several East Asian countries (Korea, Taiwan, Japan). It allied itself with both right-wing dictatorships and capitalist democracies.[33]

The American Century includes the political influence of the United States but also its economic influence. Many states around the world would, over the course of the 20th century, adopt the economic policies of the Washington Consensus, sometimes against the wishes of their populations. The economic force of the US was powerful at the end of the century due to it being by far the largest economy in the world. The US had large resources of minerals, energy resources, metals, and timber, a large and modernized farming industry and large industrial base. The United States dollar is the dominant world reserve currency under the Bretton Woods system. US systems were rooted in capitalist economic theory based on supply and demand, that is, production determined by customers' demands. The US was allied with the G7 major economies. US economic policy prescriptions were the "standard" reform packages promoted for crisis-wracked developing countries by Washington, DC-based international institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, as well as the US Treasury Department.[34]

Countries with United States military bases, as of 2023

The military of the United States was a naval-based advanced military with by far the highest military expenditure in the world.[35] The United States Navy is the world's largest navy, with the largest number of aircraft carriers, bases all over the world (particularly in an incomplete "ring" bordering the Warsaw Pact states to the west, south and east). The US had the largest nuclear arsenal in the world during the first half of the Cold War, one of the largest armies in the world and one of the two largest air forces in the world. Its powerful military allies in Western Europe (the North Atlantic Treaty Organization states) had their own nuclear capabilities. The US also possessed a powerful global intelligence network in the Central Intelligence Agency.

The cultural effect of the US, often known as Americanization, is seen in the influence on other countries of US music, TV, films, art, and fashion, as well as the desire for freedom of speech and other guaranteed rights its residents enjoy. US pop stars such as Elvis Presley, Michael Jackson, and Madonna have become global celebrities.[36]

Criticism and usage[edit]

Critics have condemned Luce's "jingoistic missionary zeal".[37] Others have noted the end of the 20th century and the American Century, most famously the late gonzo journalist Hunter S. Thompson who titled his 2003 autobiography Kingdom of Fear: Loathsome Secrets of a Star Crossed Child in the Last Days of the American Century.

With the advent of the new millennium, critics from the University of Illinois stated that it was a matter of debate whether the US was losing its superpower status, especially in relation to China's rise.[38] Other analysts have made the case for the "American Century" fitting neatly between the US's late entry into World War I in 1917 and the inauguration of its 45th President in 2017.[39]

Other scholars, such as George Friedman, stipulate that the 21st century will be the U.S. century: "The twenty-first century will be the American century."[40]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^ Lamb, Brian, and Harold Evans. The American Century. West Lafayette, IN: C-SPAN Archives, 1999.
  2. ^ The American Century. randomhouse.com.
  3. ^ Hyam, Ronald (2002). Britain's Imperial Century, 1815–1914: A Study of Empire and Expansion. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-7134-3089-9. Retrieved December 15, 2013.
  4. ^ a b "Analyzing American Power in the Post-Cold War Era". Archived from the original on March 11, 2007. Retrieved February 28, 2007.
  5. ^ "Definition and Use of the Word Hyperpower". Archived from the original on October 15, 2014. Retrieved July 11, 2010.
  6. ^ Harvey, David (2003). The New Imperialism. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-926431-7.
  7. ^ Luce, Henry (February 17, 1941). "The American Century". Life Magazine.
  8. ^ Luce, H. R (1999). "The American Century". In Hogan, M. J. (ed.). The Ambiguous Legacy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-77977-4.
  9. ^ Luce, Henry (February 17, 1941). "The American Century". Life Magazine: 64–65.
  10. ^ Harvey, David (2003). The New Imperialism. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 50. ISBN 0-19-926431-7.
  11. ^ Luce, H. R (1999). "The American Century". In Hogan, M. J. (ed.). The Ambiguous Legacy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 20. ISBN 0-521-77977-4.
  12. ^ Gates, John M. (1984). "War-Related Deaths in the Philippines". Pacific Historical Review. 53 (3): 367–78. doi:10.2307/3639234. JSTOR 3639234.
  13. ^ Karp 1979
  14. ^ "Selective Service System: History and Records". Sss.gov. Archived from the original on May 7, 2009. Retrieved July 27, 2010.
  15. ^ Kennedy, David M. (1999). Freedom From Fear: The American People in Depression and War, 1929–1945. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 386. ISBN 0-19-503834-7.
  16. ^ Eun, Cheol S.; Resnick, Bruce G. (2011). International Financial Management (6th ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill/Irwin. ISBN 978-0-07-803465-7.
  17. ^ Schmitz 2000, p. 124.
  18. ^ "WWII Overview". The National WWII Museum. Archived from the original on March 5, 2015. Retrieved February 28, 2015.
  19. ^ "Excerpt – General George C. Marshall: Strategic Leadership and the Challenges of Reconstituting the Army, 1939–41". ssi.armywarcollege.edu. Archived from the original on January 24, 2018. Retrieved January 23, 2018.
  20. ^ "U.S. army was smaller than the army for Portugal before World War II". Politifact. Retrieved January 23, 2018.
  21. ^ Langer and Gleason, chapter 21
  22. ^ Wohlstetter 1962, pp. 341–43.
  23. ^ Dunn 1998, p. 157
  24. ^ Doenecke, Justus D.; Stoler, Mark A. (2005). Debating Franklin D. Roosevelt's foreign policies, 1933–1945. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-0-8476-9416-7. Retrieved March 19, 2016.
  25. ^ Kelly, Brian. "The Four Policemen and. Postwar Planning, 1943-1945: The Collision of Realist and. Idealist Perspectives". Retrieved August 25, 2015. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  26. ^ Yoder 1997, p. 39.
  27. ^ "History of the UN". United Nations. Retrieved January 25, 2010.
  28. ^ Waltz 2002
  29. ^ "The "Special Relationship" between Great Britain and the United States Began with FDR". Roosevelt Institute. July 22, 2010. Archived from the original on January 25, 2018. Retrieved January 24, 2018. and the joint efforts of both powers to create a new post-war strategic and economic order through the drafting of the Atlantic Charter; the establishment of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank; and the creation of the United Nations.
  30. ^ "Remarks by the President Obama and Prime Minister Cameron in Joint Press Conference". whitehouse.gov. April 22, 2016. Retrieved January 24, 2018. That's what we built after World War II. The United States and the UK designed a set of institutions—whether it was the United Nations, or the Bretton Woods structure, IMF, World Bank, NATO, across the board.
  31. ^ US geography
  32. ^ US Census census.gov
  33. ^ Stephen Kinzer (2007). Overthrow: America's Century of Regime Change from Hawaii to Iraq. Times Books. ISBN 9780805082401.
  34. ^ Williamson, John: What Washington Means by Policy Reform Archived June 25, 2009, at the Wayback Machine, in: Williamson, John (ed.): Latin American Readjustment: How Much has Happened, Washington: Institute for International Economics 1989.
  35. ^ Military spending
  36. ^ Biddle, Julian (2001). What Was Hot!: Five Decades of Pop Culture in America. New York: Citadel, p. ix. ISBN 0-8065-2311-5.
  37. ^ Michael, Terry (February 16, 2011) The End of the American Century, Reason
  38. ^ "U.S. no longer superpower, now a besieged global power, scholars say". University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign. Center for Global Studies. May 8, 2008. Archived from the original on July 24, 2008. Retrieved February 5, 2024.
  39. ^ Pascoe, Michael (January 20, 2017). "Donald Trump in the White House is the end of the 'American Century'". The Sydney Morning Herald. Archived from the original on May 5, 2018. Retrieved January 21, 2017.
  40. ^ Friedman, George, The Next 100 Years: A Forecast for the 21st Century, p. 18

Bibliography[edit]

Further reading[edit]

External links[edit]