^
y Cpmmrodon
THE MAbA/TNE
OF THE HONOURABLE
SOCIETY OF CYMMRODORION
VOL. XIV.
PRODUCED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF
I
THE' EDITORIAL COMMITTEE.
S32Ŵ
LONDON :
ISSUED BY THE SOCIETY,
NEW STONE BUILDINGS, 64, CHANCERY LANE.
1901.
\JJ1
Devizes :
Printed by Geoege Simpson.
CONTENTS.
Vita Sancti Kebie. By the Rev. S. Baring-Gould, M.A
Salesbury's Dictionary and the Eing's Licence. By J. H
Davies, M.A.
A Welsh Love Song of the 16th Century. By J. H
Davies, M.A.
S
English Law in Wales and the Marches. By Henry
Owen, D.C.L.Oxon., F.S.A. ... ... ... 1
Appendix : The State of the Cause concerninge the
Lo. President and Counsell in ye Marches of
Wales ... ... ... ... ... 33
The Broughtons of Marchwiel. Contribution to the
History of the Parish of Marchwiel. By Alfred
Neobard Palmer
42
86
96
98
The Expulsion of the Dessi. By Professor Kuno
Meyer, Ph.D. ... ... ... ... 101
Side Lights on Welsh Jacobitism. By J. Arthur
Price, B.A. ... ... ... ... 136
Supplement : List of Publications.
Cmmimrîmr.
Vol. XIV. "Cared doeth tr encilion." 1900.
45ngft00 £a)# ín TUafes anò f(Je
By HENRY OWEN, D.C.L.Oxon., F.S.A.
The histoiy of the administration of English law in Wales
and the Marches inay be divided into three periods : — (1)
during the gradual conquest of the countrj by the Anglo-
Norman lrings and their barons ; (2) after the completion
of that conquest, when " Wales " was governed by the
Crown through the English Prince of Wales and the
Marches were self governed and merely owned feudal
subjection to the king ; and (3) from the time of the union
of Wales and the Marches to England until the abolition
of judicial "Wales."
It has been the custom of writers on English history,
so far as they think it worth while to refer to the Princi-
pality of Wales, to state that Wales was conquered by
Edward I. But what Edward conquered was the dominion
which was left to the last prince of the Welsh blood royal :
the greater part of Wales had been conquered long before,
b
2 English Laiu in Wales and the Marches.
and remained for centuries under its peculiar jurisdiction
quite apart from the realm of England and from the new
created Principality of Wales. The effect of the Norman
Conquest of England was soon felt in Wales. Norman
adventurers, especially after the encouragement of the
winning of Glamorgan in the early years of William
Rufus, obtained grants from the English king of such
lands as they could acquire in Wales ; the Welsh historian
took occasion to remark " the king was very liberal of that
which was not his own."
It has been alleged that these grants were made on the
ground of some claim of forfeiture of the Principality to
the English crown ; but although Edward could show
some reason for his claim of feudal superiority over the
dominions of Llewelyn, the earlier charters to the invaders
granted to them in plain terms such land as they had
acquired or should thereafter acquire " from our enemies
the Welsh."1
These lands came, early in the thirteenth century,
to be called the Marches, and the holders of them Lords
Marcher. The words " March " and " Marcher " appear
in various forms in several European languages. The
March was the boundary, and many writers have been led
astray by the supposition that the Welsh Marches meant
the lands on the borders of England and Wales (that is to
say as at present constituted) ; but as the limits of the old
Principality shrunk, the Marches followed them, so that
we find Lordships Marcher in the farthest parts of Wales.
After the prerogatives of the Lords Marcher were vested
in the crown by Henry VIII, it was often difíìcult to
decide which were or had been Marches ; none could have
arisen after Edward had annexed the remnant of the
1 See Rot. Chart., 63 and 666.
Enrlish Law in Wales and the Marches.
Á
Principality. Some (called Lordships Royal) had been
acquired by the king at his own charges, and many were
from time to time forfeited to the Crown, especially after
the Wars of the Roses ; in these he exercised jurisdiction,
not as king, but as dominus Marchice. Although the laws
of Henry IV, which deprived Welshmen of their rights
and liberties, were directed against the inhabitauts of the
Principality and not those of the Marches, it was the
latter which, after the union with England, continued
to be more disorderly.
Some few lordships had been granted to Welshmen
who were content to hold their lands of the King of
England ; for example, the Lordship of Powys, which
became subject to the crown "by submission and not by
conquest," retained the Welsh divisions of land and had
courts baron and courts leet for each commote, in the
saine manner as the district afterwards included in the
Statute of Rhuddlan. It is worth noting that the only
Lordship Marcher in Wales in which some of the old
prerogatives survive is that of Kemes in ÜSTorth Pembroke-
shire, whicli was conquered by Martin de Tours in the
reign of William Rufus ; and it is to a Lord of Kemes
in the time of Queen Elizabeth, one George Owen, to
whose writings we are indebted for the greater part of our
knowledge of the rights and privileges of these sovereigns
of the land of Wales, for owing to the wholesale destruc-
tion of the local records, and the scanty reference to
the subject in those of the Crown, the material for the
historian is small.
The extent of the territory of the Marchers may be
estimated by that of the dominions oí Llewelyn annexed
by Edward I, for the government of which were framed,
in 12 Edward 1, a set of regulations called the Statute
of Rhuddlan, or the Statute of Wales. By it were ap-
b 2
4 English Lazu in Wales and the Marches.
pointed sheriffs for Ang-lesey, Carnarvon and Merioneth,
the old inheritance of the Princes of Gwynedd, for Flint,
parcel of the Palatinate of Chester which was fìnally
annexed to the Principality of Wales temp. Edward II,
and for Carmarthen and for Cardigan and Lampeter,
i.e. Llanbadarn, by Aberystwyth. To Carnarvon, Merio-
neth and Flint, certain cantreds and commotes were
assigned, of the others it was merely stated that they
should have their present metes and bounds. The three
South Wales districts included a part of West Carmar-
thenshire which had been obtained by the princes of
North Wales after the extinction of the Welsh princes
of the South, and nearly the whole of the present county
of Cardigan, the only Welsh county which represents
an ancient territorial division, and the only part of Wales
in which the Welsh had succeeded in driving back the
Lords Marcher. The territory comprised in this Statute
remained for centuries what was known to English law as
" Wales", ruled by Eng-lish law as modified by the Statute,
and was, until the death of Arthur Tudor, the son of
Henry VII, granted by Charter (as was the Earldom
of Chester) to each heir apparent " and to his heirs Kings
of England"; nevertheless, the charters to towns were
granted by the king- and not by the Prince of Wales.
The Prince was solemnly invested with the chaplet ring-
and sceptre ; to this day the eldest son of the sovereign is
born Duke of Cornwall, but he is created Prince of Wales
and Earl of Chester. All the rest of Modern Wales not
subject to the Statute was the " Marches", over which the
King was, by 3 Edward I, cap. 17, proclaimed Sovereign
Lord, and which, by 28 Edward III, cap. 2, was declared
to be attendant on the Crown of Eng-land as heretofore,
and not on the Principality of Wales, and under the same
term were included the forty-four Lordships which were
English Law in Wales and the Marches. 5
added to English counties by the Act of TJnion (27
Henry VIII, cap. 26), besides the Lordships east of
Chepstow Bridg-e, which were added to G-loucestershire.
The Lordships mentioned in the Act amount to over one
hundred.
II.
The way for the Statute of Wales had been prepared
by the Commission which Edward had issued four years
previously' (that is to say, after the submission of
Llewelyn and before his final revx)lt), to enquire into
the laws and customs of the Welsh districts then held
by the King\ His father had granted to him in 1254
the palatinate of Chester, una cum conguestu nostro Wallice
in finibus illis, ita tamen quod nunauam separentur a Gorona,
and Edward had shown a characteristic desire to set in
order his possessions, which were practically the later
Principality, with the exception of Anglesey and the land
of Snowdon, which remained with Llewelyn. The Com-
missioners were the Bishop of St. David's andtwo Norman
barons. They sat at fìve places and summoned one
hundred and seventy-two witnesses ; it appears froni the
evidence that even then Welsh law and custom had been
affected by those of England. It was the object of the
ambition of the Welsh princes to emulate the position
of the English king-s, and some of their chief nobles had
assumed the state of English barons.
The Statute of Wales recites that the Principality,
as then remodelled, 4íthe land of Snowdon and other our
lands in Wales," which had hitherto been subject to the
Crown in jure feudali, had then fallen in proprietatis
dominium ; it was thenceforth to be a distinct j)ortion
of the realm of Engiand, over which the Courts of West-
1 Rot. Wall., 9 Edw. I, M. 5.
6 English Law in Wales and the Marches.
uiinster had 110 jurisdiction, but justice was to be adniinis-
tered in accordance with the King's original writs and the
provisions of the Statute. It is stated that the laws and
customs of Wales had been examined by the King, of
which, some he had abolished, some allowed, and some
corrected, others he had added. The editor of Reeves'
History of English Law, points out in a note that although
the object of the Statute was to assimilate the Welsh laws
and institutions to the English, there was not found much
in the former which required alteration, and draws the
inference that the laws of the conquerors and the con-
quered were alike derived from the R-oman law ; he gives
instances where the laws of the " Romanized Britons of
Wales" could show a marked superiority over those of the
Anglo-Normans. In civil actions the Welsh procedure
was made by the Statute substantially the same as the
English ; the Welsh equivalent for gavelkind was allowed
to remain, but bastards were debarred from a share in the
inheritance; women were to be entitled to dower, in the
sense of the endowment of the wife by the husband; and
the coheiresses were to share equally.
The itinerant justiciary of Snowdon appointed by the
Statute afterwards gave place to the Justices of North
Wales and West Wales, who held their courts of Chancery
and Exchequer at Carnarvon and Carmarthen respectively,
in which all pleas of the Crown and the most important
causes were heard and determined, and from which there
was no appeal to the courts of Westminster. At these
superior courts were granted the mises, being payments to
every new prince on his creation for the allowance of their
Laws and ancient customs and for the pardon of offences.
No shires were appointed by the Statute, but the several
groups of coinmotes were in North Wales, in time, welded
into a county, and the Sheriff held his County Courts
Enilish Laiu in Wales and the Marches.
.-■>
after the Engdish manner. In West Wales courts baron
were held in each conimote by the "stewards of the Welsh
Courts". The county, properly the district governed by
an Earl, became the shire, the division of a kingdom, and
Anfflese^, Carnaiwon and Merioneth were afterwards called
the three ancient shires of North Wales, and together
with Flint were soon divided into hundreds, which usually
took their form and name from the Welsh commote— the
Nornian lawyers, here, as elsewhere, applying their own
rules to the old Welsh divisions of land. The provisions
of the Act of Union for dividing Wales into hundreds
is limited to " South Wales" and the Marches.
The Sheriff, who was appointed during pleasure by
the Crown, had in each commote a bailiff who later held
his Hundred Court. In the monthly County Court the
Sheriff heard questions of contract, trespass against the
peace, and detainer of cattle, and there was an appeal " at
the coming of the justice". In his biennial turn in each
commote he tried, with a jury of twelve, usurpations of
franchises and certain classes of crime, he could admit
prisoners to bail or keep them for the assize, lesser
offences he could dispose of. One Coroner at least for
every commote was to be chosen in full County Court ;
his principal duties were to enquire as to death by mis-
adventure and as to the chattels of felons to be answered
at the coming of " the justice of our lord the king".
There are elaborate provisions in the Statute as to the
form of writs according to the English law and as to civil
business which could be determined by the Sheriff and
jury or referred to the Justice. Questions as to realty
were to be tried by a jury, and as to personalty by the
Welsh custom, that is to say, "in some cases things may
be proved by those who have seen and heard, but where
this is not possible the defendant is to be put to his
8 Enplish Law in Wales and the Marches.
"S
purgation with a greater or less number of purgators,
according to the gravity of the matter in hand." In
criminal matters the law of England was to prevail. The
object of Edward was to adapt the then form of English
local government to the Principality, and it is to be
noticed that the administration soon fell for the most part
into the hands of Welshmen. From the Record oj
Carnarvon, which has been called the Domesday of Wales,
and which contains the extents of Carnaiwonand Anglesey
in the reign of Edward III, and of part of Merioneth
in that of Henry V, it is evident that many Welsh
customs had survived the Statute ; but the work of assimi-
lation went on. There were no mesne lords among the
Welsh, the chieftains' rights were transferred after the
conquest to the Prmce of Wales. Manors grew up, and
the maenol, a division of a commote, became in Law
Latin the manerium and in English the manor, the free
tribesmen the manorial freeholders, and the tceogs or
villani the copyholders ; the food rents were commuted
in time for each class into the tunc pound of silver, which
was paid to the Prince of Wales and is still paid in the
form of crown rents. The quasi-feudal services of the
free Welshmen were continued, but in many cases Welsh
landowners had adopted the rule of primogeniture instead
of the entail of family land, which, however, like the joint
holdings of the tceogs, lingered on in many places. The
tenure by the gwely, or family group (associated originally
for jurisdiction and tribute), of land partible among heirs
male, was adapted to the tenure by knights' service, and
altliough it was formally abolished by the Ordinances for
Wales, both gavelkind and borough-English are still to be
found in some Welsh manors. The revenue of the Princi-
pality in the time of the Black Prince was over £4,000
a year, but this had greatly decreased in Tudor tiines.
Englîsh Law in Wales and the Marches. 9
III.
The law of the Marches, except in such as were in the
King's hands, was not so well ordered. It is obvious that
in these petty principalities, in a disturbed state of the
country, justice and good government were not the first
consideration, and in 1472 the Coninions, in view of the
grievances of the King's subjects in the lands adjoining
" Wales", sent a petition to the King, which resulted in
the formation by Edward IV of the Court of the Marches,
which sat by royal cominission with an extensive juris-
diction of no clearly defìned limits, and became a powerful
instrument in the hands of the Crown, which resisted its
abolition until long after the prerogatives of the Marches
had been absorbed and Wales had been annexed to
Enerland, and when the word " Marches" had become of
doubtful meaning.
The members of this court, the head-quarters of which
were at Ludlow Castle, and which was the Star-Chamber of
Wales, were nommated by the Crown. They consisted of
a Lord President (until the Eeformation always a bishop)
and of divers personages, spiritual and lay, the " Justices
of Wales", who, after the institution of the Court of the
Great Sessions, were the Chief Justice of Chester and the
Justices of the three circuits of Wales, " and such others
as are learned in the Lawes and are to be called to
Councell when the Lord President shall think requisite."
They were empowered to deal with all causes and matters
(;omprised in the letters of instruction from the Crown to
the Lord President of the Council. It was in its origin a
Court of Equity, but it encroached upon the province
of the Courts of Common Law, probably in a great
measure owing to the inability of these courts to enforce
their decrees. In the time of Elizabeth it had grown
io English Laiv in Wales and the Marches.
<5
to be an ordinary Court of Justice, and besides mitigating
the rigour and supplying the defìciencies of the Conimon
Law, it dealt with all manner of misdetneanours, examined
the title to lands, and gave possession thereof, held pleas
of debt and detinue, called to account evil-dealing
" Tutors", examined witnesses " to remain of record", and
punished the vices of incest, adultery, and fornication.
It also took upon itself to deal with such questions as
the apprehension of Jesuits and Seminarists, the assize of
bread, ale and beer, unreasonable excess of apparel and
the preservation of game. There were four terms during
the year, each of which lasted a month. The Court
brought law and order into the Marches ; in a report as to
the state of Wales immediately before the Act of Union,
to be found among the Miscellanea of the Exchequer, it is
stated that no inquest in Wales would find a gentleman
guilty of the murder of a poor man, and that if it were
not for the Council of the Marches the crime would go
unpunished; also that the council was daily besieged by
those whose cattle had been stolen and driven off from
one petty Lordship to another. " All the thieves in
Wales quake for fear", said Bishop Eowland Lee, the
strongest of the rulers of the Marches. The process was
speedy, and the fees (at fìrst) were light, but to a litigious
people the delight of summoning their adversary to
Ludlow, which for many parts of Wales was nearly as
inaccessible as Westminster, led to many frivolous suits
and much oppression. The easy method which the
Council had provided for poor suitors, of bringing cases
before the Court by bill and answer without witnesses,
encouraged this spirit of litigation, and had attracted a
swarm of lawyers who defeated the original object of the
Court. But the Court was too useful to the Crown to
permit of its abolition, although the creation of the
Enplish Laiu in Wales and the Marches. i 1
.s
itinerant Justices of the Great Sessions had rendered it no
longer useful to the people.
The " Act f or re-continuing the liberties in the Crown
(27 Henry VIII, cap. 24), a general act for this realm,
Wales and the Marches of the same," had discrowned the
Marchers by enacting that no one could pardon treason
and felony or appoint justices but the King, and that all
" original and judicial writs" were to be in the King's
name ("the Justice of the County Palatine of Chester and
Flint" was excepted from the Act). The Act of Union of
the same year had annexed their Lordships to the
different Shires, yet by the Act for the " Ordinances for
Wales" (34 and 35 Henry VIII, cap. 26), the President
and Council of the Marches were retained, with power
" to hear and determine such causes and matters as shall
be assigned to them by the King''s Majesty as heretofore
hath been accustomed."
In the troubles after the Reformation, Wales, from
the nature of the country and the multitude of its juris-
dictions, had become the refuge for the disaffected.
Various criminal acts were passed, but shortly afterwards
the whole country was incorporated with England, " it
being thought a better policy to adopt that people into
the same form of government as the English, than by
keeping them under more severe and strict laws to hazard
the alienating of their affections." The same troubles
had caused the establishment of the President and Council
of the North and the President and Council of the West,
both of which were even in those times objected to as
illegal. A subsidy act of 32 Henry VIII, cap. 50, provides
for the " raising a President and Council in the Western
Parts having like authority with the Council of Wales
and the North".
By the like stretch of the royal prerogative which had
1 2 English Laiv in Wales and the Marches.
"S
created these unconstitutional councils, it was provided in
the " Ordinances for Wales" that the King's most royal
majesty might alter anything contained in that statute,
and make new laws and ordinances for Wales " as to his
most excellent wisdom and discretion should be thought
coiwenient," and that these alterations and new enact-
ments, if made in writing under his Hig'hness' great seal,
should have the same force and effect as if they had been
made by authority of Parliament. It was afterwards
argued that this power was limited to Henry YIII, and
that the most excellent wisdom and discretion did not
descend with the Crown ; but the Tudors wore that crown
pretty fìrinly on their heads, and the clause was not
repealed until 21 Jac, cap. 10, which recites that the laws
ordained for Wales are for the most part agreeable to
those of England, and are obeyed with " great alacrity",
and that after so great a quiet any further change or
innovation might be dangerous.
James I yielded to the petition of the Commons
on this point; but another grave constitutional question
was not so easily settled. So far as Wales was con-
cerned the Court of the Marches claimed, and was allowed,
a concurrent jurisdiction with the newly appointed
Court of Great Sessions, but it also claimed jurisdiction
over the four bordering counties of Worcester, Gloucester,
Hereford and Shropshire, as parcel of the ancient Marches
of Wales, and this brought them into collision with the
Courts of Westminster. These counties had been sub-
jected to the Court before the Act of Union and were
afterwards included in the letters of instruction from
which certain places were from time to time omitted on
petition to the Crown, but by 26 Henry VIII, cap. 11,
the three last counties, as then constituted, were clearly
distinguished from the Marches. These letters were
English Laiv in Wales and the Marches. 13
addressed, as before, to the Council of Wales and the
Marches. " Wales ': had been defined, and it was con-
tended by the Crown that the " Marches " were now
represented by the English shires, to which some of theni
had been added, that it was expedient that the inhabitants
of both sides of the border should be subject to the same
civil law, and that the powers of the Council rested not on
statute but on the royal prerogative. It was alleged 011
the other side that the extraordinary powers vested in the
Council were intended to supplement and not to supersede
the Comnion Law, that they had no definite rules of pro-
cedure, that they put prisoners to torture in cases of
treason and felony, and. that they were in great measure
dependent on fìnes imposed for oífence and contempt of
court and upon fees ascertained by custom, of which
custom the lower ofíicials were the interpreters. In Trin.
Term, 2 Jac, one Farley sued for a habeas corpus in the
King's Bench; Lord Zouch (then President of Wales and
the Marches) submitted the case to the King in council,
who referred it to the judges, who decided that the four
counties were not within the jurisdiction. Lord Zouch
resigned, " and yet ': says Coke (who was one of the
judges) " the commission was not reformed at all points
as it ought to have been."
In the instructions to Lord Eure, the President in
1607, the extraordinary criminal powers were confined to
Wales, but the Council was empowered to hear and deter-
mine matters of debt and trespass 011 the English and
Welsh side under £10, for such of the poorer sort as were
not fìt to be compelled to go to Westminster. In 1608
the question again came before the Privy Council ; the
decision was not published, but was apparently not in
favour of the Crown. In the instructions to Lord
Compton, the President in 1617, the civil jurisdiction 011
14 English Laiü in Wales and the Marches.
the English and Welsh side in purely personal actions was
limited to £50, concurrently with the Common Law courts,
but extended to any aniount when the poverty of the
plaintiff was certifìed. Full equitable jurisdiction was also
granted, and the salaries reniained charged on the fìnes
and fees. The agitation to release the "four shires in the
Marches of Wales" continued during the next year, and a
bill was brought in upon a report of a committee of the
Commons in 16 Car., and passed both houses, but never
received the royal assent. The matter dropped during the
Commonwealth and was not revived at the Restoration,
but immediately after the E,evolution the movement
against the Court was renewed, and a petition for its
abolition from ten thousand inhabitants of the towns and
parishes in Wales was presented to Parliament. In it was
given a new suffrage to the litany, " JTrom plague, pesti-
lence, and the name of Ludlow Court, good Lord deliver
us." In the evidence taken by the Lorcls' Committee in
1689, it was stated that the Court cost the Crown £3000 a
year, that the judges were judges of the law as well as of
the fact, that the trial was not by jury but by " English
bill ", tbat there was no appeal from its decisions, that
the costs in the abundant small actions were excessive,
that actions of trespass, damage and small debt were
usually brought there, and that several counties had got
released by Charles II from " pertaining to the Court ".
Sir John Wynne gave it in evidence that land in Wales
was two or three years' purchase the worse because of the
Court. Evidence was also given in favour of the con-
tinuance of the Court. But the result was that 1 Will.
and Mary, cap. 27, abolished altogether " the Court before
the President and Council of the Marches in Wales", as
contrary to the Great Charter, the known laws of the land,
and the birthright of the subject, and declared that the
English Law in Wales and the Marches. i 5
matters deterininable in that Court could have sufficient
redress in the ordinarj courts of justice.1
IV.
Yet ìt was not in the Court of the Marches but in the
courts of the Lords Marchers themselves that justice was
for many centuries administered for the greater part of
Wales. Of the power of the Lords Marcher, manj of
whom sat in Parliament, no better evidence can be given
than the ostentatious waj in which their liberties were
reserved in various Statutes, even in some in which those
liberties were practicallj taken awaj. Some of the
greatest of the English nobles held Lordships in the
Marches ; in the reigns of Edward II and III, twentj-
one Lords Marcher sat among the Barons in Parlia-
ment.
Even under Mary thej were still strong enough to
obtain the passing of the " Act to confìrm the liberties of
the Lords Marcher of Wales" (1 and 2 Philip and Marj,
cap. 15), which provided that the moietj of the forfeiture
bj their tenants " for everj common mainprise, recog-
nisance of the peace or appearance", which had been
bj the Act of Union reserved to the laj lords then in
existence (the other moietj going to the Crown) should be
pajable also to " bishops and other ecclesiastical persons
being Lords Marchers", and to the heirs and successors of
the laj lords, and also that thej should have such " mises
or profìts of their tenants, keep their courts baron, courts
leet and law-dajs, and should have waif s, strajs, infangthef
and outfangthef, treasure trove, deodands, chattels of
1 The original documents appended to Mr. Lleufer Thomas' Further
Notes on the Court of the Marches (Y Cymmrodor, xiii, pp. 125-163),
contain a store of valuable information on the subject of this chapter.
i6 English Laiv in Wales anci the Marches.
felons, wrecks, wharfage and customs of strangers as
before the making of the said Statute."
The Statute-book throws much light on their powers.
The " Bìll concerning Councils in Wales" (26 Henry VIII,
cap. 6), after reciting that the people of Wales and the
Marches had been guilty of " scelerous deeds and abomin-
able malefacts", commands the inhabitants thereof upon
due summons to appear before the justice, steward, lieu-
tenant or other officer of the court in any castle, fortress,
or other place, and gives the right of appeal to the Council
of the Marches from the unlawful exactions and false
imprisonment of these same officers, to which the Statute
explains they are somewhat prone. It also empowers the
justices in the English shire, " where the king's writ
runneth", next adjoining any Lordship Marcher, to try
certain felonies committed in such lordship, and this was
especially coníìrmed in the " Ordinances for Wales."
The Act "for the abuses in the Forests of Wales"
(27 Henry VIII, cap. 7) declares that the customs and
exactions in the forests of Wales and the Marches are
" contrary both to the law of God and man", and in-
stances that if any one is found on a path in a forest
without the forester's token, and not being a "yearly
tributer or chenser",1 he has to pay a grievous fine, and if
twenty-four feet out of the path, he may lose all the
money he has about him and a joint of one of his hands ;
also that " all beasts and quick cattle" found straying in
the forest are confìscated to the Lord. All these customs
are to be held f or naught after the Teast of the Nativity
of St. John the Baptist, 1536.
The powers of the Earls Palatine were so great that
the Crown, when it was sufficiently strong, annexed their
1 L.L. ceìisarius, a farmer at a fixed ront.
English Laiu in Wales and the Marches. ij
earldoms, but tlie powers of the Lords Marcher were
greater. The Counties Palatine were parcel of the realm
of Engiand and derived thereform. Wales was not.
Breris domini regis non eurrit in WaUia3 i.e. Wales and tlie
Marches, save only in the county palatine of Pembroke.
A writ of error lay from a county palatine to the King's
Bench; if any "foreign plea or voucher,s arising in a
county palatine was pleaded, the record was sent to that
county to be tried and returned to the King's Bench
for judg-ment. The Lord of Kemes tells us that the
Lords Marcher were sworn to perform covenants as full
and absolute princes are, whereas Earls Palatine tied
themselves by covenants and bonds as subjects do.
The Palatinates were governed by the laws and
custonis of Engiand, the Marches by the " Lex et consue-
tudo Marchiae". The invader, we are told, when he won
his Lordship, was " forced to devise and execute laws of
himself to keep his people in quiet and peace, for there
was no higher court which could minister justice unto
theni". These laws were a mixture of Engiish law and
will of the Lord, and in earlier times the latter predomi-
nated. The law and custom of the Marches niaj- be
summarised as f ollows : — 1 . The Lordships were held of
the crown of England in capite, and the lords appointed
sheriffs, coroners, constables of the castle, chamberlains,
chancellors, escheators, and other officers. The writs ran
in the name of the Lord and not of the King, even in those
held by the Crown ; it was the Lord's peace, and not the
King's, which the people of the Marches were bound to
keep. 2. The Lords granted charters of incorporation to
boroughs, founded abbeys and churches, and gave lands
in mortmain. 3. They had bona intestatorum and for-
feiture of goods of felons (inciuding eveiything found in
their possession), stolen goods wherever found, goods of
c
iS Enplish Law in Wales ctnd the Marches.
v>
outlaws, deodands, and wrecks. They had the rights of
wardship and marriage in respect of their tenants-in-chief ,
levied scutages and reliefs, all the lands of the lordship
were held immediately or mediately of them. By 24
Henry VIII, cap. 9, they were given the forfeiture from
butchers who killed " wainlings" under two years old.
4. They had judgment of life and lirnb, pardoned felons
and murderers, " set them to fine or hanged them at their
pleasure". 5. They held in their own names pleas of the
crown, of land, of fresh force, and pleas personal and mixed
to any aniount. 6. Such of them as were maritime were
admirals of the coast, with the prerogatives of the old
enstodes maris. 7. They could grant out any of their
privileges to subordinate lords. 8. They made war and
peace with their neighbours at their pleasure. In 1291
Humphrey de Bohun, Earl of Hereford, complained to the
King that Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester, who was
also lord of Glamorgan and Morganwg, had with the men
of his Welsh lordship invaded the complainant's lordship
of Brecon. The proceedings are given at length m Ryley ;
the defendants set up the law and custom of the Marches,
under which they claimed rights which were not to be
found extra Marchiam, and were told that for the public
good, the King was per prerogatẅam suam in multis casibus
supra leges et consuetudines in regno suo usitatas. The
result shows that even Edward I thought it prudent to
deal leniently with the iiwaders. 9. They had rights of
forest as abo^e mentioned. 10. The more important of
the lords were summoned to parliament as barons by
tenure, ancl it is to be noted that the King's writs for men
and munition of war were sent only to the Marchers ; those
to the new formed principality were sent by the Prince of
Wales. 11. The form of conveyance of land was in
general as was used in England ; in some lordships there
English Law in Wales and the Marches. 19
were copyholds after the English manner, ancl in others,
especially in those adjacent to the mountainous district,
there was, besides the English court, a Welsh court, in
which lands were partible among brothers and were sur-
rendered in court in accordance with the old Welsh
custom, and in which the rents and services differed from
those in the Englishry. These Welsh courts appear to
have become more frequent after the English plantations
of the first settlers liad died out ; many of these had
married Welsh women, and their children became Welsli,
and more Welshmen came in. The Lords, following the
example of Edward I, permitted " certaine pointes of
the old Welsh lawes which were nothing noysome to the
lords nor repugnant to the lawe of Englande"; these
" pointes" were afterwards held to be particular customs
of the manors. 12. The division of land was into knights'
fees, ploughlands and oxlands, although the forms of
the old Welsh cantred and commote were sometimes
maintained. The dimensions of the acre in the Englishry
and Welshry were not the same.
The high court of the Lord was usually held in the
castle, a necessary adjunct to a March, and the seneschal
01* other presiding officer was the judge and not the
suitors as in the old county courts and courts baron. It
was a court of record, and transacted all the criminal and
civil business of the Lordship ; in it were collected all the
fines and dues to the Lord, and from it there was no
appeal.
The tenure of the Lords Marcher was to guard their
castles (this was enforced by 2 Henry IV, cap. 18), and
also in some cases the sea coast, and to supply the King
with "men and munition" against his enemies.
After the death of a Lord Marcher the King's writ was
sometimes sent to the escheator of the shires of Glou-
c2
20 Enolish Law in Wales and the Marches.
&
cester, Hereford, Salop, and Worcester, who was also
escheator of the Marches, who held an inauisitio post
mortem locally as to the tenure and value of the lordship.
We do not fìnd any enquiry, as in England, as to the dues
to the Crown ; the object usually was to ascertain whether
the King ìnight take the lordship. That the King had no
rig-ht of wardship in the Marches, ubi brevia Regis non
currunt, was recognised in the Statute Prerogatẁa Regis
(17 Edward II, Stat. 1). The King's court also tried any
question as to the title of the lordship itself, which was
for this purpose supposed to be within the English county
next adjoining (much as in a fanious case Minorca was
presumed to be in the ward of Cheap), also "for want of a
superior" it tried any dispute between two Lords Marcher
and sometimes enquired by auo warranto as to the claims
of the Marchers. In ecclesiastical matters, as the court of
the Lord could not make process to the bishop, the King's
Bench issued a writ to send the record up, and the matter
was then dealt with.
The Welsh bishops, so far as their dioceses lay in the
Marches, were also Lords Marcher, as were also other
ecclesiastical personages, especially the Knights Hospital-
lers, who held much property in Wales. These spiritual
Marchers did not obtain their rights by conquest but from
the necessity of the case, "for otherwise their tenants and
people must have lived lawless and without government";
but they were in many cases confirmed by grants from the
Crown, and the invaders respected the lands of spiritual
men, even if they were Welshmen. The bishops of St.
David's led their " subjects" to war with the shrine and
relics of the patron Saint at their head; they had the
power of life and death; their stewards, constables, and
recorders, were noblemen and men of high position ; they
had garrisons in their city and castle ; and as their statutes
Enplish Law in Wales aud the Marches. 2 1
«5
show, regulated the price of labour and victuals uj)on pain
of fine and imprisonment.
We have accounts written in the reign of Elizabeth of
two Lordships Marcher at either end of South Wales, the
Lordshij) of Kemes and the Lordship of Glamorgan, which
give us some idea of their state and position.
The Lordship of Kemes, which was conquered by
Martin of Tours in the reign of William Rufus, consisted
of tlie Domain and the Service. The Domain included
the Lord's castle at Newport with four manors annexed,
divers farms and houses, rents and suit of tenants, mills,
fishings, woods and forests, perquisites of court and casu-
alties and patronage of churches. The Service was
divided into the High Fee, eight knights' fees and seven-
teen ploughlands held immediately of the Lord, and the
Mean Tenure of the same number of fees and ploughlands
held as sub-ordinate manors ; there were also annexed to
the Lordship four other manors as " ornaments and for
the more dignitj thereof," and four corporate towns ; the
whole was under the jurisdiction of the High Court of
Eemes.1
The great lordship of Glamorgan, the lowland portion
of which was conquered by Robert Fitzhamon in the reign
of William Rufus, consisted of — 1, the Gorpus Comitatus,
some thirty-six knights' fees which did suit to the castle of
Cardiff, where the Sheriff held his monthly court and the
Chancellor his court on the day following for " matters of
conscience." 2, The Members, the twelve chief lordships,
wliich had like regal jurisdiction, except that a writ of
error lay to the Chancery of Glamorgan, and that the
suitors, and not the presiding officer, were judges. In the
hill districts the Welsh laws remained until the end, and
1 Oicens Pembrohes/äre, \, 495.
22 Enelish Law in Wales and the Marches.
<5
the customs varied as they did in most Lordships Marcher.
3, The Boroughs, both in the Corpus and the Members,
which lield their liberties by Charter from the Lord of
Glamorgan and were governed by mayors and bailiffs or
by stewards ; and 4, the possessions of the Cathedral of
Llandaff and the religious houses. The bishops had jura
regalia, but sede vacante the Lord of Glamorgan claimed
the temporalities of the see and the right to appoint to
preferments. The chronicler rejoices that after the Act
of Union life and death, land and goods, were no longer
at the pleasure of the Lords or dependant upon uncertain
laws, customs, and usages, of which some part " rested in
memory" and were not written.1
After that Act the Lords Marcher were practically
reduced to the position of lords of manors; many customs
and usages lingered on, but the law was to be found in the
English Statute Book. It will be seen that the Lords
Marcher were in theory and in practice sovereign princes.
Theii powers rested on no grant from the crown but
gradually grew up from force of circumstances, and for
practical purjDOses they might have boasted, like the Udal-
lers of Shetland, that they held of God Almighty. Living
in a warlike state they were of the greatest service to the
English kings in their wars against the Welsh princes,
while their castles (of which there were in Glamorganshire
forty-six and in Pembrokeshire nineteen) made their posi-
tion almost impregnable. There is only one instance of
their endeavouring to act in a corporate capacity, they
(Marchiones de Marchia Wallice) claimed in 1236, against
the Barons of the Cinque Ports, to bear the canopies over
Henry III and his Queen at their marriage, but their
claim auodam modo frẁolum putabatur.
1 Rice Merrick's Moryanicc Archaiographia.
Enpilsh Law in Wales and the Marches. 2X
vè>
ô
Stephen, in his History of the Criminal Law, says, in
ret'erence to a quo warranto brought against Thomas
Cornwall in Term Mich., 44 and 45 Elizabeth, as to his
claim to jnra regalia in two lorclships, notwithstanding
that they had been annexed to Herefordshire by the Act
of Union : " The pleadings come to this, that so much of
Wales as had not been brought under the Statute of
Wales, continued unfcil 1535 to be governed by a number
of petty chief s called Lords Marcher, who may be compared
to the small rajahs to whom much of the territory of the
Punjab and North West Provinces still belong."
V.
The Statute Book already contained divers Acts in-
tended to bring the Welsh into niore complete subjection,
and after the insurrection of Owen Glyndwr in the reign
of Henry IV a series of enactments deprived the inhabi-
tants of the Principality of all rights of citizenship.
The Act of Union (27 Hen. VIII, cap. 26) 1, united
Wales to England; 2, created the new shires of Mon-
mouth, Brecon, Radnor, Montgomery and Denbigh, and
made the Marches shire ground ; 3, abolished the civil and
criminal jurisdiction of the Lords Marcher, saving to them
courts baron and courts leet, certain seignorial rights and
a moiety of forfeiture and fees ; 4, extended the beneíìt of
English laws to Wales and directed that justice should be
administered in the English tongue (by 4 Geo. II, cap. 26,
it was enacted that all proceedings in the courts of
England and Wales should be in English) ; and 5, gave
the Welsh people representation in Parliament. Wales
and the Marches had, like the Counties Palatine, been
hitherto unrepresented, although in 1322 and 1327 certain
representatives had been suminoned from Wales.
24 English Laiü in Wales and the Marches.
The Act for the Ordinances for Wales (34 and 35 Hen.
VIII, cap. 26) 1, divided Wales into twelve shires, i.e. the
four recently created and the eight "of long and ancient
tiine"; 2, abolished the Welsh tenure of land ; 3, appointed
yearly sheriffs (they had previously been appointed for
life), who held courts as in England and who by 1 Edward
VI, cap. 10, were directed to have deputies in the Courts
of King's Bench and Common Pleas at Westminster,
coroners, escheators (to hold incjuisitions on the death of
crown tenants and to take charge of forfeited lands and
goods for the crown), and other shire officers and a limited
number of justices of the peace; 4, confirmed the hundreds
made by royal commission ; 5, continued the Court of the
Marches ; and 6, established a new court of itinerant
justices.
This was "the King's Great Sessions in Wales", of
which the judges were the Chief Justice of Chester and
three other justices, each of whom had three shires in his
circuit. They had the powers of the judges of the King's
Bench and Common Pleas and of assize, had a Chancery
jurisdiction and held sessions in each shire twice in the
year, each of which was to last six days. There are
various regulations for their " original seals" for original
writs, "judicial seals " for judicial process, and for the
ofticers and proceedings of the Courts. A writ of error
lay from the Great Sessions in pleas real and mixed to
the King's Bench, and in personal pleas to the Court of
the Marches, and after the abolition of that Court, also to
the King's Bench. (A custos rotulorum and justices of the
peace were also appointed as in England for each shire,
the number of the latter, beyond those who were ex officio,
was limited to eight, and this was not altered until after
the Eevolution. The Act of 27 Henry VIII, cap. 5, had
already appointed justices of the peace for the County
English Law in Wales and the Marches. 25
Palatine of Chester and the then existing Welsh counties.)
The business of the Court of Great Sessions having niuch
increasecl, and many important cases having to be decided
there, an additional justice was, by 18 Elizabeth, cap. 8,
appointed for each circuit. The two justices sat together,
and when the court was not unanimous the inconvenience
was obvious. There was at first much doubt whether the
Courts of Great Sessions had any equitable jurisdiction,
but the point was decided in their favour by the King's
Bench in 19 Car. II. The courts at Westminster claimed
concurrent jurisdiction, and in time obtained it. In the
case of Laurpley v. Thomas (21 George II) it was decided
that brevis Domini Eegis de latitat (and semble other mesne
process between subjects) non currit in Wallia, notwith-
staiiding that it was admitted that all judicial process
could go, and that it was contended that the High Court
had a general jui'isdiction, although there was a sufiicient
court to try the case in Glamorgan, where the cause of
action arose. This case forms the text of " A discourse
against the jurisdiction of the King's Bench over Wales
by process of latitat," in whichthe author enters at length
into the history of the courts of Wales and the Marches
and inveighs against the " custodia marescalli,,, the great
engine of the encroachments of the King's Bench, which
had usurped civil business from other courts by the fìction
that the defendant had committed a breach of the peace
in the County where the court sat and was in the custody
of the Marshall of the court. The editor of the report
suo-çrests that it was the interest of the officials of the
King's Bench to bring Welsh litigants into their net, and
their efforts were attended with- success, for the case was
over-ruled by Lloyd v. Jones (9 George III), where it is
stated that actions are every day brought in the King's
Bench against a defendant in Wales ; and in the same
2 6 Enplish Law in Wales and the Marches.
<^>
year, in Rex v. Lewis et al., it was decided that a certiorari
lies to move an indictment from the Glamorgan Quarter
Sessions per saltum to the King's Bench, without going
through the Great Sessions. Lord Mansfield, in his judg-
ment in Mostyn v. Fabrigas, a case before alluded to, said:
" If an action is brought here for a matter arising in
Wales, you must show the jurisdiction of the Court in
Wales. If there is no other mode of trial, that will give
the King's Court jurisdiction." The Courts of Westmin-
ster were much sought after by Welsh litigants, who
preferred them in important matters to the local tribunal,
but they were also largely used in small matters where the
plaintiff entered his action to be tried in the nearest
English county. In 1773, by the 13 George III, cap. 51,
entitled " An Actto discourage the practice of commencing
frivolous and vexatious suits in his Majesty's Courts at
Westminster in causes of action arising within the
Dominion of Wales, and for further regulating the pro-
ceedings in the Courts of Great Session in Wales," the
defendant in such an action tried at the assizes in the
next English county was entitled to judgment if the
plaintiff did not recover £10 debt or damages. This Act,
which has been called " the Welsh Judicature Act", con-
tamed various regulations as to the deputies of the Welsh
judges, the striking of juries, the return of original writs,
and other matters. It also empowered the judges of
Great Sessions to apj>oint commissioners to take affidavits
to be used in their courts, and to nominate persons (other
than common attorneys or solicitors) to take recognizance
of bail ; it also provided that certain penalties, given by
statute and directed to be-recovered in the courts of West-
minster, should be recoverable at the Great Sessions.
But notwithstanding this Act, efforts were still made
to reform or abolish the Welsh Judicature, the reason of
English Law in Wales and the Marches. 27
whose existence had in the opinion of many passed away.
Among the five bills in Burke's projected plan of economi-
cal reforni in 1780 was one " for the niore perfectly
uniting to the Crown the Principality of Wales and the
County Palatine of Chester, and for the more conimodious
administration of justice within the same"; and in 1798 a
select committee of the House of Commons on finance
in courts of justice recommended the amalgamation of the
four Welsh courts of Great Session.
Another Select Committee was appointed by that
House on the administration of justice in Wales, who
made an interim report in 1817. Owing to the death of
the chairman of the Committee their proceedings had been
checked, but they stated that some of the points which
called for amendment were — 1, the long period of the year
during which no recovery could be suffered or fine levied,
and the magnitude and uncertainty of the expense
thereof ; 2, the inability of each Court of Great Session
to compel the attendance of witnesses outside its own
particular jurisdiction ; 3, the necessity of moving for
a new trial before the same judges immediately at the
close of the fìrst trial ; 4, the security of f unds directed to
be paid into Court depending on the personal solvency of
the officers of the Court ; 5, the diversity of practice in
the different circuits with regard to writs of certiorari (by
which the proceedings were removed to the court above) ;
and 6, the necessity of judges and counsel remaining the
same time at each place on the circuit whether there was
business for them or not.
In 1820 the Committee submitted further evidence, but
offered no opinion, and in 1821 issued their third and final
report. In this, some of the points mentioned in the
report of 1817 are repeated, and the Committee bring
forward further defects. Each Court being supreme had
28 Enplìsh Law in Wales and the Marches.
.>
in the course of years established its peculiar standard
of justice, so that there were in Wales four indepen-
dent jurisdictions, each containing three counties (one
circuit including Chester) . The Coui't could not enf orce
its own decrees, and defendants frequently and easily
withdrew from the jurisdiction. When the two judges
differed there was no decision, and there was no aj>peal
except to the House of Lords, and by writ of error to
the King's Bench. Writs of certiorari were used for
purposes of delay, and the trial in the next English
county was a denial of justice to the poorer suitor. As
the Court was only open for three weeks twice in the
year it was not possible to conduct the necessary pro-
ceedings in a suit of equity, which was stated to have
been " more dilatory and prolix" than in the High Court
of Chancery itself. The encouragement to the attor-
neys, who were easily admitted and were attached to
each circuit, the Committee consider to be "highly dis-
advantageous". The Committee state that the judges,
who hold office during the pleasure of the Crown, received
no pension, but a salary of £1,150 each (with the exception
of the Chief Justice of Chester and his puisne, who were
more highly paid), and they gave it as their opinion that
" minor difficulties might be removed by new regulations,
but no right administration of justice could be obtained
without such fundamental changes as would amount to a
new jurisdiction."
How the Court employed the six days which they were
obliged by the Act of Ordinances to spend in each assize
town may be gathered from the cvidence of Sir William
Garrow, a Baron of the Exchequer and formerly Chief
Justice of Chester (this last office was always considered a
stepping-stone to preferment in England). On Monday
the Court was opened, but no business was done ; Tuesday,
Bngiish Law in Wales and the Matches. 29
the Grrand Jury Day, the judges went to Church and the
Grand Jury was charged : Wednesday, the trial of ad-
journed issues, the amount of business may be judged
froni the fac't that this was known as "nothing at all
day"; Thursday, crown business ; Friday, new issues ; and
on Saturday the court left for the next town.
How far the proceedings in equity had beconie a farce
may be estiniated from the fact recorded that with a view
to an increase of costs the ancient ballad of Chevy Chase
was copied into a Chancery Bill and escaped detection.
The Welsh Judicature was the subject of a long and
heated controversy and of many debates in both Houses
of Parliament. Lord John Russell, in a debate in 1820,
said that as the Welsh judges were eligible for seats in
that House their posts were looked upon as retainers or
rewards for the support of ministerial measures. It was
also objected to them thattheyused their abundant leisure
to practice at the bar of the English Courts, and that as
twelve judges were then deemed sufficient for England,
eight were a superfluity for Wales. We also hear many
complaints of the County Courts in Wales, where small
debts were then recovered, and which were presided over
by the under-sheriff, who was a judge one year and an
advocate the next, in the same Court.
The time was not yet ripe for the fundamental changes
which the Committee of 1821 had suggested, but a last
effort was made in 1824 to continue the Courts and to
establish one uniform course of procedure, in which, as
may be seen from the books of practice for various cir-
cuits, many discrepancies had arisen. This was the 5
George IV, cap. 106, •' An Act to enlarge and extend the
powers of the judges of the several Courts of Great
Sessions in Wales, and to amend the laws relating to the
same." By this the business of the Great Sessions was
30 English Laiv in Wales and the Marches.
increased by a provision non-suiting a plaintiff who ob-
tained less than £50 debt or damasres in a Court outside
the Principality. The Courts were given various powers
to extend their jurisdiction and were empowered to hear
niotions and petitions in law and equity in London when
the Courts were not sitting in Wales.
After the Act of Union several statutes were passed as
to the adniinistration of law in Wales, others were especi-
ally extended to Wales, until, by 20 George II, cap. 42, it
was declared that the word " England " in any future
Act of Parliament shall be deemed to comprehend the
Dominion of Wales. At length the opponents of the
local judicature gained their cause; by the 11 George IV,
and William IV, cap. 70, the Court of Great Sessions was
swept away, two ne^y circuits of the English judges for
Chester and Wales were established, Wales became entirely
subject to the courts of Westminster, and the Act of
Union was completed.
It was reseiwed for another generation to uìido the
work of Edward Plantagenet and Henry Tudor, and to
inaugurate an era of separate legislation by the Welsh
Sunday Closing Act, 1881.
For the subject of this essay reference is made to
the f ollowing works : —
Archceologia Cambrensis, III, iii, 84, and vi, 34 ; IV, viii, 249,
and xii, 137 and 186.
Bacon's Worha (Spedding ed.), vii, 567.
Baronia de Keineys.
Burrow's Reports, iv, 2,456.
Cambrian Quarterly Magazine, 1829.
Camden, Britannia, s.r. " Shropshire". Additions.
Carte, General History of Englanâ, iii, 794.
Cawdoi-, Earl, Letter to Lord Lyndhurst, 1828.
English Law in Wales and the Marches. 3 1
Clive, History of Ludloio.
Coke, Booh of Entries, 549, No. 9.
Coke, Fourth Institute, 240.
Cymmrodor, Vols. ix (Professor Tout on the Welsh Shires), xii
(Judge Lewis on the Court of the Marches), and xiii (Mr.
Lleufer Thomas' Further Notes on the Court).
Dineley, Beaufort Proyress. Preface.
Doddridge, Principality of Wales.
Duckett, Marches of Wales.
Ilall, Red Booh of the Exchequer, ii, 756.
Ilallam, Constitutional History, i, 328.
Ilansard, Parliamentary Debates, N.S., i, 745 ; xxv, 1,164.
Hargrave, Tracts, i, 379.
Herbert, Life and Raigne of Henry VIII (ed. 1649), 369, 381.
Historical MSS. Commission, 12th Report, Ap. Part 6 ; 13th
Report, Ap. Part 4.
Reble's Beports, i, 129 ; ii, 259.
Lloyd, Powys Fadog.
Milman, Political Geography of ìf'ales.
Morgan ice. A i -c/i eeogi 'aph ia .
Owen, Edward, Catalogue of MSS. in the British Museum relating
to Wales. (Cymmrodorion Record Series, No. 4.)
Owen, Edward, Pteport to Welsh Land Commission.
Owen, George, MSS.
Owen's Pembroìceshire.
Palmer, Ancient Tenures of Land in the Marches of North Wales.
Record of Carnarvon.
Reeves' History of the English Law (ed. Finlason), ii, 8-16.
Report of Select Committee of House of Commons on Finance in
Courts of Justice, 1798.
Reports of Select Committee of House of Commoìis on the Adminis-
tration of Justice in Wales, 1817, 1820 and 1821.
Report of Lords Committee on the Dignity of a Peer, iv, 325.
Rotali Walliee.
Ryley, Placita Parliamentaria, 74, 78 and 80.
Rymer, Foedera, H. i, 178 ; ii, Part 2, 171.
Seebohm, Early Yillage Communities, 181.
Shrewsbury Chronicle, 1819. Letters on the Practice of the Great
Sessions.
Smith, Leading Cases, i, 628,
State Papers ( Domestic).
32 English Law in Wales and the Marches.
Statutes of the liealm.
Stephen, History of the Criminal Law, i, 141.
Stubbs, Constitidional History, ii, 219.
Taylor, History of Gavelkind, 103 and 167.
Tout, Edioard the First, 16-22, 107-119.
Vaughan's Heports, 395.
Warrington, History of Wales, Book V.
Wilson's Reports, i, 193.
Worcester, Calendar of Quarter Sessions' Records, Part I, p. 684.
Wootton, Leyes Wallicce, Ap. 518.
Engíish Laiv in Wa/es and the Marches. 33
APPENDIX.]
The state of the Canse con- m-
cernino-e the Lo : President and
Counsell in ye Marches of Wales.2
The differences3 are fower.
1 . Whithe'r a prohibicẁm lie out of the Kinges
benche mto the Marches.
2. Whither a habeas Corpws lie into ihe
Marches as to question their juris-
diccion.
3. Whither the foure counties of Gloucesíer,
Worcesíer, Hereforrf, Salop, ought to
be exempted.
4. Whither the counsell in the Marches niay
proceed in any case after Judgmewt.
The twoe first questions are one in profe, for the asser-
tion for them of the Marches is that they are not sub-
ordinat to the Kinges benche but onlie and immediatlie
accountable to the Kinge and his privie counsell.
rr. 11 • ímatter of Lawe.
lo proue this „ ^ • i .
f i 1 matter ot vsa»e and president.
wee produce £ -, . °. ^L
1 [matter 01 policie and convenience.
For matter of Lawe wee alledge
1. That it is a counsell of the ^ing-es and partici-
pant of his prerogatiue and therefore exempt from the
controule of any cort of Lawe. Britton,1 lib. 1. " Wee will
1 The Editorial Committee are indebted for the interesting docu-
ment contained in this Appendis, and the Notes thereon, to Dr.
Henry Owen, the writer of the foregoing Essay. — [E. V. E.]
2 This Tract gives the case for the Crown in the proceedings
before the Privy Council referred to at p. 13 ante. It is taken
from Harl. MS., 141, in the British Museum. There is a later
copy in Lansdowne MS., 216 (see Owen's PembroJceshire II, pp. 1 and 131).
It seems to be the original argument of Bacon, as the King's
Solicitor-General, which he has summarised in the Tract on "The
Jurisdiction of the Marches", published in Spedding's edition of his
works, vol. vii, p. 587. 3 Points in dispute.
4 Britton, Pleas of the Crown. Introduction, sect. v.
34 English Laiu in Wales and the Marches.
that our Jurisdiccion be aboue all Jurisdiecions in our
Realme so as wee haue power to geeue or cause Judg-
mentes to be geeuen as shall seeme to "vs good wtthout
other forme of proces where wee may knowe the true right
as Judge" : which Jurisdiccẃm the Kinge exerciseth by his
counselì, for a counsell is no delegacion of power from the
Kinge but an assistance of the Jurisdiceion inherent in
the Kinge.
To proue the counsell in the marches to be a
counsell of Estate1 and not onlie a counsell
or cort of Lawe yt appeerith by these badges
The oath of a counsellor in the marches
is the oathe of a priuy Counsellor.
p 2. They make proclamacẃn for matter of
gouerment.
They haue a Seriant at Armes and twoe
Pursivantes.
2. It is subordinate to the Priuy counsell and vppon
suggestion that they exceed their Jurisdiccion the Kinge
by his owne signature hath directed the examinacion of
compfomtes which sheweth they were not to be releeued
by any ordinary court of Lawe.
15 H. 8. Hereford and Dolman fol. 12 et 13.2
23 H. 8. Jon wyn Gruff et Dominus Powys,
fol. 14.
There 3. It is a Cort of equitie. Wee grcmt that prohibi-
have byn c[ons an(j writtes of corpus cuw causa3 may be awarded out
äentes °f ^ne Kin ges bench to Cortes of commen lawe, or cortes of
shewenof civill Lawe, but not to Cortes of equitie.
an prohi- 4 'rne intencẃn of the Statute 34 H. 84 wht'ch is
bicion or -1 -1 1 t
writt of Proued by twoe clauses.
corpîtó 1. In that it geeueth Jurisdiceion in Writtes
cum of error to the counsell in the Marches
int0 ye as to personall accẃns and to the Kinges
chancery, Bench in EngkmcZ as to Reall and mixt.
yeExche- 2. In that it geeueth authoritie to award
ChTmLí- writtes into the Cortes in Wales so it
ye Cort be with the speciall direccẃn of the
of
Wardes, , „ , ~.
tjje Üistate=í3tate.
Dutchye 2 "^he folio numbers in the text refer to the earlier portion of the
ye Chawí- MS. from which this tract was taken.
berlen of 3 A writ issuing out of Chancery to remove the body and the
Chester record in the case of a man in prison.
or Chan- ' Cap. 26, sec. 113 and 115.
English Lazv in
Wales and the Marches.
15
Jjord Chauncellor or a priuy coun-
sellor.
These proue a fortiori that no writtes of ordinary course
from the Cort.es at Westnrmsíer shold be sent to the Coun-
sell in the Marches wÄ/ich is the superior Cort in Wales.
/No corpus cura cawsa was euer a-
warded to the Porter1 but one in
the late Erle of Pembroke's time,
w/i ich was not obeyed, and this of
ffarleies.2
Neuer any prohibicí'on to the
Counsell and fewe to the j)«rties
till of late time.
A certiorarj out of the Chancerye
answered only hyìetters. E. 6.
For Matter of
President
In the
negative
In the
affirmatÌYe
ffor Matter of-
Polycie
ÍThe Cort
counties
The Cort
poore &
exaniminge
| An Inhibicion out of thexchequer
^answered only by letters.
Eliz.
was erected to retaine those
in obedience and if their
doinges be subiecte to reexaminaci'ons
and controllmentes by such writtes the cort
wilbe made contemptible.
was erected for ease of the
meane subiect & the double
of causes wold exceeding-
lie yncrease charge.
Third question
Concerninge the exemption of the f ower Countyes
the course of profe on the behalf of the Marches resteth
vppon these partes.
1. The King's Intencion in erectinge the Cort.
2. The words of the Statwíe of 34 H. 83 which
leaue the Jurisdicci'on at large to the
Kinges Instruccí'ons accordinge to former
vsage without determininge either matter
or place.
Vis termini,1 the propriete & significacẃn of the word
Marches.
Ysage and Authoritie.
Mischeif that wold insue if they shold be exempted.
1 The Porter of the Council had the custody of the prisoners.
2 Farleus or farlies, were money payments in lieu of lieriots.
3 Sec. 4 ; the words are given below.
4 See Bacon's Works (as above), p. 587.
d2
celor of
Durisme,
wee
meane
writtes of
corpiís
cu/H cawsa
of ye
nature
aforesaid.
p.3.
36 English Laiü in Wales anci the Marches.
The Intent of the Kinge and parlamewt in erecting &
Authorisinge that Cort consisteth vppon three Branches,
euery of them prouinge plainelie that the shires shold be
coupled in gouerment with Wales.
The first is the quiett of the Contries for because
Wales was newlie reclaimed & subiect to disobedience &
disorde?-s yt was necessarie to bridle them wi'th the Eng-
lishe shires, & so to compound them vnder one gouer-
ment.
It is confessed on the other side that for forces1 and
misdemeano^rs & installacion of posemon the fower shires
ought to be included. Whereto wee say that they cannot
seuer the Jurisdiccẁn but the lawe must be alike for both.
If the word Marches extend not to those shires at all, the
counsell can haue noe authoritie there for either.
The second intent is the ease of the Meaner and poore
sort of subiectes that they sliold not fetch Justice to farre
of . Herevppon wee inforce that it was for noe falt or
punishme?ît of those shires that they were made subiect
to the Jurisdiccion of the counsell as is pretended, but a
favowr.
The like president of a"
Cort of Equitye erected in the
North wher the shires without
all question were euer Eng-
land. Wee alledge alsoe the
Example of forren Contryes
w/u'ch haue diuers provinciale
Cortes of highe Justice, least the subiect shold resort to
farre of to the seate of ye Kingdome.
The third intent was the erectinge of a proporctonable
& fìtt honowr for the Kinges eldest son which if it had
consisted of Wales onlie it had bin but labor et Angustia,
as Wales then was, which wee alledge not as thoughe the
principality of Wales went otherwise then by the Kinges
creacíon or that it is not in the Kinges power to Amplifìe
or lymitt that lieftenancie, but to shewe that the shires
were euer intended to be coupled to the gouermewt of
Wales & not seuered.
11 H. 4. Prince Henrie (after King H. 5) made
Lieftenant in Wales & the marches of the Realme
of England adioyninge, fol. 8.
1 i.e., acts of violence.
Instruct. 17 H. 8. Art. 1
fol. 22.
Instruct. 1 Regis Jacobi
Art. 20.
English Law in Walcs and the Marches. ■%>!
The wordes of 34 H. 8 are these
There shalbe and remaine a President & Counsell in
the said dominion and principality of Wales & the
Marches of the same wt'th all officers clerkes & yncidentes
to the same, in Maner & forme as hath bin heretofore vsed
and accustomed, whiche President & Counsell shall haue
power & authority to heare and determine by their wis-
domes & discrecions such causes & Matters as be or here-
afíer shalbe assigned to them by the Kinges matestie as
heretofore hatli bin accustomed & vsed.
Before this statute the Kino-e vsed to assiçme causes in
these fower shires as is proued by the Iiistruccí'ons of
17 H. 8 & the presidentes of that tyme.
And the wordes (of Wale3 and the Marches) are speci-
fied in the statute onlie as places for the president &
Counsels residence & not for limitacẃn of their Juris-
diccion.
The Acception of the word Marches
It may be taken
Either in a naturall or vulgar construccí'on
Or in a leo'all construccton
ffor the fìrst. Marches signifies Borders, limites or
confìnes & because it must haue a latitude ytis vnderstood
of the shires adiacent in ?mj part vppon Wales, all one
wì'th the familiar taking- it in the example of Scotland
where the Marches of Scotland are vnderstood of the
three counties w/tich in any part of them ioyne vppon
Scotland.
ffor the legall construcct'on I 1. In recordes.
wee shewe it J 2. In statutes.
In Recordes
5 E. 4. Rex concedit Willelmo Harbert manermm
de Kilpeck in comitatu Heref ord in
marchẁ Wal//e, fol. 11°
46 E. o. Inquisitio. Elizabeth Talbott tenet cas-
trum de Goderidge in Marchijs Wallie,
fol. 7, & this castle was anchientlie &
still is in Hereforo'shire.
6 E. 1. A commission to soine to heare & deter-
mine causes in Wales & the Marches
<V amongst others the sheriffes of Here-
forô' & Salop are to attend for Juries,
fol. 5.
38 English Law in Wales and the Marches.
In Statutes
17 E. 2. Statutum de prerogatẃa Regis wherein
to the wordes Marchie Wallie is added
by way ot' restraint to the generalty of
the worde, vbi breve regis non currit.
26 H. 8. Cap.6. Eastall,1 Wales 25. Thereisone
place w/w'ch mencẃneth of Lords/irpps
Marchers & Marches of Wales.
18 Eliz. Cap. 18. RastaW, Bridges 3, Justices of
peace in ye Counties of Grloucesíer &
Monmouth not following the direccẃn
of the Statute are to be sued f or penal-
ties before the counsell in theMarches.
ffor the equivocacẃn that the other side would euade by,
that it shold signifie sometimes lords/iips Marchers w/*ich
were as the batable ground. It is true, sometimes it is so
taken but vmproperlie for that they all laie in the Do-
minion and principalitie of Wales which. extendeth to
Seaverne & Dee. But there is an Impossibilitye that in
the Statute of 34 H. 8 it shold be so taken, bycause that
these Lords/w'pps Marchers were by 27 H. 8 extincted &
made shire ground, part thereof beinge allotted to England
and part to Wales, so that in 34 H. 8 there were no
Marches but the Counties Marchers.
Besides the word Marches was individuum Vagum,
varieing as the boundes of the principalitye of Wales
varied in reputacẃn or as the enemye wonne or lost, for
whatsoeuer bordered vppon the Enemy was the Marches.
Hereford Cittye was reputed in Wales.
1 Richard 1 1
17 Johawwis Regis y vide fol. 1
11 H. 3 J
cf " E. 1 Pleas of the Crowne held in Vrchinfeild in the
countie of Heref ord before the sheriff as not within the
statute of Magna Charía cap. 17, fol. 6.
Diuers citties & townes in those partes commanded to
be walled for defence of them selves & those partes from
the enemye.
1 William Rastell's Collection in English of the Statutes from
í) Henry LIL to 2.'3 Elizabeth, arranged under alpliabetical head-
ings (lö81). The references in the text are to fols. 496 and 46.
2 Confer.
English Law iu Wales and the Marches. 39
2 H. 3 1 - 0, T í fol. 2.
8 H. 3 / for Shrewesbury| foL g
8 H. 3 for Hereîord fol. 3.
11 H. 3 for Bridgnorth fol. 4.
13 H. 3 for Worcester fol. 3.
Vsage and Authoritye.
Wee haue a possession of aboue one hundred yeres.
Optima leg'um interpres consuetudo.
Hereof wee haue infinite presidentes & whereof diuers
are breviated fol. 17, 18, 19, 20.
This vsage was not a popular vsage but confirmed by
the Kinge & the State.
Instruccio 1 Regis Jacobi artic. ( 9. ffor misdeme-
nours
20. ffor matters
b e t wi xt
partie &
partie.
This vsag-e is referred to pattentes1 to Knight, for 01erke
of the signett & Counsell, fol. 15, by the wordes of the
statute of 34 H. 8.
This vsage is proued by the residence of the president
& Oounsell w/uch was neuer in lordshipips marchers but at
Bewdely, Ludlowe, Gloucesíer, Salopp, Hereford & Wor-
cester.
This vsage & construccí'on of the statute both are
proued by the decree of the late queenes privie counsell
vppon the certificat of Gerrard & Bromley,2 fol. 16.
The exempting"e of Cheshire maketh for vs.
Exceptio fìrmat legem in casibus non exceptis,3 espetially P- 8-
beinge vppon a particular reason, bycause yt was a countie
palantine & fetched not Justice from Westminster.
The Mischeife is the infinite perturbacion wìiich. will
follow by the ouerthrowe of so manye decrees and orders
for these threescore yeres, for these shires beinge taken
to be out of the statute yt must needes looke backe aswell
as forwards.
1 The letters patent granting the office to Knight.
2 Bacon, p. 610, calls them two great learned men, Gerrard and
Bromley. For Gerrard, see the articles on the Marches in the
two last nnmbers of this Journal. Sir George Bromley, C.J. of
Chester, died in 1589.
3
The quotation and argument are given by Bacon, pp. 598-9.
4-0 English Lazv in Wales and the Marches.
By these decrees many hold their possessíons of lands
& goods w/uch nowe shold be avoyded, yea, & the meane
profittes recouered in many places.
A multitude of fìnes to his Maiesfa'es vse haue bin
ymposed which nowe shold be restored.
Many haue endured corporall punishmentes w/uch
cannot be restored.
And infinite other inconveniences. Quod a consuetu-
dine recedit, licet vtilitate Juuet tamen novitate ipsa
perturbat.
The fourth question
Whither the Court in the Marches may in some
cases proceed to order or decree after & not-
withstanding' a judgmewt at the Commen Lawe.
ffirst in case where the cause hath bin decreed by the
Counsell in the Marches they may ratifìe theire owne
former decree notwithstandinge any Judginewt obteined
after at the Commen Lawe, for else their whole authoritye
were subuerted.
Secondlie Judgmentes that may be avoyded in pays are
not of that estimaeion in Lawe but the cause may be
examined in Cort of equitye.
Thirdly where the partie hath not notice of the matter
of equitie, at the time when the sute is adiudged at the
commen lawe, he ought not to be excluded of the benefitt
of equitye.
ffourthlie where the Lawe is doubtfull, it were hard
that the partie shold be restrained to pitche vppon equitie
first & not trie the lawe w/ach if it passe ageinst him then
to resort to Equitey.
ffif tlie where matter of equitie ariseth be puisne1 temps
after Judgmewt there is no culler to restraine a sute in
equitye.
Sixtlie where the conscience of the partie appeereth
to be corrupt, the Cort may deale wi'th the person after
Judgmewt though it stirr not the possession.
Seaventhlie St. (iermin in the Doctor and Student2
1 Later.
2 Doctor and Student, a dialogue on the English Law, written by
Christopher St. German, who died in 1540, remained for centuries the
text-book for law-students. The ì'eference in the text should be to
cap. 18, and the statute referred to is 4 Ilen. IV, caj). 23, mentioned
in the next answer, which prohibited appeals from the King's court
to the King himself, the Privy Council, or to parliament, and enacted
that cases should be tried in the regular course of law.
English Law in Wales anci the Marches. 41
cap. 8, fol. 31, saith, this statute cìoth not prohibite equitye
but examinacion of the Judgmewt. And therefore 9 E. 4
In the case of one Younge who hacl Judgmewt geeven
against him vppon a triall in a forren countie whither
he cold not bringe his witnesses, the Chauncellowr thought
fìtt to releeue him.
Answere to Obiections.
The statute of 4 H. 4 ordaineth that Judgmentes
geeven in the Kinges Cortes shall not be adnihilated but
bj Error or attaint.
Answere.
The Inconvenience which the statute ment to remedie
was that the Kinges counsell pretended to adnihilate &
reuerse Judgmewtes as appeereth by 39 E. 31 w/rich intent
of the saicl statute is manifest by the preamble w/rich
maketh mencíon that men were putt to answer de nouo.
2. Obiection.
It appeereth by the case of 5 E. 4 (thoughe there were
fraude in the partie that recouered) yet bycause there was
Judgineíit he was putt to sue in parlament. And Sr Moyle
ífynches'" [sic~\ that all the Juclges tooke the lawe to be that
in such a case the chauncellor ought not to proceed.
Answeare.
Circumstances of the cases may be suche as the Chaun-
cellowr may think fitt to putt them of to parlament or
referre them to the Judges, w/u'ch neuertheles resteth in
his discretion.
Maneria Ducatws Lancastrte infra Marchias
Wallie vt in Recordo cle Anno in Annuni
tempore H. 7 et H. 8 ad hunc diein patet
Manerium cle Rideley3
Manerium de Tibberton
Manerium cle Rye4
Manerium de Minsterworth
Manerium de Ellowe
f Ashperton ì
Maneria de- Stratton'
[ Yarldiill J
In comitatu Grlou-
cestrie.
m
comitatu
îordie.
Here-
Some
further
profe tha
ye coun
ties of
Gloucestc
and Her<
îord are
in the
marches
of Wales
1 See 2ô Edw. III, stat. V, cap. 4.
2 Sir Moyle Finch died in 1614.
3 Rodley. ' Ryelass.
Stretton.
Z%t (^troug^íong of (NlarcÇurítl»
CONTRIBUTION TO THE HISTORY OF THE
PARISH OF MARCHWIEL.
By alfred neobard palmer.
More than ten years ago I became so interested in
the history of the Broughtons o£ Marchwiel that I
set down in order all that I knew, or could learn, of
them, with the intention of writing a paper dealing
with this family, its genealogy, and its doings. But
although Mr. W. M. Myddelton, and Mrs. Pearce of
Leamington, were kind enough to place at my disposal
certain important particulars relating to the Broughtons
which Colonel Chester had gathered, there still remained
so many gaps, which coulcl be bridged by conjecture
only, that I put all my notes relating to this matter on
one side. Since that time, however, much information
has gradually accumulated, many conjectures have been
verifìed, and although much that puzzled me formerly
puzzles me still, it occurred to me recently to disinter
my old notes, and review them in the light of know-
ledge which has been acquired during the last few
years. And it seeuied to me then that it might be
worth while to attempt again the task which I had
once abandoned, if only to afford some one else the
opportunity of completing what is now lacking, and of
The Broughtons of Marchwiel. 43
making a first contribution to the history of the parish
of Marchwiel.
2. The account given of the Broughtons on page 385,
Vol. II, of Powys Fadog is not merely incomplete but
inaccurate. That account is headed " Plas Isaf in March-
wiail", and identifies Plâs Issa with Marchwiel Hall.
Now, in fact, the house called "Plâs Issa" (Lower Hall)
was not in Marchwiel at all, but on the western bank
of the Dee, in a small detached portion of Dutton
Diffaeth. Civilly, of course, it was in the county of
Denbigh, but I have seen it described as "if not extra-
parochial, in the parish of Church Shocklach, Cheshire".
The Broughtons now under consideration were of March-
wiel Hall and of Plâs Issa, Isycoed. Powys Fadog,
moreover, identifìes Sir Edward Broughton who was
living in 1648, not only with his son who was slain in
1665, but even with his grandson, who was sheriff of
Denbighshire in 1698. Surely one who will lend a
helping hand out of this imbroglio of misrepresentation
and error will do some useful service.
3. I do not propose, spite of strong temptation to
a contrary course, to go back any further in my account
of the Broughton family than is necessary to illustrate
the points which in this paper will be presented and
discussed. And some, even of these, will be relegated
to the pedigree herewith given, and to the notes and
appendix annexed.
4. And I shall begin in the text with Edward
Broughton of Plâs Issa, who with his brothers, Lancelot
Broughton, of Eyton, county Denbigh, Francis Broughton,
and Valentine Broughton [of Chester], are mentioned on
Nov. 12th, 1576. We thus start with a definite date,
for which we so often seek, and seek in vain, in Welsh
genealogies.
44 The Broughtons of Marchwiel.
5. The Edward Brougliton, of Plâs Issa, just named,
was succeeded bj his eldest son, Morgan Broughton,
sheriff of Denbighshire in 1608, described as of the age
of 62 on 3rd Sept. 1606, and as deceased in April 1614.
He married before 12 Sept. 1589, Margaret, daughter
of Henrj Parrj, es^.,1 of Marchwiel, and step-daughter
of Richard Leighton, esq.,2 of Marchwiel (still living
in 1621). It was by virtue of this marriage, that
the first Sir Edward Broughton, Mr. Morgan Broughton's
eldest son, came ultimatelj, after Mr. Leighton's death,
into the ownership of Marchwiel Hall. When, there-
fore, Pennant, dating back from 1660, sajs that March-
wiel Hall was "long possessed" bj the Broughtons, we
are to understand bj "long" less than fortj jears.
6. Under what circumstances the first Sir Edward
Broughton (son of Morgan Broughton) was knighted at
1 Henry Parry, alias Harry Parry aîias Henry ap Thomas ap
Harry, of Basingwerk, co. Flint, and Marchwiel Hall (see the
pedigree), directs hy his will (12 Sept. 1589) that his body should
be buried in the parish church of '•'Marchwiell", and speaks therein
of his son, Thomas Parry (who must have died young), of his daughter
Margaret, wife of Morgan Broughton, esq., and of his wife Kathei-ine.
He does not mention his elder daughter, Anne Parry (by his first
wife Margaret, daughter of Jenkyn Hanmer, of Fenns, co. Flint),
who married William Mostyn, esq., of Talacre, on whom was settled
Basingwerh. This will is so interesting that I give a pretty full
summary of it in Appendix III. Mr. Henry Parry was sheriff of
Flintshire in 1563 and 1580, and on both occasions is described as
" of Greenfield." Greenfield or " Maesglas " is a Township in the
parish of Holywell.
2 Richard Leighton, esq., is said to have been second son of Sir
Edward Leighton, of Wattlesborough, and in 1620 held not merely
Marchwiel Hall, but more land in the parish than any other person.
He was not, however, absolute owner, for in 1620 he is described as
holding a messuage and lands in Marchwiel during the life of the icife
of Sìr Edioard Broughton. Mr. Richard Leighton is said to have been
also of Gwern y go, in the parish of Kerry, Montgomeryshire. His
monument was formerly in the old church of Marchwiel.
The Broughtons of Marchimel. 45
Hanipton Court (18 March 161|), I clo not precisely
know, unless it were that he received this distinction 011
account of his wife, who, according to one of Miss
Angharad Llwyd's notes (kindly furnished me by H. R.
Hughes, Esq., of Eünmel), had been maid of honour to
Queen Elizabeth of Bohemia. The Queen, we are told,
used to correspond with Miss Tyrrell, and sent her full-
length portraits of herself and of the king, as well as
leaden busts of the Princes Eupert and Maurice, whorn
she describes in one of her letters as " fine Boyes". Of
these portraits and busts, long kept at Marchwiel Hall,
soinething will be said hereafter. Perhaps, moreover,
Sir Edward was himself a courtier. In any ease I have
not much that is new to tell of him, spite of the fact
that a large number of deeds, to which the fcnight of
Marchwiel set his hand, has come under my inspection.
But one of these deeds, or rather a declaration made
by Sir Edward, is distinctly interesting from its reference
to Charles Diodati, the friend of John Milton's early life,
and not rnerely to Charles but to Jolm Diodati, his
brother. Charles is immortalized by Milton's elegy — the
"Epitaphium Damonis", almost the last product of his
pen in serious Latin verse. It is known from one of his
letters1 that, in 1626, Charles Diodati was spending his
time in the country, happy enough, and wanting only
a fit companion, " initiated in the mysteries" ; known
again from Milton's "First Latin Elegy" (Ad Carolwm
Diodatum) that Diodati was then dwelling "on the
western shore of the Cestrian Dee" '; known, thirdly,
1 Milton's Poetical Worhs, Masson's edition (1890), VoJ. i. p. 256.
- Tandem, chare, tuíe mihi perrenire tabelLr.
Pertulit et voces nuncia charta tuas ;
Pertulit occiduâ Deva; Castrensis ab orâ
Vergivium prono quà petit amne salum", etc.
4 6 The Broitghtons of Marchwiel.
froni the " Sixth Latin Elegy", that he was, in December
1629, staying in the country (Ad Garolum Diodatum, rure
commorantem) ; known, lastly, from one of Milton's
letters,1 that his friend was, in September 1637, still
staying " among those hyperboreans". Dr. Masson has
also recorded the "tradition"2 that Charles Diodati had
settled as a physician somewhere near Chester, or at any
rate in the North. But it is not known precisely where
he lived, and indeed this period of Diodati's life is so
obscure that even Dr. Masson, with all his marvellous
industry, has been unable to throw much light upon it.
Under these circumstances, any additional information,
or even hint of information, is not without value. It
appears then that the notorious Collins and Fenn (who,
8th Dec, 7th year Charles T, obtained an enormous grant
of Crown rights in Wales), sold on 4 April 1633, to
Robert Evans, esq., of the parish of St. Martin's in the
Fields, Middlesex, fìve parcels of meadow called "the
Receiuors Meadow" and those 3 acres of
Meadow "in Coyd euan, adjoyninge to a
certayne Meadow called the Constables Meadow", in
which Sir Edward Broughton had a leasehold interest.
These meadows are declared to be " in the charge of the
baylifs of Cobham Almor and Cobham Iscoyd", two
manors between Holt and Wrexham, but nearer the first
than the second named town. " The Constable's Meadow"
is still so called, and lies in the township of Dutton
Diffaeth, a little to the south of Holt, county Denbigh.
1 Masson's Life of Milton, Vol. i (1859 edition), p. 598.
2 The same, Vol. ii (1871 edition), p. 81. I see in Vol. i, p. 316, of
Mi/ton's Poctìcal Worhs, that Dr. Masson (jualifies this statement
thus : — " Near Chester, it has heen snpposed, but that is only a guess
from the fact that he [C. D.] had been in that neighbourhood in 1626,
the date of the Eleyia Príma."
The Brouohtons of Marchwiel. 47
7. It was usual, when Collins and Fenn hacl disposed of
a parcel of lands comprised in their grant to one of their
aequaintances, for this latter to resell the parcel to some
one lÌYÌng near the place where the lands were situate, or
to some landowner who had interests in the neighbour-
hood. Now we fìnd that, on the 2nd December, ìiinth
year of Charles I [1633], the aforesaid Robert Evans
barerained and sold the meadows above described to
" Charles Deodate [so the name is spelled in the declara-
tion] , and John Deodate," expressly named as " sonns of
Theodore Deodate, of London, Doctor of Phisick." Then
on the 20th June, eleventh year of Charles 1 [1635], Sir
Edward Broughton and Charles and John Diodati, mort-
gage the same meadows to certain persons in trust for Sir
Thomas Trevor, luiight,1 of Dorset Court, alias Salisbury
Court, London. Finally, on the 15th July, in the
tweiity-third year of Charles I [1647],2 Sir Edward
Broughton, by himself, conveys the premises absolutely
to tlie said trustees to the use of Sir Thomas Trevor,
knight.
1 Sir Thomas Trevor, knight, was the fifth son of John Trevor,
esq., of Trevalyn Ilall, county Denbigh, one of the Barons of the
Court of Exchequer. IIis son, Sir Thomas Trevor. baronet, was one
of the trustees for his father in this transaction, and the others were
Richard Prydderch, and Richard Davies, vintner of London. [See
Appendix, notes 5 and 6.]
- Charles Diodati, as is now known, died in August 1638, his
brother John surviving him. But does it not appear as though John
himself were dead before 15 July 1647, he not being a party to the
release of that date ? In that case, Colonel Chester's identification of
him with the John Diodati of London, " factor," who was living shortly
before Feb. 168g, must have been mistaken (see Poetical Worhs of
Milton, Masson's edition, vol. i, p. 328). But I should be sorry to pit
any notion of mine against the opinion of such a genealogist as
Colonel Chester, and the omission of John Diodati's name from the
release of 1647 may, perhaps, be explained on some other sup-
position than that of his being then dead,
48 The Broughtons of Marchwiel.
8. Now does it not look likely that, in 1633, and per-
haps in 1635, Charles and John Diodati were living in or
uear Holt'? This town is actually " on the western shore
of the Cestrian Dee." So also, I may add, was Plâs Issa,
one of Sir Edward Broughton's two mansions. Nor was
Trevalyn HalL the seat of the Trevors, very f ar distant f rom
that stream, 011 the western side of it. Chester, on the other
hand, and all but a small part of Cheshire, are on the east
of Dee. In any case, the association of the two brothers,
fìrst with the purchase and then with the mortgage of the
lands named is of especial interest. They appear to have
acted as the " go-betweens ': of the fìrst Sir Edward
Broughton and of Sir Thomas Trevor, and were evidently
well-known to both, and I please myself with speculating
whether when, on 13th Dec. 1629, Charles Diodati was
spending his time so merrily at some country mansion
that he had little leisure for the Muses, he was not
staying at Plâs Issa, at Marchwiel Hall, or at the
beautiful Elizabethan house of the Trevors of Trevalyn.
9. It is most unfortunate that in " the declaration"
which I have seen, the terms and effects of earlier deeds
relating to the meadow-lands in point are recited with
such tantalizing brevity. If we could get hold of those
earlier deeds, we may be pretty certain that we should
find given therein, not merely the place of residence,
but the "occupation" of Charles and John Diodati,
and conjecture would be at an end. Those deeds ought
now to be in the possession of one or other of the heirs
of the Trevors, and may yet be discovered. I must not
omit to add that the declaration, a summary of which
has been given above, was found by me at Erddig Hall,
near Wrexham, the seat of Philip Yorke, esq., and is
now carefully preseiwed by him in one of his cabinets.
I give an exact coj^y of the deed in Appendix IV.
Gj3roug0fon0 of (marcfluoicf.
Ralpb Brnoghton,!
of Plas Issa,
Isycoed
Anne verch Itichd.
ap Howel ap Mor-
gan,of Alrhey, co.
Flint, H.M.
Cü_
(3)
I
Bdward Bronghton, , Eleanor, d. of Ham-
of i'ia- fssa, díed ' phrey Dvmock of
1(Î17, H.M. | Penley. co FHnt,
died 1626, H.M.
I
Lancelot BrnuRhton,==Elizabcth, d.of Ricb. Valentiue Broaghton, Francis Broughton,
of Ejton..co Denb. I Brooke, of Norton, Aldermanof Chester, in 157*1 "at the
Cbeshire, married died 1603
secondly Kenrick
Eyton
liring, 12 Not.
1676 ; -lead, 26
Nov. 1576
ri.ivi.i-.ity," mar.
Julian, d. of Tbos.
Gr os venor, of
Eaion, by Anne
[Bradshaitrhj his
wife
BIlis, H.M
Ricbard, H.M.
Huraphry, H.M.,
inar. Jane, d. and
heir of Yaleutine
Broughton
-John, H.M.
(2) Henry rurry.es,!. ^Hatberiuc.d.ofW,,,. =(3) Riohai |
of Marchwieland Mostyn, esq„ oí ton, esq., oi
öasingwerk, dìed Mostyn imar. flrst
bef°re 7 Feb. ' Edward Dj i k
1589-90 ., ,„ . oi Pi nloy)
i sccond wife oí
Heury Pany
Halph
Broughton
(2)
(3)
Jane, H M
[not men-
tioned in lier
father's will,
A.N.P.]
(4)
Chrìstian
Margarct, wife of
Thos. Young. of
Croston, Cheshire,
H.M.
Johr. Broughton, II M. Edward Broaghton, H.M. Thomas Broughton, H.M.
Jane. wife of Wm,
Lloyd, of Halgh-
ton, co, Flint, died
1624, II. M
(1)
esq .
Marohwìel, liv-
ing in LB21,
mai to Kath<
1 lii-- l'.ll IV.
widow, befora
Maroh 1609-10
(2)
Durothy=Thos. Pursell, ÍI.Jl
(3)
MORGAN BROUGUTON, e&i|.^
of Plus Issa and March-
wiel Hall, born about
1544 ; sberiff for co. Denb.
1608 . livmg 25 Sept.
1613; dead in April 1614
I
Margaret, heìress of
Marchwiel ;
livîng 1613.
6 Api'. 1660
i : ■■iii, i> Parry,
living LS ■-■
dieil witbout issue
Sli; BDWARD BnoUGHTON,
knt., nf Plás [ssa and
Marchwic] Hall, knighted
at Hampton Court, 18
March 1617-18; Imng
23 March 1648-9
(2)
I
(3)
! |
Frances, second dau. Tbomas Broughton, William Bronghton,=Ann, d, of Nicholas
of Sir Bdw, Tyrrell,
of Thornton, l!ucks,
kt., by bis second
wife Margaret, dau.
of Thos. Aston, of
Aston, Cheshjre, died
in 1632. H. of K.
a captain in tbe
Low Countries,
o.s.p., H M.
nl Bi i-liam, cli
warden of Wres-
bam, 1637, a capt.
in Boyal Army
Witberp, of Lon^ .
co. Hants, ll.M
Robert Broughton, H.M.
.■i col ìl iu Royal
Army, living at Strỳt
vr hwch, Marchwiel,
II Dec 1658 ; mar,
Mary Bagot, of Blith-
field
Jolin Broughton
— Cathcrine, 0 P,
— Ann, mentioned
iii L609, " mar,
iii Low Coun-
tries," 0 l'.
O.P.
CD
Francia Broughton,
matric, Mag Col)
Oxon„ lo Dec
1641, aged 18 (M.),
I capl iii arruy of
l'.uh. tiI, 1648,
o.e.p„ O.P.
Robert Broughton,
a major in Royal
army, L646; mar.
( iici ley, d.of . . . .
of Boston, co,
Linc, H.M.
Anne [in LonrJon unmar. 28 Mar
1648-9 M.]
M arga re t= Sir Robt. Craren, knîght,
born 1623 [mar lstSept 1663,C.C.j
Dorothy
Penelope, o.s.p. at Lleweni
— Elizabeth=Rev. Ambrose Mostyn, of
Wrexhain, a son of Dr.
Henry Mostyn, ofCalcot,
co, Flint
Alice, d. of Sir Bobt.=
Honywood, Cbar-
ing, Kent, bnight,
born Jan. 10,
1612-13, H.of K
CD
(1) Sih Edward Broughton, knt. (2)
apparently designated a baronet,
but dne formalities not carried oul
[mortally woundcd in sea fight
against the Dutch Jane 3, died in
London, June 20, bur. at Wi -tnun-
ster Abbey. June 26. 1665, C.C.].
fceeper of Gatehouse Prison, West-
minster, settlement bcf'-p' mar.
6 Apr. 1660, second husbund of
Mary Wyke
Mary, dau. of Wm. Knightli
of Klngston-on-Thames, ( by
Susan, i. - -■'. if< . dau, of John
I'i ice, ■.:• nt . also of Kìngston),
bapt. 13 Apr 1630; bur, in
Westminster Abbey, 10 Mar
1694-5. First husband, Aquila
\Vyke, C.C.
I
(2)
01iver, O.P.
Moi an, i ' P
Tboraas, i ' P
-Wilhain, 0 l'.
Robert, O.P
Susan, «i P
Magdalen, O.P,
- Anne Wm, Phillips, of
Gwemheulod, co Flint.i l i'
- Bllen John Wrlght, of I -
don, 0 P
Ai]uila \Vykr, keepov of Gatohouso
Rrison, Wostminstor; inar, I6G4;
bur. ai. si Margan t' . Wosi
tninster, '.' Apr, 16BÍ1, miíl ' o
bave '"'in smi iií Aquiln W) kû,
-,-in , ai.-i ki apei ot Gntohouse
Priaon [inar. to Mary Knigiitley
at St. James, Clerkenwoll, 27
M.n 1649-50, M.]
I
ElAVAKH ÜinH'nilTON, of Marcbwiul i-^.,
aliaa Sir Edward Broughton, baronet,
rbapt. at St. Margaret's, Westminster, .10
Jan . 1660-1, C.C.] sheriff of co, Denb,, 1698;
died 11 June, bur. 14 June, 1718, at March-
wiel
— Hicbard, bapt. at St. Margaret's, West-
uiinster, 17 Feb. 1661-2, C.C.
— John, bapt. at St. Margaret's, Westminster,
19 July 1663, C.C,
Both died in infancr.
Edward Wyki
of Gotehou ■<■
PrisOD, Wc>.L-
mînster
Aquila Wykr,
i,i,i al Wresham,
20 May 1703,
o.s.p.
M.n V
A "MissWyke" bnried at Marchwiel, 13 Mar, L761
[Far thc sign ificancc -f the contractiom here used scc par, 10.]
Aquila Wvkk, of Marcliwiel^Elizabeth
and l.lwyn Eiíryn (pftT. OÍ
Mold), esq„ sbcriff of co.
Denb , 1743 ; bur. at March-
wiel, l;s Dec, 1772
Mart.lia- Stephbn BnowN, esq„ Wm, Rocfcwood.^Mary
uf Marchwiel and osq,
Llwyn Egryn , bur.at
',!., chwiel, 16 Fcb.
l'o face pagc 18 |
Luct, survived Imt=Ciiarles Brown, csq ,=(1; A.nne, only child,
busband, and sold of Marchwiel and bur. atMarchwicl
Marchwiel Hall in Llwyn Bgryn, sheriff 26 Deo, 17^5.
1801to Saml Riley, of co Di ub L789,and
esû.,ofPickhillHall ofco.Flint, 17''
at Batb, 10 .luly 1795
The Broughtons of Marchwiel. 49
10. Coniing back from this excursion, I should like
to make a few observations on the annexed pedigree.
Some years ago I had lent me an old genealogy of the
Broughtons of Plâs Issa and Marchwiel, the edges of
which were frayed away, and the words and names, in
many places, quite illegible. This genealogy, wherever
I was able to test it, was found correct. Therefore, in
the first draft of the pedigree ccnstructed by me, all
the gaps were filled in, with due actnowledgment, from
this old genealogy. But on submitting the pedigree, so
composed, to H. E. Hughes, esq., of Kinmel, he largely
extended it, firstly, from a Hengwrt MS., written between
1632 and 1662, and secondly, "from two apparently
contemporary MSS." To every entry, therefore, in the
pedigree herewith presented, taken from the Hengwrt
MS. (of which the " old genealogy" above mentioned
seems to be a copy), I have annexed the letters H.S.
Those entries marked O.P. are taken from the "two
contemporary copies." The contributions of the late
Colonel Chester are indicated by the letters C.C., while
"M." stands for W. M. Myddelton, esq., and "H. of K."
for H. E. Hughes, esq., of Kinmel. For all, or nearly
all, the rest I stand responsible.
11. Captain William Broughton, of Bersham, the
third son of Morgan Broughton, esq., of Marchwiel,
compounded for his estate by the payment of £90 to
the Parliamentary Commissioners. I owe the following
note to Mr. W. M. Myddelton : — " The Dep. Lieuts. of
Denbighshire, by Indenture 5 April, 15 Charles I, 1639,
handed over to the charge of William Broughton, esq.
150 men that had been raised in the county of D. and
to be by him conducted to the towne of Selby upon Ouse
neere York." Captain Broughton was, I believe, the
William Broughton who, in 1637, was one of the church-
50 The Broughtons of Marchiuiel.
wardens of the parish of' Wrexham. Perhaps, also, he
was the same that is mentioned in the first two of the
following extracts from the Wrexham Registers : —
Morgan, the sonne of William Broughton, was baptized the 4th
of June 1635.
Elnor fil. Gulielmi Broughton Annseque ux eius 23 die februarii,
1636. [Baptizata fuit].
Robertus filius Gulielmi Broughton Christianíeque ux eius 22 die
Octobris 1644. [Baptizatus fuit].
If we dare imagine a transcriber's mistake m the name
of the wife in the third extract given above, we should
probably have a record of the baptism of another child of
Captain William Broughton. After the Restoration, the
Captain seems to have lived for a time at Marchwiel
Hall.
12. 1 have ascertained that Colonel Robert Brough-
ton (fourth son of Morgan Broughton, esq., and another
brother of the first Sir Edward) was living on the 14th
Dec. 1658, at Strŷt yr hwch in the parish of Marchwiel.
An extract from a letter, written in 1651 by Mrs. Ursula
Sontley,1 may perhaps here be given : — u Owld Mri3
Broughton was praid for in our church [Marchwiel] this
day, and the Collonell did weepe very much."
13. Then, as to the "Mr. Morgan Broughton",2
buried at Marchwiel, 19 Aug. 1699, his burial is also
noted in the registers of Wrexham as having taken
place at Marchwiel, and herein he is described as "of
Esclusham". He was, perhaps, Morgan, son of the
1 Ursula was, according to Powys Fadoŷ, the wife of Colonel
Robert Sontley, of Sontley Hall, in the parish of Marchwiel. In the
will of William Edisbury, of Marchwiel, gent. (9 Feb. 1659-60) the
testator speahs of his " sister-in-law Mrs. Ursula Sontlley of Sontlley,
wid."
2 One "Morgan, the sone of Captayne Brouglrton, of Gwersyllt",
wasbaptized at Gresford "November furst 1694". Another Morgan,
and another Captain Broughton, are here, of course, indicated.
The Broughtons of Marchwiel. 51
Captain William Broughton rnentioned in par. 11. "The
Edward Broughton, of Hatton Garden, in the county of
Middlesex, esq.", who was buried at Marchwiel, 18th of
May 1713, and the "Edward Broughton, esq.", also
buried there, 28th April 1720, were probably sons of one
or other of the fìrst Sir Edward's brothers, but I have
not ventured to insert any of these nanies in the pedigree.
I have also sheaves of notes concerning various Brough-
tons of Broughton and Bersham, in the parish of Wrexham,
and of Gwersyllt, Burton and Llai in the parish of Gres-
ford. Some of these seem to have been connected with
the Broughtons of Marchwiel, but the disentangling of
the threads of this tangled skein has proved an impossible
task.
14. There is an inscribed slab of shaly stone in March wiel
churchyard marking the site of the Broughton burial-place,
on the exposed portion of which so much of the inscrip-
tion has íiaked off that nothing consecutive, or nothing of
any value, can now be read. If only some copy had been
taken, and had survived, of this inscription, many doubt-
ful points relating- to this family would have been at once
resolved.
15. The fìrst Sir Edward Broughton, during the
g-reat civil confìict of the seventeenth century, took
the Eoyal side, and was doubtless the " Sir Edmund
Broughton " who, according- to Burghall's Providence Im-
2)roved, was fetched, in October 1643, with two of his sons
from his house at Broughton [Marchwiel] and taken
prisoner to Nantwich. Besides his brother, Captain Wil-
liam Broughton, his other brother,, Colonel Robert Brough-
ton, and his sons, Lieutenant Edward and Major Eobert
Broughton, were on the same side. But his second son,
Captain Francis Broughton, espoused, it is said (O.P.), the
Parliamentary cause.
e2
52 The Broughtons of Marchwiel.
16. Lieutenant Edward Broughton (afterwards the
second Sir Edward, and eldest son of the first) was taken
prisoner by General Lambert, in 1659, at the capture of
Chirk Castle,1 and immured in the Gatehouse Prison,
Westminster, close to the Abbey. The keeper, Aquila
Wyke, gent., who held for lives the keepership (which was
no mean office), appears to have just died, and left a
blooming young widow, of under thirty years of age, and
three children. Lieutenant Broughton, himself a widower,
was evidently of an exceedingly ardent and susceptible
disposition, and fell desperately in love with the young
widow. Mistress Wyke seems to have kept him at bay
for a time, but at last gave her consent to be his wife, not
without conditions.
17. Accordingly, on the sixth and seventh of April
1660, he being then no longer under arrest, by indentures
of lease and release, Mr. Broughton, describing himself as
Edward Broughton, esq., of Marchwiel, son and heir of
Sir Edward Broughton, knight, deceased, conveys all his
tenements and lands in the counties of Denbigh, Flint,
and Chester, to William Knightley, esq.,2 and John Mills,
esq., " upon trust and at the only disposition and appoint-
ment of the said Mary Wykes in writing, duly attested,
shall nominate." The estate is declared to be of the
annual value of £550, and free from incumbrance, except
the life interest of Dame Frances Broughton in the capital
messuage in Iscoed [Plâs Issa], being her jointure, late
the lands of Sir Edward Broughton, father of the said
Edward Broughton. The capital messuage with appurten-
1 His uncle, Colonel Robert Broughton, was taken prisoner at
the same time and place. A Colonel Robert Broughton was Royalist
Governor of Shrewsbury on 18th August 1 6-í-í.
2 This William Rnightly was evidently either Mistress Wyke's
father or at least one of her near kinsfolk.
The Broughtons of Marchwiel. 53
ances in Marchwiel is mentioned as being in the tenure of
Margaret Broughton, widow, grandmother of the grantor,
and the only considerations named are " the love and
affection borne by the said Edward Broughton to the said
Mary Wykes, and the marriage shortly to be solemnized
between them". Sir Eobert Honeywood, hnight,1 and
Thomas Darrell, esq., join with Edward Broughton in the
conveyance.
18. It would seem that Mistress Wyke, spite of this
evidence of Edward Broughton's affection, still doubted,
or affected to doubt, his fidelity, his constancy, his devo-
tion. So, less than a week afterwards, on the 12th April
1660, Mr. Broughton composed, signed, and sealed the
extraordinary " Imprecation " printed as the 6th Appendix
to the 3rd vol. of the 1810 edition of Pennant's Tours in
Wales, a document which is surely one of the curiosities of
literature.
19. I have some hesitation in transferring to my
pages this Imprecation, and yet, were I to omit it wholly,
much of the point and pith of what has to be related
would be wanting. It will suffice if I summarize the first
part of the curse, and quote in f ull only the second part.
Edward Broughton, then, invokes the most awful and
teiTÌble plagues upon himself and his posterity " if I do
not utterly forbear all rash swearing and all man'er of
drinking, and all manner of debauchery whatsoever ; or if
ever I am guilty of finding fault with anything my in-
tended wife shall doe or say ; or if ever I undertake any
business, or any thing, how great a concern soever, or
small, without the knowledge, assent, consent, advice of
1 Probably Sir Robert Honywoorl, knight, brother to this Ed-
ward Broughton's íirst wife, " servant to the Queen of Bohemia,"
lînighted at Otelands 7 July 1627, born 3 Aug. 1601, and son of
another Sir Robert Honywood, knight.
54 The Broughtons of Marchwiel.
Mary Weeks, uiy intended wife, and is to be Mary
Broughton wlien this shall effect ; or if shee shall make
any request unto me in my life-time, it shall be of force
never to be violated by me, although I surviving her, con-
cerning body and soule, life or fortune, children or friends,
how unreasonable soever; or if there shall happen any
difference betwixt her and me, as there hath been betwixt
me and my first wife, then, if I ani the cause of it, may
all the plagues im'ginable fall on me and all the plagues
God can inflict ; or if shou'd arise any quarrell, and shee
the only cause, yet, when I remember hereof, or shee
these vows, I most heartily pass by, forgive, and en-
deavour to pacifie, and use all the art imaginable to please
here [her], and if shee couJd impose more, I wou'd most
willingly doo it, or else, may all those plagues, if there
were greater curses or imprecacons, I heartily pray they
may all be powered downe, as the rain fall on the thirsty
ground, and upon my posterity f or ever ; and this I doe
heartily and voluntarily, and with serious consideration
and premeditation, having taken a long time to consider
this ; and most readily signe itt with my owne hand, and
seal it with my own seale."
20. Nice sorts of marriage settlements these, and
casting a vivid light upon the character of these two
extraordinary personages ! One can easily guess what sort
of man Edward Broughton was, but the character of his
second wife presents a more difficult problem. I think
we should be wrong, on the one hand, to regard her as
a mere " Becky Sharp", or, on the other, to set her on too
high a pedestal. There was plainly something attractive
about Mistress Wyke, and equally plain that she was
shrewd, capable, and managing. The probability is that
she was really dazzled by Edward Broughton, but, per-
ceiving clearly his faults and vices, took the best means in
The Broughtons of Marchwiel. 55
her power of winning and weaning him from them. The
possession ot the cpialities of justice ancl affection cannot
be denied her. There was romance in the affair, so far as
she was concerned, but romance well under the control of
sound common sense. But how inferior is this story com-
pared with that (not unlike it in some points) so sweetly
told hy Chaucer in his Franheleynes Tale I1
21. Accorclingly, Edward Broughton and Mistress
Wyke were shortly after duly marriecl, and she bore him
three sons. Of these, the two youngest evidently died in
infancy, and the eldest, Edward, succeeded to the whole
Marchwiel estate under his mother's will.
22. It was not enough that Mr. Edward Broughton
should settle all his estates on his prospective wife, and
promise uncler the most awful engagements, to obey her
lightest whim, but the attempt was actually made to change
the name of the more important of his two capital mes-
suages from " Marchwiel Hall " to " Concpieress Hall "
(The Hall of the she- Conaueror) . This name fìrst appears
in Lady Broughton's will (20 Jan. 1680-1), and so late as
1 Here are the relevant passages from Chaucer : —
" Ther was a knight, that loved and did his peyne
In Armoryke, that cleped is Briteyne,
To serven a lady in his beste wise ;
And many a labour and many a grete emprise
He for his lady wrought, er sche were wonne.
And, for to lede the more in blisse here lyves,
Of his fre wille he swor hire as a hnight,
That never in his wille by day ne by night
Ne schulde he upon him take no maystrie
Ayeins hire wille, ne kuythe hire jalousye,
But hire obeye, and folwe hire will in al,
As ony lovere to his lady schal ;
Save that the name of sovereyneté
That wolde he han for schame of his degre."
56 The Broughtons of Marchwiel.
the year 1749, I fìnd this mansion described as " March-
wiel Hall, alias Conqueress Hall." It is not quite clear
whether this attempt was made by the husband or the
wife, but in either case it is the mark of a tolerably com-
plete subjection of the first to the second.
23. From what has been said above,' it will be evident
that Pennant made a mistake when he said (Tours in
Wales, 1810 edition, vol. i, p. 414) that Edward Broughton
married the daughter of Wyke, the keeper of the Grate-
house Prison. He married, as we know, the widow of the
keeper. Pennant is also wrong in his statement that
Edward Broughton bequeathed his estate to " his wife's
brother." He gave it wholly to herself before marriage,
so that he was entirely dependent on her.
24. There is some uncertainty as to the original form
of the name of Mistress Broughton's fìrst husband. Ed-
ward Broughton consistently spelled it " Weekes " or
"Wykes", and his step-son is called "Aqualah Weekes"
in 1703, but Lady Broughton herself and the later mem-
bers of the family held this surname to be "Wyke", and
thus accordingly I always spell it.
25. The estate, when Mr. Broughton conveyed it to
the widow Wyke, comprised Marchwiel Hall, with the
demesne lands annexed thereto, one of the two farms
called " Stryt yr hwch", one of the two farms called
" Croes y mab", Coed Dafydd, one of the two farms
called " Pont y ffrwd", Tyddyn tu uwch y llan, Tyddyn
tu is y llan, and other farms in Marchwiel which I have
been unable to identify, the Pumrhyd Mill and lands in
Abenbury, Carnarvon Hall in Mount Street, Wrexham,
and the Lower Hall property, which included lands in
Dutton Diff aeth and Sutton Isycoed, and extended into the
parish of Church Shocklach, in the county of Chester.
According to a fine levied in 1731, the Marchwiel Hall
The Broughtons of Marchwiel. 57
estate, not including tlie Lower Hall property, is returned
as containing 613 acres, and according to another fine,
levied in 1773, including Lower Hall, as containing 706
acres.
26. I think there can be no doubt that the hero (or
shall we say vidim ?) of this romance was knighted, in or
before the year 1664 [see Addenda], and so became the
second Sir Edward Broughton. He describes himself as
"knight" in his will, and is called " Sir Edward Brough-
ton" in the entry referring to his burial in Westminster
Abbey. After his death, moreover, his widow was known
as "Lady Broughton." Colonel Chester says that "in the
record of administration to his estate, 28 July 1665, he is
styled ' Kt. and Bart.,' but in subsequent proceedings in the
Court of Probate, he is described as a knight only." I
should not be surprised if it were to be found that he was
designated as a baronet, during the few days succeeding
his mortal wound, but that he died before the patent could
be engrossed, or the due formalities carried out. The
supposition just made cannot be proved, but the acceptance
of it will remove all the apparent discrepancies which
exist as to his true title. It will reveal, for example, the
excuse which his son had f or assuming the title of baronet.
The second Sir Edward Broughton was actually a knight,
but only a baronet designate.
27. The Wyke family had, it appears, a lease of the
Gatehouse Prison and Convict Prison, Westminster, and
their precincts. After the second marriage of Mistress
Wyke, a new lease was taken out, or two new leases were
taken out, and Edward Broughton was admitted to an
interest therein, so that when he came to make his will
it was this interest which formed a large portion of his
assets. For this reason, and because the document throws
some light on a very interesting part of old Westminster,
58 The Broughtons of Marchwiel.
I propose to give a rather full summarj of Sir Edward
Broughton's will, raade 21st Oct. 1664 : —
" I bequeath unto Edward Broughton, my son, after the death of
Dame Mary, my wife, all that my house and tenement with appurten-
ances being between the Gatehouse at Westminster on the west, and
the Convict Prison of the Right Reverend Father in God, Gilbert,
Lord Bishop of London, on the east, now in the occupation of me,
Sir Edward Broughton, or my Assignes, with all Stables, Coach-
houses, Out-houses, Barns, Gardens, Yards, Orchards, and appurten-
ances belonging or appertaining to the said Messuage or tenement
which I, Sir Edward Broughton and Dame Mary my wife, hold to us,
our heirs and assignes, of the said Reverend Father during the lives
of Aquila Weekes, Mary Weekes, and Edward Broughton. To have
and to hold the said Messuage, etc, with the said Indenture of Lease
immediately after the death of Dame Mary my wife. I bequeath to
Edward Weekes, after the death of Dame Mary my wife, all my lease,
right, title, and interest of and in the Prison or Gaol called the Gate-
house of Westminster, with all rooms, easements, comodities, and
necessaries belonging to the said Prison, or with the same used or
occupied. Also the Office and Custody of the said Gatehouse, and
all Prisoners as shall be committed to the same, with all the fees,
profits, comodities, advantages, casualties, benefits, and emoluments
to the said office belonging, made to me and Dame Mary, my wife,
by John Earles, Doctor in Divinity, Dean of the Collegiate Church
of St. Peter's, Westminster, and the Chapter of the same, to have
and to hold the said Indenture of Lease, prison, and premises, im-
mediately from and after the death of Dame Mary, provided that
he the said Edward Weekes, his executors and assignes, shall pay to
my natural son, Edward Broughton, the sum of fourhundred pounds
of lawful money of England within twelve months after the death of
Dame Mary, and if Edward Weekes, his Executors or assignes, shall
neglect or refuse to pay the said sum of money, I declare the devise
of the said lease, prison, etc, to my son Edward Broughton. I
bequeath to Mary Weekes and her heirs, my lease, right, title, and
intei-est of the Office of the custody and safe keeping of the Prison of
the said Gilbert, Lord Bishop of London, called the Coiwict Prison
in Westminster, with the keeper's place of the said prison, also the
Mansion house and messuage now erected and built upon the said
Prison, wherein Lord ffitzWilliams lately dwelt, at the west end of
the Abbey called Westminster Abbey, with all Stables, Coach-houses,
Barns, Outhouses, Gardens, Orchards, etc, to have and to hold the
same immediately from and after the death of Dame Mary. I be-
queath to Aquila Weekes and his heirs, all my right, title, and
The Broughtons of Marchwiel. 59
interest of or in or to the house adjoining the said Gatehouse on the
North side, now in the tenure of Mr. Lewes, called or known by the
name of the Dolphin, to have and to hold the same after the death
of Dame Mary. I bequeath to Dame Mary, my wife, for the term of
her natural life, all and singular the rest and residue of my personal
estate, goods, chattels, plate, jewels, rings, household stuíf, leases,
debts and dues, and after her death I bequeath all the rest and
residue of my personal estate to her and my son, Edward Broughton.
I appoint, as Executors of this my will, Dame Mary my wife, Sir
Timothy Terrell, of Showre,1 in the county of Oxon, and Sir Phillip
Honywood,2 of Portsmouth, in the county of Southampton, hnight,
and Commander there ; and I bequeath to the said Sir Timothy
Terrell and Sir Philip Honywood twenty pounds apiece to buy each
of them a Nagg for their care and pains." [Will proved 16 Dec. 1669.]
28. Is there not a certain perhiness manifested in
this "will", as though the testator plunied himself that
he was not v\ ithout something to bequeath in spite of all ?
How often, and with what evident relish does he use this
word "bequeath"! Finally, notice how artfully he directs
that after the death of his wife the residue of his personal
property should go to her and his son Edward Broughton,
leaving his son the residuary legatee.
29. Miss Angharad Llwyd wrote in 1821, on the
information of the Rev. George Warrington, of Wrexham,
that [the secoud] Sir Edward Broughton married for his
second wife "amiller's daughter"; and that Mr. War-
rington meant by the " miller's daughter ", the Mary
1 Sir Timothy Tyrrell, of Shotover and Oaldey, Governor of
Cardiff, Master of the Ordnance, died 23 Oct. 1701, aged 84, buried
at Oahley, son of another Sir Timothy Tyi-rell, eldest son of Sir Ed-
ward Tyrrell, of Thornton, by his second wife and own brother to
Frances Broughton, Edward Broughton's mother. — II. of K.
2 Sir Philip Ilony^yood. Mr. Hughes, of Bänmel, thinhs that this
person must be the Sir Philip, of Petts, co. Kent, another brother of
Frances Broughton, Edward Broughton's mother, and the fifteenth
child of his parents. He could not havebeenthe Sir Philip, Governor
o/ Portsmouth, who died 17 June 17-32, 98 years after date of Edward
Broughton's will.
6o The Broughtons of Marchwiel.
Wyke, widow, mentioned in the account given above, is
clear by his adding that the Browns, of Marchwiel, were
her heirs. For Mary Wyke's parentage my authority is
the late Colonel Chester, one of the most caref ul, cautious,
and painstaking genealogists of our time. And for the
history I give of the descent of the estate, I rely not
merely on the " abstract of title" of the property (a copy
of which I possess), butalso on such contemporary evidence
as administrations, wills, rate-books and registers. The
Rev. George Warrington's statements to Miss Angharad
Llwyd appear to be in this respect, as in other respects
(see par. 43), wildly wrong.
30. It seems clear that Sir Edward Broughton after his
second marriage lived at his tenement next the Gatehouse,
Westminster, and that when he himself died, Lady
Broughton and her sons, Edward Broughton and Edward
Wyke, still lived there. Aquila Wyke, his second step-
son, was resident at Wrexham, probably at Carnaiwon
Hall, Mount Street (on the site of Brown's Court, iin-
mediately opposite the old Mount House), Carnarvon Hall
being the only house in the town belonging to the March-
wiel Hall estate. In 1670, Marchwiel Hall itself,
according to the hearth tax returns, was occupied by
Captain Broughton and Mrs. Anne Broughton, and con-
tained twelve hearths. Although Edward Broughton,
esq., " alias Sir Edward Broughton, bart." (son of the
second Sir Edward by his wife Mary) is described as " of
Marchwiel ", this does not necessarily imply that he lived
there, and I have not yet come across any decisive proof
that he did so until after his mother's death, but I may
say that Edwarcl Lhuyd, in his account of Marchwiel
Parish, remarks : — " Sir Edw. Broughton has a Avarren
adjoyning to his Hall." The house was subsequently
tenanted (before 1731) by the Rev. Thomas Holland, of
Berw, who was still there in 1735.
The Broughtons oý Marchiuiel. 61
31. When war was declared against Holland, 22 Feb.
1664-5, tlie second Sir Edward Broughton joined the íleet,
and was engaged in the famous naval battle of June 3rd,
when he was mortally wounded. However, he was taken
home to Westminster, where he died on the 20th, and
was buried (26 June 1 665) in the Abbey, " in the north
part of the cross aisle near the monument door." [C.C.]
32. On the 20th Jan. 1680-1, Mary Lady Broughton
made her last will (which was proved 21st March 1694-5).
Therein she bequeathed to her son, Edward Broughton,
her property in the town of Kingston-upon-Thames, in the
county of Surrey ; all her leasehold messuages and lands
in Westminster ; her right and title in the prison or
" Goale" called The Gatehouse there, and in the Convict
Prison and Mansion at the west end of Westminster
Abbey, and all other her right and interest in her estate,
personal and real, in the county of Middlesex, city of
Westminster, and county of Surrey, she having purchased
the same with her own " reall money or poréon or patri-
moniall estate", subject to two annuities of £40 each to
her two " undutif ull sonnes", Edward Wyke and Aquila
Wyke. She bequeathed also to her said son, Edward
Broughton, and his heirs lawfully begotten, the whole of
the Marchwiel or Conqueress Hall estate in the parishes
of Marchwiel, Wrexham, Holt, and Shocklache, in the
counties of Denbigh, Flint, and Chester, and all the
residue of her goods, chattels, leases, bonds, and all other
her personal estate whatever, subject to the payment of
her debts and the satisfaction of her legacies. Amongst
these was a bequest of £100 to Mr. Roger Jackson, to
whose care she left the management of her estate for the
benefìt of her children, and another of £50 to " her un-
fortunate undutifull daughter, Mary Decombe, daughter
of my fìrst husband, Aqaila Wyke, deceased ", this sum
6 2 The Bronghtons of Marchwiel.
being the sole provision made f or Mary Decombe, " she
having forinerly imbeazled mnch of my estate." And in
case the said Edward Broughton should die without
[lawful] issue, then the testatrix bequeathed the premises
unto her second son [by her first husband], Aquila Wyke
and his lawful heirs, and for want of such issue to her
eldest son, Edward Wyke and his lawful heirs. And she
appointed her son, Edward Broughton, and the said Boger
Jackson, sole executors. I print a fuller summary of this
interesting will in Appendix V.
33. It has been repeatedly, but most inaccurately,
stated that Edward Broughton (son of the second Sir
Edward) was disinherited. But it now appears that Lady
Broughton disinherited her two other sons and only
daughter, in f avour of this very Edward Broughton ; these
other sons were only to beneíit beyond their beggarly
annuities of £40 apiece in the event of Edward Broughton
dying without lawful issue.
34. If Sir Edward Broughton had not settled his whole
esta,te on Mary Wyke before his marriage with her, he
would probably have squandered the greater part, if not
all, of it. But his wife not merely maintained his credit
and honour, but handed on to his only surviving son a
largely augmented property. There is no ground for the
outcry that has been made against Sir Edward Broughton's
second wife.
35. Mary Lady Broughton is said to have been buried
19 March 1694-5, in Westminster Abbey, but Mr. W. M.
Myddelton tells me that the record of her interment there
is not recorded in the Abbey registers, and is only noted
" in a herald painter's work book in the College of Arms"
(50, p. 106).
36. It is evident that there was some litigation during
Lady Broughton's life relating to the custody of the Gate-
The Brotightons of Marchwiel. 6
ó
house prison, for Mr. Myddelton found in Sir C. Levinz's
Law Reports, 1722, the following sentence : — " And so was
the case of Lady Broughton lately, who had the custody
of the Prison of the Gatehouse at Westminster, under the
Dean and Chapter, who being convicted of a forfeiture
before Hale, 'twas resolved by him and all the Judges of
King's Bench that the forfeiture belonged to the Dean and
Chapter and not to the King." I am glad of this clue,
but have not been able to follow it up.
37. The interest which one feels in Marchwiel Hall
and its owners is not exhausted when the chief actors in
the strange history just described pass off the scenes.
38. There is much mystery attaching to Edward, the
sole surviving son of the second Sir Edward Broughton by
Mary his wife. Under his mother's will he came into
possession of all the Marchwiel Hall estate, and assumed
the title of baronet, a title which was freely conceded to
him by all and sundry. As Sir Edward Broughton, bart.,
he was high sheriff of Denbighshire in 1698. He is so
o o
styled in the rate books of Abenbury, where he had a mill
and lands, and in the record of his burial (14 June 1718)
in Marchwiel parish register he is again described as
" Sir Edward Broughton, of Marchwiel, baronet." Other
instances might be supplied, if those already given were
not sufficient, of his being thus styled during his life.
On the other hand, in the record of administration to his
estate, which did not take place until 1738, he is called
" Sir Edward Broughton, Baronet, otherwise Edward
Broughton, Esq." I have already suggested (in par. 26)
what excuse Edward Broughton may have had for assum-
ing a title which did not properly belong to him. He was
a baronet claimant only.
39. To all this has to be added that there is not the
slightest evidence to show that this Edward Broughton
64 The Broughtons of Marchwiel.
ever married. Tn the administration of his will he is, in
fact, described as " batchelor." And as this administra-
tion is very short I will give it in full : —
May, 1738.
July On the fifth day issued forth a Com'on [commission] to
Aquila Wyke, Esq., the Nephew by the Brother on the
mother side and next of kin of Sir Edward Broughton,
Baronet, otherwise Edward Broughton, Esq., late of
Marchwiel Hall in the County of Denbigh, Batchelor,
dec'ed [deceased] to ad'ster [administer] the Goods Chat-
tels and Credits of the said dec'ed [deceased] being first
Jan. 1738 sworn by Com'on[commission]dulytoad'ster[administer].
40. Edward Broughton executed a will which, if it
could be found, would be certainly most interesting, and
might clear up many points on which some uncertainty
may still exist. I have had a search made at Somerset
House for this will, but no mention of it occurs in the
indexes there.
41. There is some discrepancy in the different accounts
of the date of death of this Edward Broughton. According
to the abstract of title he died in 1719, and, according to
Colonel Chester in 1738. This last date I am able to
explain. It was not until 1738 that administration was
granted of his estate, and Colonel Chester has taken the
year of this " administration " for the year of his death.
From the Marchwiel register we learn that he was
buried on 14 June 1718, and in the Abenbury rate books
for the last-named year "the heirs of SirEdward Brough-
ton " are charged f or Pymrhyd Mill and lands instead of
" Sir Edward Broughton, Bt.," and in 1724, "Aquila
Wykes, esq.", the son of his half-brother Edward Wyke,
is charged for the same. Also, it is stated in the abstract
of title that Aquila Wyke, on 2 and 3 Sept. 1728, suffered
a recovery of the Marchwiel Hall estate at the Great
Sessions for county Denbigh. It would be possible to
The Broughtons of Marchwiel. 65
adduce rauch other evidence f or the statenient that Edward
Broughton (son of the second Sir Edward) died in 1718,
and that Aquila Wyke succeeded hini under the provision
of Mary Lady Broughton's will. But enough has been
said on this point.
42. There is, however, another problem that has to
be faced. Spite of the fact that in the administration to
his estate Edward Broughton is said to have died un-
married, and that Aquila Wyke succeeded as his heir-at-
law, it is claimed that he left at least one daughter and
heiress, and, by implication, another daughter or other
daughters. Thus, in Burke's Lancled Gentry, 1846, we are
told that "Theodosia, eìcled clau. and heir of Edward
Broughton, esq., of Marchwiell Hall, co. Denb.", married.
Rees Hanmer, esq., of Pentrepant, co. Salop, whose
daughter and heir, Mary, married Henry Strudwick, esq.,
whose daughter, Mary, married the Eev. George War-
rington, of Wrexham (vicarof Hope, Flintshire, 1773-1796,
rector of Pleaseley) .
43. When the Eev. George Warrington was talking
with Miss Angharad Llwyd in 1821, he told her, or she
said he told her, that [the second] Sir Edward Broughton
married, secondly, " a Miller's daughter " [but see what I
have said before, A. N. P.], and that "her influence was
such that she persuaded Sir Edd. to disinherit his only
son in favour of her daughter [who was, in fact, cut off
with £50, A. N. P.]. The young baronet became dis-
gusted, and went to the West Indies with his wife, who
was Miss Hanmer, the heiress of Pentrepant. They left
one daughter, who md Estwick, es^.1 They
were parents to the late Mrs. Warrington," etc.
1 Should be Henry Strudicicb, esq. Here we have evidently a
mistake of Miss Llwyd, who could not catch the name rightly in the
form Mr. Warrington gave it.
F
66 The Broughtons of Marchwiel.
44. According to this account, then, Mrs. Warrington,
instead of being' great grand-daughter to Edward Brough-
ton, of Marchwiel, was grand-daughter to him, and if we
combine three of the different pedigrees we get the
extraordinary result that Edward Broughton and his
grandson, Henry Strudwick, married the same woman !
45. There is not the slightest reason to suppose that
there has been any wilful misrepresentation here on the
part of any one, but only that sort of mistake which is so
easy to persons unpossessed of the critical temperament.
There is no doubt some basis of truth in all these stories,
but they are so muddled up that it is not only impossible
[for me at any rate] to sift them, but even to make any
sort of use of them.
46. The constant insistence on the disinheriting by
the second Sir Edward Broughton of his only [surviving]
son becomes unintelligible when we know that this son,
Edward, actually came into full possession, although under
his mother's will, of all his father's estates. And, if it be
said tha.t the son Edward, who was disinherited, was the
son of Sir Edward's first wife, Alice, then we have to
assume that Sir Edward had two sons, each bearing at the
same time exactly the same name,1 and each a " young
baronet."
1 It is right to say that there is some contemporary evidence for
the statement that there were two brothers, each named Edward
Broughton. Mr. Hughes, of Kinmel, calls my attention to the
following obituary notice in the Historical Register Chronicle, which
is the chronological diary to the Historical Register, 25 vols., 8vo,
London, 1714-38 :—
" Broughton (or Braughton) Mary (Mrs.), relict of Edward, bro. of
SirE. B. Bt. Denbeighs. 13-15 Jan. 1730." However, the more this
entry is examined, the more evident it becomes that there is some
error in it. The statement as it stands, unsupported by any other
evidence, cannot be accepted. But it ought not to be ignored or
suppressed.
The Broughtons of Marchwìel. 67
47. All this, however, is but one exainple of the sort
of stuff with wliich the historian of the later Broughtons
of Marchwiel has to deal. One is enveloped in an
atmosphere of " hud a lledrith", of fantasy and illusion,
of perverted and hopelessly entangled imaginations, in
which nothing iswhat it seeins, and everythmg appears in
the guise of something else. Fortunately the path is
fairly straight, and no one who takes pains and has the
instinct of direction can wholly miss it. To drop metaphor,
the actual evidence, as it is contained in deeds, wills, settle-
ments, registers and rate books, is perfectly clear and
consistent, and corresponds with what is otherwise known.
What else is still entangled may yet be made plain by
following the same method, or by some chance discovery.
48. Aquila Wyke, of Marchwiel Hall, grandson of
Mary Lady Broughton, is also described as of Llwyn
Egryn, near Mold, an estate which he owned. I do not
know how he came into possession of it, but I do know
that he was continually mortgaging and re-mortgaging his
Denbighshire property, and always hard up for money.
49. When Aquila Wyke died without issue, the
Marchwiel Hall and Llwyn Egryn estates went to Stephen
Brown, the husband of his sister Martha, whose son,
Charles Brown, married his cousin, the daughter of another
sister of Aquila Wyke. Thus, until 1795, Marchwiel Hall
still remained in the possession of persons who had the
blood of the "Cwncweres" in them.
50. T think it must have beent his Mr. Charles Brown,
rather than his father, Mr. Stephen Brown, of whom
" Nimrod " l in his Life and Times thus writes : —
" There was a very extraordinary character residing in
Marchwhiel parish, of whoin an anecdote or two will not
1 Charles James Apperley, in Fraser's Magazine, April 1842.
f2
68 The Broughtons of Marchwiel.
come amiss. This was a Mr. Brown, who lived at what is
called Marchwhiel Hall, a gentleman of good fortune and
of a naturally kind disposition, notwithstanding the fact
of his having been known in the neighbourhood (near
London) where he had previously resided as " Bloody
Brown." The origin of the appellation was this. His
garden had been frequently robbed of much of its choicest
fruit, and he, being an old soldier — having served at the
siege of Havanna, of which he gave a most wonderful and
amusing account — was not one to be trifled with on such
occasions ; consequently, he was determined to put a stop
to the depredations to which he had been subject. He
applied to a dissecting-room in London, and obtained the
leg of a human being, fresh cut from the body, on which
he put a stocking and a shoe, and then suspended it in a
man-trap over his garden wall. The act obtained him the
soubriquet I have mentioned, but his fruit was afterwards
safe.
The following trait in his character was related to me
by Mr. Strong [the Rev. Samuel Strong, rector of March-
wiel], who was one of the executors under his will. Four
letters, marked 1, 2, 3, and 4, were found among his
papers, three of them written by himself to some noble
lord, whose name has escaped me. They were to the
following effect : —
No. 1. " My lord, í did myself the honour to write to
your lordship on the . . . instant. I fear my letter
may not have reached your lordship's hands."
No. 2. "My lord, I had the honour to write to your
lordship on the . . . ult., and am surprised that your
lordship has not acknowledged the receipt of that, as well
as of a former letter, should it have reached you."
No. 3. " My lord, I have had the honour to write two
letters to your lordship, to neither of which you have
The Broughtons of Marchwiel. 69
thought proper to reply. TJnless I receive an acknowledg-
raent of either one or the other of them, in a week from
this time, you will hear from me in that language which
one gentleman uses towards another when he considers
himself insulted."
No. 4. His lordship's answer, pleading parliamentary
occupaticn.
51. The great grandson of Mary Wyke was evidently
a man who would stand no nonsense.
52. The Rev. George Warrington (whomust be taken
to be a wholly trustworthy authority for all matters within
his own knowledge and experience) told Miss Angharad
Llwyd in 1821 that Mr. Brown [obviously Mr. Gharles
Brown] melted down the leaden busts of Prince Pupert
and Prince Maurice, while the portraits of the king and
queen of Boheniia (see par. 6) were dispersed at the sale
at Marchwiel Hall which had taken place "about 30 years"
before. Mr. Brown died at Bath 10 July 1795, and in
1799 is described as " formerly of Llwynegryn, in the
parish of Mold, afterwards of Carson, in parish of Grod-
stone, Surrey, and late of Reigate, Surrey."
53. From the sale of household effects at Marchwiel
Hall must be distinguished the sale of the estate itself,
which seems to have taken place somewhat later. I once
saw a catalogue of this sale, but unfortunately, although
the day of the month — 31st of May — was given, the year
was omitted. For the purposes of the sale, the estate was
divided into six lots. Part of the mansion (with coach-
house, stables, lawn, and gardens) was stated to be in the
possession of the owner, and could be entered upon at
pleasure. The remainder of the mansion was occupied as a
farm-house, and was held, with orchard, yard, and lands
directly appurtenant thereto, at an annual rent of £166.
Lot 6 comprised a " handsome new built dwelling-house
jo The Broughtons of Matchwiel.
called Lower Hall, situate, if not extra-parochial, in the
townships of Dutton Diffeth and Shocklach", a small
tenement called Parry's Tenement, and 157 acres of land
thereto belonging, mostly pasture and nieadow, on the
banks of the Dee, in the occupation of Mr. William Par-
sonage, under a lease for four lives, at an annual rent of
£177, " worth £300 a year". Lord Kenyon, Mr. Richard
Birch, Mr. John Edgworth, and Mr. Thoinas Parsonage
were among the purchasers, but the Hall itself, its demesne
lands, and various detached parcels, were still unsold at the
beginning of 1799. However, on March 24, 1801, Mrs.
Lucy Brown, widow, and second wife of Charles Brown,
esq., sold Marchwiel Halland the lands comprised inLot 1
of the catalogue, containing 177^ acres, and two pews in
Marchwiel Church, to Samuel Riley, esq., of Pickhill Hall,
for £7,000. Therehad formerly (in 1773) been a " dove
house" among the outbuildings ; and in the same year "a
building adjoining " the Hall, " called the Gate House ",
a name curiously reminiscent of the old Grate House Prison
in Westminster.
55. We might conjecture from the name " Old
Marchwiel Hall " that the tenement so designated repre-
sents the capital messuage of the Broughtons of March-
wiel, and this indeed is the common belief, based wholly on
the name, which, however, so far as I can discover, does
not occur earlier than the beginning of the nineteenth
century. The names of the fields, moreover, attached to
Old Marchwiel Hall (Trawsdir, Wern, Rofft, Maes gwyn,
Maes Madoc, Cae du, Pwll ffranklin, etc.) are not men-
tioned in the deeds of the Marchwiel Hall of the
Broughtons and Wykes, while many of the names of fields
actually mentioned in those deeds still persist, and indicate
lands attached to the present Marchwiel Hall. When this
latter was built I do not know : it appears to be compara-
The Broughtons of Marchwieî. 7 1
tively modern, but that it represents the house of the
Broughtons, Cwncweres Hall, or the true Marchwiel Hall,
is to me beyond question. " Henblas" (Old Hall) is a field
with no house on it on the Marchwiel Hall estate, but it
was so named and in the sanie condition in the time of
Acjuila Wyke, and was among the lands mortgaged by him,
afterwards redeemed, and finally included in Lot 1, when
the whole estate was put up for auction. I only deal in
this paper with the owners of the mansion called " March-
wiel Hall ", without prefix or addition.
56. The later history of Marchwiel Hall concerns us
very little, but it may be well to add that it was bought in
1826 from Thomas Parker, esq.a (the devisee under Mr.
Riley's will) for £13,000, by Samuel Boydell, esq., of
Manor, in the parish of Hawarden, who sold it in 1831 to
the late Townshend Mainwaring, esq., then of Llyndir, for
£11,000. Samuel Pearce Hope, esq., of Betley Hall,
Staffordshire, purchased Marchwiel Hall and estate from
Mr. Mainwaring in 1861, for £13,451, and Mr. Hope's
widow, Mrs. Amelia Hope, sold the same in 1882 to the
late Benjamin Piercy, esq., for £18,437, the area of the
property being then nearly 190 acres. Mrs. Piercy still
occupies Marchwiel Hall.
57. One remark I may make by way of reflection.
Is there not shown, in the history of the Broughton and
Wyke f amilies, how untrustworthy, how contrary to truth,
is much that passes under thename of " tradition"? The
most careful antiquary makes mistakes, sometimes serious
mistakes, now and again, spite of himself, but there are
people who seeni incapable of telling a story exactly as it
1 Mr. Samuel Riley's last will was made 24 Sept. 1823, and it was
proved at Chester on 19 Dec. following. The above-named Thomas
Parker, esq., was only son and heir of the Rev. John Parher, and
married (about 1795) Dorothy Cholmondeley, spinster.
72 The Broughtons of Marchwiel.
is told them, are blind to improbabilities, have no concep-
tion of the nature of evidence, and never think of subjecting
any statement, especially if it be once printed, to due
examination. However little interest this history in itself
may have, it will at least demonstrate the necessity of
consulting, so far as they are available, original sources
and contemporary records, and of not allowing even these
to go uncriticized.
58. I must, in conclusion, acknowledge my indebted-
ness to the researches of the late Colonel Chester, and
render thanks for the many hints, readily given, by W.
M. Myddelton, of St. Alban's, and H. E. Hughes, of
Kinmel Park, esquires.
Wrexham, April 1900.
ADDENDA.
59. Referring to Mr. Leighton of Marchwiel, I have
become aware of a literary treasure he possessed. In what
is known as the " Peter Ellice Genealogies" (Harleian
Collection, British Museum, Additional MSS., Nos. 28,033
and 28,034) occurs the followmg sentence : — " In Mr.
Leighton's Card written by Rees Cain of Oswestry,
A° 1597, mencon is made of these Beirdd : vz Gûttyn Owen,
Evan Breghva, Grûfnth Hiraethog, Symon vychan,
W. Uŷn, William Cynwall, Rees Cain, Lewis Dwn."
60. In the text, the second Sir Edward Broughton has
been described as knighted "in or before the year 1664."
But I am now able to say that he was knighted at some
time between the 7th April 1660 and 8th Nov. 1661.
The Brottghtons of Marchwiel. j$
61. The son, Edward, of the second Sir Edward
Broughton of Marchwiel was one of the deputy lieutenants
for county Denbigh in 1714, and was then officially
described as " Sir Edward Broughton, bart."
APPENDIX I.
SuMMARY OF WlLL OP JoHN MoSTTN.1
March 1609-10. — Last will of John Mostyn, of parish
of "Kilken", county of fflint . . . . to my uncle Roger
Mostyn the forty shillings he oweth nie .... my brother,
Sir Thoinas Mostyn, knt to my sister Katherine
Leighton "nry chaineof gould", . . . . toA.nneBrough.ton
daughter to Morgan Broughton, esq., all the sheep I have
at Bangor in the custodie of John Hanmer, of Ruyton,
gent., and half a dozen of heyffers of three years ould, and
six kine, etc to my nephew, William Dymock, esq.,
the parcels of land called dol gwernhescog, kae newydd,
gwerglodd kae newydd and all my lands in gwerglodd hir
in the township of Sesswick, being " coppehould landes,"
. . . . to Edward Broughton, son and heir of Morgan
Broughton, esq., the lands some time in tenure of dauid
ap John ap Jenkyn "in leangth from the Lande called kae
r scubor on thone ende and the Lande called kae rhwng y
ddwyífordd in the other end, and in bredth betwene the
Lande called yr Acre yslaw y ffordd on the one side and
the heigh waye that leadeth from Bangor to the Pymrhydd",
"being coppehould landes". "My well beloved Nephew
Sir Roger Mostyn, knt., whom I appoint my sole executor."
1 John Mostyii, second son of William Mostyn of Mostyn, esq.
He married Elizabeth, daughter of Roger Decka, and widow of the
John Hanmer named in the will, and died without ofispring. Ile is
described in 1617 as deceased. His second sister was Margaret, wife,
first, uf Wm. Dymock, of Penley, gent. ; secondly, of Ilenry Parry,
esq., of Marchwiel and Basingwerk ; and thirdly, of Richard Leightou,
esq., of Marchwiel. fSee Broughton pedigree.]
74 The Brotightons of Marchwiel.
APPENDIX II.
Indenture . . . Feb. 1616-7 (Summary). — Whereas
William Lloyd of halghton, co. fflint, gent., John ap John
ap Robte goch of Bedwall, gent., and Robte Dycus als
Robert ap üauid ap Richard ap d}7cus did enter into a bond
of £50 unto John Hanmer, deceased, and Elizabeth his
wife, dated 12th May in 23rd year of Queen Elizabeth, the
condition being that John Hanmer should quietly occupy
those clausures of land called y weirgloth newith, y
weirgloth perllan, y kochdyr, and the fourth lieth within a
meadow called y weirgloth hiyr. And whereas Sydney
Ellis, of Pickhill, g*ent., likewise entered into a bond of
£100 to John Mostyn of Sesswicke, gent., deceased, and
the said Elizabeth his then wife, dated 8 March 45th (?)
ye&r of Queen Elizabeth. Andwhereas said John Mostyn,
surviving said Elizabeth, did by his last will dated . . .
March 1609, give to Edward Broughton, gent., son and
heir of Morgan Broughton, esq., amongst other things
the said bonds, Now the said Edward Broughton, etc.
APPENDIX III.
Abstract of the Will of " Henry Parrey, Esq., of
Marchwiell, in the County of Denbigh " (made 12
Sept. 1589).
I will my body to be buried in the Parish Church of
Marchwiell. I bequeath the sum of forty shillings to be
employed and divided among the poorest sort of people
dwelling in the parish of Marchwiell. 1 bequeath to my
Son in Law Morgan Broughton, esq., and Margaret his
wife my daughter my best gelding with saddle and bridle.
I bequeath to niy son Thomas Panwe my best gold chain,
gold signet ring, and my second gelding saddle and bridle
according to my former gift made to him. I bequeath all
the messuages, lands, tenements, and hereditaments which
I have in the realm of England or Wales to my said son
Thomas Parry and to his heirs lawfully begotten, and in
default of such issue to the lawful male heirs of niyself
The Broughtons of Marchwiel. 75
and my now wife Katherine, and in default of such issue
to niy daughter Margaret Broughton and her lawful heirs,
and in default of such issue, to the lawful issue of myself
and my wife Katherine. I bequeath to my Overseers
hereafter named twenty-fìve pounds each of lawful money
of England. All the rest of my goods, chattels, household
stuff, plate, jewels, leases, " ffearmes", store, and substance,
I bequeath to my said wife, whom I charge to be a good
and natural mother to my and her lawful son, Thomas
Parrey, and to provide that he may have the portions, left
unto liim by my will, delivered and assured unto him
before she shall marry again, in order that he whom she
may marry shall not def raud my child Thomas Parrey of
any thing he ought to have — I appoint my wife sole and
full executrix to this my will, and I appoint as overseers
my trusty brethren, Thoinas Mostyn, esq.,' Bennet ap
Thomas ap Harry," and my friends Pobert Turbridge, esq.,
and William Knight, gent., that by their discretion my
said child, Thomas Parrey, may enjoy the benefit of all
things left to him. Witnesses, Henry Mostyne, Thomas
Broughton, William Knighte, John Hughes, Elizabeth
Roberts.
Proved 7 Feb. 1589-90.
[I believe it has not been hitherto recorded that Mr.
Henry Parry had a son, who, however, must have died with-
out issue, for Mr. Parry's estates went in fact to his two
daughters and their heirs — Basingwerk, etc, to his elder
daughter, Mrs. Ann Mostyn, and Marchwiel, etc, to his
younger daughter, Mrs. Margaret Broughton. — A. N. P.]
APPENDIX IV.
Declaration by the first Sir Edward Broughton, op
Marchwiel (15 July 1647).
To all cxrian people to whome this p'sent writinge
shall come or it shall reade heare or see I Sir Edward
Broughton of Marchwiell in the County of Denbigh knt.
1 Afterwards Sir Thomas Mustyn of Mostyii, knt.
2 Bennet ap Thomas ap Ilarry of Perth y maen, testator's own
brother.
7 6 The Broughtons of Marchwiel.
doe send greetinge in or Lord god everlastinge Whereas
Sir Henry Hobard knt and barronet late Cliief Justice of
his Mats Courte of Comon Pleas and Chancellor to his
Matie when he was Prince of Wales Duke of Cornwall and
of Yorke and Earle of Chester, Thomas Morray esqr secre-
tarie to his Matie when he was Prince Sir James fullerton
knt Master of his Highnes Wards and Liueries Sir John
Walter knt his Highnes Atturney generall and afterwards
Chief Baron of his Mats Court of Exchequer all deceased
and Sir Thomas Treuor knt then his Highnes Sollissitor
generall and now one of the Barrons of his Mats Courte
of E^che^uer1 by theyre Tndenture beareinge date the first
day of July in the twentieth yeare of the Eaigne of or late
Soueraigne Lord kinge James his raigne ouer England,
haue graunted and to farme Letten vnto the said Sir
Edward Broughton all those fìue acres of meadow called
or knowne by the Name of the Receiuors Meadow Lyeinge
betweene the Landes Late of Peter Roden of the East
pte and the Lands late of Raph Broughton and Robert
ap Eandle on the West pte Now or Late in the tenure or
occupation of Robert Puleston esq or his assignes And all
those three acres of Meadow by estimation in Coyd euan
adioyninge to a certayne Meadow called the Constables
Meadow now or late in the tenure or occupation of Eichard
Eyton gent or his assignes wth all and singular their appur-
tenaunces being pcell of the Lordship of Broomfield and
Yeale in the said county of Denbigh and of the Land of
the Mannors in the charges of the Baylifs of Cobham
Almor and Cobham Iscoyd in the said Lordship, except in
the said Indenture excepted vnto the said Sir Edward
Broughton to hould from the feast of the Annuntiation
then last past for and duringe the teruie of one and thirtie
yeares at the rent of thirtie shillings eight pence as in and
by the said Indenture of Lease more at Large it doth and
may appeare And wheeeas the said Sir Edward Brough-
ton for and in consideration of a certayne some of money
to him beforehand payd by the said Sir Thomas Treuor
1 These were the Commissioners appointed by James I on the
27th January in the 22nd year of his reign for the sale of leasehold,
escheat, and demesne lands in the lordship of Bromfield and Yale, so
that such lands might thenceforth be held in free and common socage.
I believe there had been an earlier grant of the lordships to these
Commissioners.
The Broughtons of Marchwiel. JJ
and by the appoyntment and at the nomination of the said
Sir Thomas Treuor and for diverse other good canses and
valuable considerations him therevnto espetially moueinge
hath graunted, assigned and set oner vnto the said Sir
Thomas Treuor Edward Harris and Richard Winch theire
executors Administrators and assignes all the said Sir
Edward Brourfiton his estate ri^ht title interest terme of
yeares and clayme and demand whatsoeuer of him the said
Sir Edward Broughton of in or to the said p'mises or
euy parte thereof wth the appurtenennces as in and by the
Indenture made betweene the said Sir Edward Broughton
of the one partie and the said Sir Thomas Treuor knt
Edward Harris and Richard Winch of the other partie
beareinge date the nynteenth day of June in the eleauenth
yeare of the Raigne of our Soueraigne Lord Charles by the
grace of god of England Seotland ffraunce and Ireland
ìnnge defender of the faith etc may more playnely appeare
And wheeeas Sir William Russell of London knt and
Barronett William Collins and Edward ffenn of London
gent. by theire Indenture dated the fourth day of Aprill
Anno dom one thousand six hundred thirtie three in the
nynth year of the Raigne of our Soueraigne Lord kinge
Charles for the considerations therein mentioned clid
bargaine sell and confirme vnto Robert Euans of the parish
of Sct Martins in the fìelds in the County of Middlsex esq
his Heires and assignes, amongst other things, the said
recited premises as fully freely and wholy in as Large and
ample manner and forme as by our Soueraigne Lord kinge
Charles by His Highnes his letters pattents sealed as well
by the greate seale of England as wth the seale of the
dutchy and county pallatyne of Lancaster beareing date
the eighth day of December in the seauenth yeare of his
Mats Raigne, the said p'mises wth the appurtenaunces
(amongst other things) weare graunted to the said William
Collins and Edward ffenn theire Heires and assignes for
eur in fee farme And in as ample manner and forme as
the Right hoble Thomas Vicecount Sauage Chauncellor to
the Queene Matie ffrauncis Lord Cottington Chauncellor
of his Maties Exchequer and one of his Maties most hoble
priuie Councell Sir ffrauncis Crane knt Chauncellor of the
most noble order of the garter, Sir Thomas Treuor knt
one of the Barrons of his Mats said Exchequer Sir Walter
Pye knt his Maties Atturney of his Highnes Courte of
Wards and Liueries and Sir John Banks knt then Atturney
78 The Broughtons of MarchwieL
generall to the most excellent Prince Charles, by Indenture
vnder theire hands and seales beareinge clate the seauententh
day of January then last past and enrowled in the Chan-
cery and for the Considerations therein mentioned haue
graunted bargained sould and confìrmed the same p'emises
(amongst other things) vnto the said William Collins and
Edward ffemi theire Heires and assignes And whereas
the said Robert Euans by his Indenture beareinge date
the second day of December in the said nynth yeare of his
said MatsRaigne for the considerations therein mentioned
at the nomination and appoyntmr of the said Sir Edward
Broughton and in trust for him hath graunted bargained
sould and confirmed vnto Charles Deodate and John
Deodate sonns of Theodore Deodate of London Docto1' of
Phisick their Heires and assignes all and singular the
said prmises as by the said Indenture more at large ap-
peareth. Anü lastly whereas the said Sir Edward
Broughton Charles Deodate and John Deodate sonns of
Theodore Deodate of London, Doctor of Phisick by theire
Indenture bearinge date the twentieth day of June in the
said eleauenth yeare of kinge Charles for and in considera-
tion of the some of two hundred pounds of good and lawf ull
money of England to the said Sir Edwarcí Broughton by
the said Sir Thomas Treuor in hand payd by the nomina-
tion and appoyntmt of the said Sir Thomas Treuor and in
trust for him and his Heires hauve graunted bargained
sould enfeoffed and confìrmed vnto Richard Prytherch1
Sir Thomas Treuo1 Baronett sonne and heire of the said
Sir Thomas Treuor by the name of Thomas Treuor esq
and Bichard Dauies vintener2 and their heires and assignes
the recited p'mises and euery parte and parcell of them
wth the appurtenennces in wch said Deed there is this
prouiso that if the said Sir Edward Broughton Charles
Deodate and John Deodate theire Heires and assignes or
any of them doe pay or cause to be payd vnto the said Sir
1 Richard Prytherch. Mr. Hughes, of Kinmel, tells me he was
son of Rhydderch ap Richard of Myfyrian, co. Anglesey. He entered
Inner Temple 2 Dec. 1596, became barrister-at-law 10 Feb. 1615,
Puisne Judge of Chester, 1636, and died 1647. His mother was
Margaret, daughter of Piers Puleston, and his wife Martha, daughter
of Godfrey Goodman.
2 Richard Davies of London, vintner, was also owner of the
Erddig House estate, county Denbigh, which he afterwards sold to
John Edisbury, esq. Erddig is a township adjoining that of Marchwiel,
The Broughtons of Marchwiel. jç
Thomas Treuor his executors adrninistrors or assignes the
whole and entire some of two hundred and fifteene pounds
of lawfull Money of England at or vpon the twentie
fourth day of June wch shall be in the yeare one thousand
six hundred thirtie six at the now dwellinge House of the
said Sir Thomas Treuo1' in or neere Dorset Courte als
Sallisbury Courte London that then and from henceforth
this p'sent Indenture and allsoe an assignment of a Lease
and terme of the p'mises bearinge date the nynteenth of
this Instant June shalbe voyd and of non effect as by the
said Indenture may more fully appeare wch said Money was
not paid accordinge to the said Condition and therefore
Know yee that I the said Sir Edward Broughton of eightie
pounds interest Money due to the said Sir Thomas Treuo1'
knt as allsoe in consideration of the some of one hundred
pounds of lawfull money of England to me the said Sir
Edward Broughton in hand well and truely payd before
the enseallinge and deliuery by the said Sir Thomas
Treuor the Receipt whereof I the said Sir Edward
Broughton doe heareby acknowledge and confesse and
thereof and of eu'y parte and parcell thereof doe fully and
absolutely exonerate acquit release and discharge the said
Sir Thomas Treuor his heires executors and administrators
and euery of them for euer by these presents haue remised
released acquitted confìrmed and for me my heires
executors and administrators for euer quit claymed and by
these presents doe acquit release remise confirme for me
my heires executols and administrators quit claymed vnto
the said Sir Thomas Treuo1' Sonne and heire of the said
Sir Thomas Treuo1' Richard Prytherch and Richard Dauies
and their heires all my right title interest condition of
redemption clayme propertie challenge and demaund what-
soeu1' wch I no w haue or at any tyme hereafter may haue
clayme challenge or demaund to haue of and to the said
parcell of Lands meadows and pasture wth the appurten-
ennces or any parte or parcell thereof by virtue of the said
condition or any other way whatsoeur To have and to
hould all my said right title interest clayme and demaund
whatsoeu1- of in and to the said premises or any parte
thereof wth the appurtenennces vnto the said Sir Thomas
Treuor sonne and heir of the said Sir Thomas Richard
Prytherch and Bichard Dauies theire heires and assignes
to the only proper benyfit vse and beehoofs of them the
said Sir Thomas Treuor Richard Prytherch and Richard
80 The Broughtons of Marchwiel.
Dauies foreuer soe as neyther I the said Sir Edward
Broughton" nor my heires executors nor administrors nor
any of vs shall or may at any tyme heareafter clayrne
challenge or demaund the said premises or any parte
thereof or any benyfìt of or out of the same but that wee
and eu'y of vs be in that respect wholy and absolutely
excluded and debarred foreu' by these presents, And I the
said Sir Edward Broughton and my heires all the said
Lands and premises and eu'y pte thereof w,h theire ap-
purtenennces vnto the said Sir Thouias Treuo1" Richard
Prytherch and Rictard Dauies and their heires and
assignes to the only proper vse and beehoofe of them the
said Sir Thomas Treuo1 Richard Prytherch and Bichard
Dauies and their heires foreu' against me and my heires
executors administrors and assignes and against all other
person or persons Lawfully clayming-e the premises or
any parte thereof by f rom or vnder me the said Sir Edward
Broughton shall and will warrant and foreuer defend by
these presents In Witnes whereof I the said Sir Edward
Broughton haue hearevnto put my hand and seale the
fiefteenth day of July in the yeare of the Raigne of our
Sovieraigne Lord kinge Charles of England Scotland
ffraunce and Ireland defender of the faith etc the three
and twentieth Ann dom 1647.
Jz> r ô (JUoyn/^er^
Seal indistinct, hut apparently a lion statant gardant.
Sealed and deliuered in the pr'sence of
J. Edisburt
Geo. Dalton
William ap Bobeet [mark].
The Broughtons of Marchwiel. S i
APPENDIX V.
Abstract op the Will of Mary, Ladt Broughton (20th
January 1680-1).
I Dame Mary Broughton of Marchweil als Conqueress
Hall in the County of Denbigh widow being of good and
perfect health and sound memory do make ordain publish
and declare this writing " writt by my owne hands " to be
my last Will and Testament revoking and making void all
and every Will and Wills by me formerly made.
As to my body I leave it to be disposed of according
to the discretion of my executors to be decently buried ;
as to my " temporall estate " first I bequeath unto my
son Edward Broughton my house and tenement with the
appurtenances lying and being in the market place in the
Town of Kingston-upon-Thames in the County of Surry
now or late in the tenure or occupation of Robert Punter
or his assignes with " all wayes, watercourses, stables,
gardens, orchards, stalls, or standings in the market place",
also I bequeath unto my said son Edward Broughton my
house and tenement with the appurtenances lying and
being between the Gatehouse at Westminster and the
Convict Prison of the Right Reverend Father in God. . . .
Lord Bishop of London on the East, now or late in the
occupation of John Hamden, gent., with all stables, coach-
houses, outhouses, barns, gardens, yards, orchards, and
appurtenances to the said house, messuage, or tenement
belonging. I also bequeath to my said son Edward
Broughton my right, title and interest of and in the prison
or " Goale " called the Gatehouse Westminster with all
rooms comodities and necessaries with all appurtenances
to the said Prison house or Goale belonging or with the
same used or occupied. I also bequeath unto my said son
Edward Broughton all my right title and interest in the
convict prison in Westminster together with the Mansion
House and Messuage now erected and built upon the said
prison wherein the Countess of Tirconnell now dwellith,
lying and being at the West end of Westminster " Abby",
with all stables, coach-houses, outhouses, barns, gardens,
orchards, and all appurtenances to the same belonging. I
bequeath unto my said son Edward Broughton all my other
right title and mterest of and in all my estate personal &
82 The Broughtons of Marchwiel.
real in the county of Middlesex, City o£ Westminster and
County of Surry, I having purchased the same with " my
own reall money or porcon or patrimoniall estate" upon
condition and it is my true nieaning that the said Edward
Broughton shall pay unto my two other sons Edward and
Aquila Wyke fourscore pounds yearly during their natural
liyes, that is to say £40 a year each son to be paid quar-
terly by equal portions. If my said son Edward Broughton
neglect or refuse to pay unto my said two "undutifull
sonnes " Edward Wyke and Aquila Wyke their said
annuity of £40 a year in manner aforesaid or within 40
days after each quarter day if lawfully demanded of the
said Edward Broughton at his Mansion House at March-
weil als Conqueress Hall, then my said devise of the
premises in the said County of Middlesex and City of
Westminster to be void and the said houses to go to my
other two sons Edward and Aquila Wyke to be equaily
dÌTÌded between them share and share alike. I give and
bequeath unto nry son Edward Broughton and his heirs
lawfully begotten " All that my Capitall Messuage called
Marchweil alias Conqueress Hall " with the barns, stables,
outhouses, edifices, buildings, gardens, orchards and de-
measnes lands thereunto belonging with theirappurtenances
in the saicl parish of Marchweil in the County of Denbigh
and all other my Messuages, demesnes, Lands, tenements
and hereditaments lying and being in the several parishes
of Marchweil, Wrexham, Holt, and Shocklyche, or any or
either of them, or elsewhere, in the counties of Denbigh,
Flint, and Chester, and for want of such issue of my son
Edward Broughton, then I bequeath the said Messuages,
lands, and premises unto my second son Aquila Wyke and
his lawful heirs, and for want of such issue, then to my
eldest son Edward Wyke and his lawful heirs and for want
of such issue to my own right heirs for ever. Provided
always that the said Messuages etc devised to my said
three sons and their heirs " in taile " shall stand charged
and be chargeable with the several Legacies and bequests
hereafter mentioned and shall be paid to the said Legatees
within the space of one year after my decease. I bequeath
unto " my unfortunate undutif ull daughter Mary Decombe
daughter of my first husband Aquila Wyke deceased, she
having formerly imbeazled much of my estate, £50 ". To
my waiting woman, £10. To every servant that shall
serve me at the time of my death 40s. a piece. To the
The Broughtons of Marchiüiel. 83
poor of the parish where I am buried, c€10. To the
preacher of mj funeral serinon, £10. To my friend Mr.
Roger Jacfcson £100 to whose care I leave the management
of my estate for the benefit of my children. I bequeath
to my son Edward Broughton all the residue of my goods,
chattels, leases, bonds and all other my personal estate
whatsoever, he paying my debts, and satisfying my
Legacies. I appoint my said son Edward Bröughton and
my said loving friend Roger Jackson my sole executors.
Mary Brottghton.
Witnesses —
Thomas Crue
John Bichardson
Daniell Browne.
Proved 21st March 1694-5.
APPENDIX VI.
The Daceombes (see p. 62).
There were Dackombes, or Dycombes, of Wrexham,
and I copy from the Wrexham registers the following
notes concerning them : —
24 Sept. 1713, Edward, son of John Dacomb, gent., w[rexham] a[bbot]
born 19th, bapt. 24.
17 Nov. 1714, Ratherine, wife of John Daxton [Dacomb ?] Gent, of
Pen y brinn was buryed.
13 Sept. 1715, Edward, son of Mr. John Dycomb, of w.a., was buryed.
6 Apr. 1716, Mary, da. of Jo. Dicomb, of w.a., born ye 3rd, bapt.
20 Sept. 1717, Robt., son of Mr. Robert Dacomb, of w. a. . . . bapt.
It is obvious that Mr. John Dackombe married again,
and as his daughter by his second wife was named " Mary"
it might be surmized that he it was who married Mary
Wyke. But the dates are against this supposition, for
Mary Wyke was already Mrs. Dackombe in 1681. Still it
is not at all unlikely that she was the mother, or, at any
rate, somehow connected with the Dackombes mentioned
above, who lived in the lower part of Pen y bryn, now
called " Bridge Street ", at the house next but one to The
Horns. It may be added that in 1843 and again in 1857
Daniel Dackombe, esq., was owner of Pumrhyd Mill in
Abenbury, part of the old Marchwiel Hall estate. This
g2
84 The Broughtons of Marchwiel.
is curious, but I aru certain that he didnotinherit it either
from the Broughtons, Wykes, or Browns of March/wiel.
[Since writing the foregoing I have discovered that a
John Duckome and Margt. Davies,both of Wrexham Parish,
were married at Gresford, 21 Feb. 1710-1. I have learned
also from Mr. Edward Owen, of the India Office, that " Sir
John Daccombe, knt.," was one of six Commissioners to
whom James I, on the 10 Jany., in the fourteenth year of
his reign, granted the Lordship of Dyffryn Clwyd for 99
years. He was probably Sir John Daccombe of Stapleton,
Dorset, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, knighted in
1616.]
I have had copied the pedigrees of Dackombe of Corfe,
of Stepleton, and of Winterborne Kingston, in Hutchins'
History of Dorset, but in no one of them does the name of
Wyke occur, nor any name which can be identified with
that of the Daccombes or Dycombs of Wrexham.
Mr. Hughes, of Kinmel, has, however, given me a real
clue to the Dackombes, who were related to the Wykes,
which unfortunately 1 cannot now follow up or disentangle.
He writes : — " In Manning and Bray's History of Surrey,
voì. ii, 630, I find that John Knightley [and be it remem-
bered that Mary Lady Broughton, was a Knightley of
Kingston] of Little Ashted or Priors Farm in that county,
in 1713 suffered a Recovery of the said manor farm, the
Whitehouse, the old Courthouse, and the Quakers' Meeting
House in Hingston, and sold it to Aquila Wyke, who
settled it on his daughter's marriage with Charles Browne
of Marchwiel. She ob. s. p., and it descended to Aquila
Dackambe as heir-at-law, andheowned it in 1809." Now
Charles Browne, of Marchwiel, did not marry Aquila
Wyke's daughter. He married his cousin, Anne Rockwood,
whose mother, Mary, was daughter of Edward Wyke,
elder brother of the Aquila Wyke who died in 1 703, and
father of the Aquila Wyke who died in 1772, both dying
without issue. There is thus a mistake in Bray's History
of Surrey, but it evidently reveals some connection between
the Knightleys, Wykes, and Dackambes, which requires
further elucidation. — A. N. P.
Mr. Hughes continues : — " In the Heraldic Visitation
of Surrey, in ] 632, the following coat of arms is recorded
to John Knightley, of Kingston — Quarterly, 1 and 4
ermine, 2 and 3 paly of six or and gules, over all on a bend
azure, a tilting spear or headed argent. The foundation
The Broughtons of Marchwiel. 8$
of this is the Fawsley coat differenced by the bend.
Possibly they were an illegitimate branch. Jolin Knightley,
who sold to Aquila Wyke, was the son of Robert Knio-htley,
by Ann, dau. of Sir John Cha^^man, who was son and heir
of Sir E-obert Knightley, kt., whopurchased Little Ashted
in 1671, from Leonard Wessell, his Trustee. The only
mention I fínd of William Knio-htley is that in 1647 his
daughter, Sarah, married Richard Cowper, of Temple
Elephant in Capel, co. Surrey, and d. 'ò Nov. 1662. She,
of course, was sister to Mary, Lady Broug-hton."
(Píía ^ancít (Ke6tc,
BY
THE BEV. 8. BABING-GOULD.
There are extant two lives of S. Cybi or Cuby, both in
Latin, and both in the same MS. Collection (Cotton Lib.
Vesp. A. xiv) in the British Museuni ; both are apparently
indepenclent translations from one Welsh original. The
first has been published by Rees in his Lẁes of the Cambro-
British Saints, Llandovery, 1853.
The MS. belongs to the 13th century. It contains a
calendar, and lives of S. Gundleus, S. Cadoc, S. Iltut, S.
Teliau, two of S. Dubricius, S. David, S. Bernac, S.
Paternus, S. Cledauc, two of S. Kebi, S. Tatheus, S.
Carantoc, and S. Aed.
The author of the Latin life of S. Gundleus seenis to
itnply that he derived his narrative froni a Welsh poem
on the life of the saint, for he records the circumstances
of the composition of this bardic effusion. And that the
two lives of S. Cybi are taken from a Welsh original
hardly adraits of a doubt, for both narrate the same cir-
cumstances in the same order, and only differ in the
rendering- into Latin.
Solomon, the father of S. Cybi, was princeps milititf,
i.e., Gwledig, or chief military otììcer, also called Bux of
the British, and a local Cornish king.
The Lives give his pedigree differently from the Welsh
genealog-ies. Solomon, according- to the latter, was " ap
Vita Sancti Kebie. Sy
Gereint ap Erbin ap Cystennin Gorneu", whereas the
Lives make hini son of Erbin son of Gereint, whoin they
represent as son of the fabulous Lud, the builder of
London.
There were two Gereints. The second was son of
Caranog of the race of Cadell Deyrnllug, and was father
of S. Eldad, Bishop of Gloucester, who was killed by the
Saxons; and the Gereint, who had a church dedicated to
him in Hereford, was probably this latter Gereint.
Assuredly the Welsh pedigrees are more likely to be
right than the Lives, for they invariably call Gereint the
son of Erbin, and clerive his descent from Constantine,
and there is absolutely no confirma.tion of tlie statement
that Gereint was son of Lud.
The mother of Cybi was Gwen, sister of Non, the
mother of S. David. " Ortus autem fuit de regrione
Cornubiorum, inter duo flumina, Tamar et Limar "
(Vrit. lma). This is the principality of Gallewick, between
the Tamar and Lynher, of which Calling'ton is the principal
town. There are, in the district, no churches that now
bear the names of Solomon and Gwen as founders, but
there are traces of the presence of Non and David, and
possibly of David's fatherXant, in Altarnon, Landew, and
Lansant (Lezantj. There is, moreover, a tradition of a
visit of S. David to Cornwall, mentioned by the poet
Gwynfardd, who says that he received there ill-treatnient
at the hands of a woman.1
S. Wenn or Gwen has left traces of herself in Morval
and S. Wenn, and possibly Llansalos may have been a
foundation of S. Selyf or Solomon.
At the age of seven Cybi went to school, and lived
thenceforth, till he was twenty-seven years old^ in Cornwall.
' Myvyrian Archaiology, i, p. -170.
88 Vita Sancti Kcbie.
After that he started on a pilgrimage to Jerusalein, ancl
on his way home visited S. Hilary at Poitiers, who con-
secrated him bishop. This is an anachronism, as S.
Hilary died in 366, nor does it help us if we suppose that
a mistake has been made between Hilary of Arles and his
namesake of Poitiers, for the former died in 449. It is
not possible to put S. Cybi so early, when his grandfather
Gereint fell at Llongborth in 522. In the Lives Elien
Geimiad, his kinsman, has been confused with Hilary.
As Rees, in his Essay on the Welsh tëaints, has pointed out,
Elien is very generally confounded with Hilary, as
Geimiad (the Pilgrim) has been changed into Caimaid
(bright) to correspond with the Latin Hilarius ; moreover
the name Hilary is rendered in Welsh Elian.1
The Lives assert that Cybi remained for fifty years on
the Continent. This is incredible, as shall be presently
shown.
On his return to Cornwall, Cybi probably made his two
important foundations of Duloe and Tregony. Duloe is
remarkable as having adjoining it Morval, a foundation of
his mother S. Gwen, and Pelynt, one of his aunt S. Non.
Due North is S. Keyne, who was his cousin. If, as I
conjecture, Lansalos was a foundation of S. Selyf, then
his father was not far off . At Tregony again, we find in
close proximity his aunt, S. Non, at Grampound.
How long Cybi remained in Cornwall we do not know.
The Lives inform us that the natives desired to elevate
him to the throne, but that he refused the honour. We
know so little of the historj of Cornwall at this period
that we can do no more than conjecture that his father
Solomon was dead, and that Catau, the Duke Cador of
Geoffry of Monmouth, had succeeded. Cador was in turn
1 Rees, Welsh Buìnts, 1836, p. 267.
Vita Sancti Kcbie. 89
succeecled by the turbulent Constantine, who was so
violently assailed by Gildas in his epistle, circ. 545.
Inimediately after this abortive attenipt to raise Cybi
to the throne, the saint left his native land for Wales. It
is easy to read between the lines of the narrative and see
that a disaffected portion of the Cornish endeavoured to
put Cybi at their head against, probably, the violent Con-
stantiiie ; that this attempt failed, and that Cybi was
obliged to fly for his life.
He took with him ten disciples, of whom four are
named Maeloc, Llibio, Peulan, and Cyngar. Cyngar was,
in fact, his uncle, the famous founder of Congresbury,
in Somersetshire, which he had abandoned probably
on account of the incursions of the Saxons. Cyngar
was now an aged man, " Consobrinus ejus Kengar erat
senex."
On leaving Cornwall, Cybi went to Morgamvg, where
he was not at fìrst well received by the king, Etelic. We
meet with this name in the Liber Landavensis ; Etelic is
there represented as son of Judael, King of Morganwg.
Finally, the King surrendered to Cybi two sites for
churches, Llangybi and Llandeverguer. The former is in
Monmouthshire, the latter site has not been identified.
Cybi does not seem to have remained long in Morganwg.
He went to Porthmawr, near St. David's, where he tarried
three days, and thence crossed into Ireland, and made no
delay till he had reached the island of Aran Môr, where
he placed himself under the direction of S. Enda.
Enda had obtained a grant of the ìsland from iEngus
Macîíadf raich, King of Munster, who fell in battle in 489,
and Enda can hardly have founded his abbey there much
before 486. He is supposed to have died in 540.
Cybi still had with him his disciples ; and the account
in the Lives is confirmed by what we hear of S. Enda, that
90 Vita Sancti Kebie.
he did have in Aran a disciple Libio, who is the Lebiauc
or Llibio of the Vita.
In Aran S. Cybi remained four years. There he built
a church. His uncle Cyngar was with him, and was so
decrepit with age that he could eat no solid food. Conse-
quently Cybi bought a cow with its calf, to supply milk
for the old man.
Melioc or Maeloc, the disciple of Cybi, cultivated a
patch of land near the cell of another monk, named Fintan
the Pinest (Crubthir-Cruimthir) Fintan. This led to
angry altercation, as Fintan considered this to be an en-
croachment. S. Enda was called in to inake peace between
them, but the grievance rankled in Fintan's mmd.
The calf, moreover, strayed, and got into the meadow
of Fintan, whereupon the disciples of Fintan impounded
it ; and tied it to a shrub (the Life says — a big tree, but
there are not now and never were trees in Arran). The
calf managed to tear up the shrub and ran back to its
mother.
Fintan was furious and betook hìmself to prayer. He
called on God to drive or blot Cybi out of the island,
" deprecatus est Dominum, ut f ugaret vel deleret Sanctum
Kebium de insula Arun, quia Deus amavit eum."
An angel was accordingly sent to Cybi to tell him to
go. Doubtless the angel was a peace-loving monk, who
saw that there would be incessant quarrels so long as these
two angry saints were near each other in a confined island.
Accordingly Cybi departed for Meath, and there fasted
forty days and nights on one spot, so as to secure it as a
foundation for himself for ever, according to the well-
known Celtic custom, described by Bede. The place
Mochop is Kilmore of S. Mocop, near Artaine. But
Fintan followed him there, and on the pretext that the
land belonged to himself, drove Cybi away.
Vita Saucti Kebie. 91
The Cornishman, along with his disciples, now went
into Magh Breagh, the great plain in which is Kildare,
but remained there only seven days, as the implacable
Fintan pursued him, stirred up the people againsthim, and
expelled Cybi and all his men.
Cybi next betook himself to Vobium or Vobyun by
the sea, a district I cannot identify unless it were the
country of the Hy Faelain, Ofaly. Fintan once more
pursued him, and by some means or other was successful
in again obtaining his expulsion. Cybi now solemnly
cursed Fintan — " May all thy churches be deserted, and
may never be found three churches singing at thy altar
in all Ireland."
Thereupon Cybi and his disciples — to the number of
twelve — entered a wickerwork coracle and passed over to
Wales. On reaching the coast the boat got among rocks off
the Carnarvon shore, and was almost lost ; however, all on
board got safe to land, and Cybi founded a church at a
spot then called Cunab, but now Llangybi near Pwllheli,
where, with his staff, he elicited a spring that bears his
name to this day.
Maelgwn, Kingof Gwynedd (d. 547), washunting, when
a goat he pursued fled for refuge to S. Cybi. The King
went to the cell of the Saint, who entreated that he might
be given as much land as the hound could run the goat
round. " And Cybi let loose the goat, and the hound
pursued it through all the promontory (i.e., Lleyn), and
it returned again to the cell of S. Cybi."
Afterwards, a rupture occurred between Maelgwn and
the saint. Maelgwn was a very immoral man, and what
especially gave offenee was that he had been brought up
in the ecclesiastical state, and had deserted it. Cybi got
the upper hand — the particulars are not recorded — and
the King surrendered to him his castellum in Anglesey,
92 Vita Sancti Kebìe.
which thenceforth bore the name of Caergybi, and thither
the Saint removed with his monastic family.
Here he again met with Elian the Pilgrim, who had
ordained him, and who had a church at Llanelian. Ac-
cording to tradition they were wont to walk along the
cliff to meet each other at a spot called Llandyfrydog, the
one f rom the east the other f rom the west. Another f riend
with whom Cybi here associated was S. Seiriol, of
Penmon.
The legend tells how Cybi sent his disciple Caffo to
fetch fîre from a smith, and the pupil returned bearing
red hot charcoal in the lap of his habit. After this ensued
a rupture between them, the occasion of which is not told.
The writer of the first life merely records, out of place,
and in a fragmentary manner : " And S. Cybi said to his
disciple Caffo, depart from me, we two cannot get on to-
gether. And he went to the town called at this day
Merthir Caffo, and there the Rosswr shepherds killed
Caffo. Therefore the blessed Cybi cursed the shepherds
of Rosswr." This comes in in the middle of the story of
Cybi and Maelgwn, thus : — " Tunc capra ad sancti Kepii
casulam, refugii causa, velociter cucurret ; et dixit sanctus
Kepius ad discipulum suum Caffo, Recede a me, non
possumus esse simul et invenit capra refugium,"
&c. The second Life omits the passage relative to Caffo.
Now it is very significant that it was on the meeting
of Cybi with Maelgwn that Cybi was obliged to dismiss
Caffo from his attendance, and that shortly after some of
Maelgwn's people should fall on and kill Caffo. When we
learn that Caffo was the brother of Gildas, the whole is
explained. Caffo was first cousin to Cybi, and very pro-
bably the estrangement between Maelgwn and the Saint
was due to the publication of Gildas's intemperate and
scurrilous epistle, in which Maelgwn was singled out for
Vita Sancti Kebie. 93
invective of the most insulting character. We can well
understand that the King was ill pleased to have the
cousin of his reviler settle on his lands, and that he only
consented to tolerate his presence on condition that he
should dismiss the brother of Gildas. We see also a reason
f or the murder of Caffo. The shepherds took up the quarrel
and slew Caffo in revenge for the abuse poured 011 their
King.
S. Cybi died 011 JSÍovember 8, certainly after 547, the
date of Maelgwn's decease in the Yellow Plague.
It is not possible to admit that the age of the saint
was seventy-two when he returned from the continent to
Cornwall, but that may very well have been his age when
lie returned fìnally to Britain, after the four years spent
in Ireland. His uncle was, indeed, still alive — but may
have been nearly ninety. S. Enda, to whom he had gone
was almost certainly his senior, and he died in ornear540.
Of the disciples of S. Cybi we have seen that Libiauc
or Libio is known on Irish testimony to have been in Aran
with S. Enda. He came to Wales with Cybi and founded
Llanllibio in Anglesey. Paulinus or Peulan was the son
of Pawl Hên, of Ty Gwyn, whose monumental inscription
is now in Dolau-Cothi House, Carmarthenshire. He
founded Llanbeulan in Anglesey. Another disciple,
Maelauc or Maeloc, was the son of the Cornish G-ereint,
and was Cybi's first cousin, probably he was a good deal
younger than his master, for after having founded a
chapel at Llanfadog, under the church of his fellow pupil
at Llanbeulan, he left and became a disciple of S. Cadoc,
and finally settled at Llowes in Elfael in Eadnorshire.
It is not possible to determine who was Cybi's great
adversary, Crubthir Eintan. Finnan or Fintan is a very
common name among the Irish Saints, and of a great
many of them nothing is known. Froin the curse pro-
94 Vita Sancti Kebie.
nounced by Cybi, which we may suppose was held to have
been accomplished, Fintan his adversary obtained no
extended cult in Ireland. There is indeed a Cruimthir
(Crubthir) Finnan marked in the Irish Martyrologies on
February 9, as of Droma Licci, in Leitrim, but this can
not be the man, as according to the Life, Cruimthir
Finnan was a person of influence in Leinster, and not in
Northern Connaught. A Crubthir Fintain, however,
occurs in the Martyrology of Donegal on July 13, of
Killairthir, the site of which has not been satisfactorily
determined.
It is conceivable that the departure of Cybi from Aran
was due to the death of S. Encla in 540, and this will well
agree with the date of his arrival in Wales, about 542.
If we suppose that he was then aged seventy-two, then
he arrived in Ireland in 538, sixteen years after the fall of
his grandfather in the battle of Llongborth (Langport in
Somersetshire) . We may conjecture that it was due to
the defeat of the Britons in that battle, that Cyngar
Gereint's son was obliged to escape from Congresbury to
Cornwall.
Taking Cybi to have lived to the age of 84, he would
have died in 554.
The Lives of S. Cybi seem to me to deserve more regard
than has hitherto been paid them, for the statements
made in them receive remarkable corroboration from
various quarters.
Accorcling to both Lives Cybi died on November 8.
His feast is, however, very variously obseiwed. In the
Calendar prefixed to the Lives, in the same MS., his day is
given as November 7. A Welsh MS. Calendar of the
15th cent. in Jesus College, Oxford (xxii), gives Nov. 5,
so also the Welsh Calenclar of 1670, in Agoriad Paradtcs,
a Welsh Calendar in the Iolo MSS., on Nov. 5. Ab Ithel,
Vita Sancti Kcbie.
95
in his, gives Nov. 6, and a Welsh Calendar copied by
W. ap W. in 1591, in the British Museum (Add. MSS.
14,882), gives Nov. 6. The parish feast at Tregony is
observed on October 4. That, however, at Duloe is on
Noveinber 9.
It may not be uninteresting to have the genealogy of
S. Cuby or Cybi set forth as given by the Welsh authori-
ties.
Gynyi' of ==S. Anne S. Gereint=Enid, daughter of
Caer Gawch
d. 522
Ynywl, Lord <>f
Caerleon
mdde-=S. Non S. Gwen=S. Selyf Cado S. Cyngar Cau
or Solomon Duke
S. David, S. Cybi,
d. circ. 562 d. circ. 554
Constantine, S. Caffo, S. Gildas,
K. Cornwall disc. of d. circ. 5ö0
Cylû.
d. circ. 545.
^afetfBurp's ©tcítonar^ anò t$t
%i\\%& jètcence,
By j. h. dayies, m.a.
The following licence, granted by Henry the Eighth in
the thirty-seventh year of his reign, to William Salesbury,
is of considerable interest. It was printed at the end of
the Epistles and Gospels published by Salesbury in 1551,
and the present transcript is copied from the Shirburn
Castle copy of the book. It has been suggested that this
licence referred to the publication of the Welsh Bible only,
but it clearly refers to all books translated by Salesbury
and niore particularly to his Dictionary, which was
published in 1547. It did not debar any other person
from publishing a book in the Welsh language, and
simply preserved the copyright of Salesbury's translations.
Clearly the possibility of writing an original work in the
Welsh language had not at that date occurred to
Salesbury, or we may be sure that his rights in it would
have been preserved.
A Copy of the Kynges Moste Geacious Priuiledge.
Henry the eyght by the grace of God Kyng of England
France and Ireìand, defender of the faith and of the
churche of Englande and Irelande in eartli the supreme
head. To all Printers and bokesellers and to other
officers ministers and subiectes Ave do you to understand
Salesburŷ s Dictionary anci the Kings L icense. 9 7
that of our grace especial we have graunted and geuen
priuiledge and licence to our well beloved subiectes
Williä Salesbury and Jhon Waley to print or cause to be
printed oure booke entitled a Dictionarie bothe in englyshe
and welche whereby our well beloved subiectes in
Wales may the soner attajme and learne our mere
englyshe tonge and that no other person or persons of
what estate degree or condicion so euer they be of do
prynte or cause the same Dictionary to be printed or any
part thereof but only the sayd William and Jhon and
eyther of them and the assignes of anye of them duryng
the space of seuen yeres next ensuing the first printing
of the sayd Dictionarie and that none other person or
persons of what estate degre or condicion soeuer they be
do printe or cause to be printed any other booke or bookes
whych oure sayd subiectes William and Jhon or eyther of
of theni hereafter do or shal first translate and set forth
during seuen yeares next ensuing the fyrst printing of any
suche booke or bokes. Wherfore we wil and straytly
commaund and charge all and syngular our subiectes as
well printers as bookesellers and other peràons within our
dominions that they ne any of them presume to print or
cause to be printed the sayde Dictionary or any part
thereot or anye other boke or bokes first translated and
printed by the sayde Wjdliam and John or either of thë
contrary to the meanyng of thys our j^resente licence and
priuiledge upon payne of our hygh displeasure geuen at
our palace of Westminster the xiii day of December in the
xxx vii yere our raigne.
H
Çjt TM00 &ou ^ong of t$t
1 6*0 (Cenfurp,
By j. h. dayies, m.a.
The little song which follows appears to have been
written about the end of the sixteenth century. The
manuscript froin which it is taken was written in 1637-8,
but the poetry immediately preceding and following the
song, was composed at an earlier date. Of the author
nothing is known, as he can hardly be the Llewelyn ab
Hwlcyn of the Anglesey pedigrees who lived about the
beginning of the sixteenth century. Several of the other
poems in the manuscript are very similar to this one, and
they were unquestionably written by Eichard Hughes, of
Cefn Llanfair in Lleyn. Hughes's long poems have
recently been published in book form.
Peculiar interest attaches to this poein, as well as to
those of Richard Hughes, for they repi'esent an attempt
to import into Welsh poetry the style and the delicate
conceits of the Elizabethan lyric wiiters.
It is known that Hughes was an official of the English
Court, and Llewelyn ab Hwlcyn must also have been
acquainted with the works of the contemporary English
song-writers.
Kakol oi Gaeiad.
Myfi ywr merthyr tostur lef
Duw Iesu or nef am helpio
Megis llong rhwng ton a chraig
0 gariad gwraig rwy n kirio.
A Welsh Love Song of the i6th Centnry. 99
Och trwm ywr loes i rwyn i dclwyn
Heb obaith help na swyn
Onid Duw ar ferch ai rhoes.
Drylliodd Cariad glwyde fais
Am seren gwrtais amlwg
Mae arnaf glwyfe mwy na mil
Wrth graffy ar gil i golwg.
Och trwm ywr loes, &c.
Kil i golwg fal dan haul
0 gusgod dwy aul feinion
Yn1 sym dwyn ar llall im gwadd
Ar ddau syn lladd fynghalon.
Och trwm ywr loes, &c.
Kalon fyngwir galon i
Oedd ag ihi ymgowdeidio
Ymgowleidio hon ni chawn
Pei cawn ní feiddiwn geisio.
Och trwm ywr loes, &c.
Ag o digia teg i ffryd
Ffarwel ir byd a ercha
Ar y ddayar helj) nid oes
Fj nerth am hoes a golla.
Och trwm ywr loes, &c.
Ag o colla i foes am hon
E,wyn ddigon bodlon iddi
Er i glanach meinir syth
Nid allwn byth i golli.
Och trwm ywr loes, &c.
1 al. un.
H 2*
ioo A Welsh Love Song of the \6th Century.
Kollodd glendid yr holl fyd
A Duw i gyd ni tyrrodd
Ag wrth lunio dailiwr ton
Yn wineb hon fo i gwreiddiodd.
Och trwm ywr loes, &c.
Gwreiddiodd hithe dan fy niron
O gariad, glwyfon anial
Wanach, wanach wy bob awr
Drwy gariad niawr a gofal.
Och trwm ywr loes, &c.
Na ofelwch troso i mwy
At Dduw ir wif i yn myned
Rwy yn madde i bawb ond iddi hi
A ffawb i mi maddeued.
Och trwm ywr loes, &c.
Fy holl frins na fyddwch dig
Fo am rhoes y meddig heibio
Help nid oes na syt ym fyw
Ffarwel a Duw am helpio.
Och trwm ywr loes, &c.
Och trwm ywr loes a rwy yn i dwyn
Heb ym obaith help na swyn
Ond Duw ne'r ferch ai rhoes
Mwy help i mi nid oes
Ond amdo, clûl a gwledd, elor, arch a bedd,
A nawdd y gwr am rhoes.
Lln ab Hwleyn o Fon ai cant.
£0e <£;cpu£0ton of í#e ©essú
By PROFESSOR KUNO MEYER, Ph.D.
Our knowledge of Irish history during the early centuries
of our era is fortunately not confined to the meagre
accounts of the Annals. In addition to them, and as
independent sources, we possess a large niass of materials
in the histories of individual tribes, genealogical tables,
chronological poems, sagas, and saints' Lives, all bearing
upon the early history of Ireland. These materials are,
of course, of the most varied origin and age, and will have
to be carefully tested and sifted. Not until this has been
done will the historian of Ireland have before him all the
materials which Irish literature affords.
Much inedited matter of this kind is found in the
Bcdleian codices Rawlinson B. 502 and 512, and in Laud 610.
Among other important texts I may mention the piece
called Baile in Scáil, or ' The Yision of the Phantom,' which
enumerates more than fìfty Irish kings from Conn
Cétchathach (a.d. 123-157) downward to the eleventh
century, together with the duration of their reigns, long
lists of battles fought by them, the circumstances of their
deaths, and other details.1 But it is the tribal histories
that are perhaps of the greatest historical value, as they
certainly are of the widest interest. One of these, dealing
1 There is a fragment of the same piece in Harleian 5280, of which
I am preparing an edition for publication in the third number of the
Zeitschrift fiir Celt. Philologie, vol. iii.
J02 The Expulsion of the Dessi.
with what in a term borrowed froin contemporary historj
may be called the trekkings of the tribe of the Déssi '
and originally written, as has been shown,2 in the latter
half of the eighth century, is here edited and translated for
the first time. Its special interest for Welsh students lies
in the fact that it contains an account of an Irish settle-
ment in Wales during the third century (§ 11).
Two different versions of the story have come down to
us. The older, the one here printed, which I will call A,
has been preserved in Laud 610, fo. 996 2 — 102a 2, and in
Eawl. B. 502, fo. 72a 2—73a 2. In Laud the title is De
causis torche3 na nDéssi . i . acuìs toirge na nDésse, while
Rawl. has the heading Tairiredt na nDéssi. As is so
often the case in dealing with Irish texts, it was difficult
to decide which of the two copies to make the staple of the
edition, as neither is in every way superior to the other,
and both correct and supplement each other. The best
thing undoubtedly would be to do, as Stokes has done with
Félire Oengusso, and Windisch with several pieces in the
Irische Texte, to print both copies in extenso, but this would
have taken up too much space. I have, therefore, selected
the Rawlinson text as needing, on the whole, less cor-
rection than that of Laud, though the latter excels it in
retaining a more archaic spelling. As regards the text
itself, the two copies are in the main almost identical,
1 The name of this tribe is preserved by those of the barony of
Dtece, co. Meath, their original home, and of the two baronies of
Decies, co. Waterford.
2 See Y Cymmrodor, vol. xii, p. 20.
3 I am not sure of the exact meaning of torche {toirge). It seems to
combine the meanings of German Zuy (1) expedition, {2) band, com-
pany.
4 As to tairired ' journeying,' cf. mithid dam-sa toirired, Book
of Lismore, fo. 536 2. tairired Bóìnne, LL. 191« 7. gen. fer tairirid,
Laws, i, p. 194, 20.
The Expulsion of the Dessi. 103
though the single paragraphs are differently arranged.
The most iniportant variants of Laud are given in the f oot-
notes. Where Laud deviates from Eawlinson I have
sometimes indicated this in the translation by putting the
reading of Laud in parenthesis; in a few cases these
translations have been put at the foot of the page. Towards
the end of both copies the scribes have become careless,
and each has blundered in his own wa}T.
The second and later version of our story, which I will
call B, deserves a separate publication. So far as I know,
it has come down to us in three copies. the oldest of which
is a fragment contained in the Booh of the Dun, pp. 53a —
546. It has the heading Tucait innarba na nDési imMumain
7 aided Cormaic. Its gaps can easily be supplied from two
later copies,one in H.3. 17,col. 7206 — 723a (entitled Góechad
Cormaic i Temraig), the other in H. 2. 15, pp. 67a — 68b
(Tucaid chdechta Cormaic do Aengus Gaibuaibtheach J
aigead Ceallaig 7 fotha indarbiha na nDeissi do Muig Breag) .
The latter MS. preserves a number of poeins not contained
in the other copies. Whether one of the two versions, or
whicb of them, is identical with the Tochomlad na nDési a
Temraig quoted in the list of tales in D'Arbois de Jubain-
ville's Catalogue, p. 263, and with the Longes Eithne
TJathaige (ib., p. 171), I cannot say.
K. M.
104 The Expulsion of the Dessi.
Tairired na nDessi inso ar a choibne fri Fotharto ocus
batar trichait hliadan la LaiomW
1. Cethri raaicbatar laHarttchorb mac Meschuirb . i .
Brecc 7 Oengus 7 Eochuid2 7 Forad.3 Forad dawo, mac
side citmaile4 7 ni ragaib thir, 7 is he ba siniu' dib. Nert
coecat immurgu la Hoengus.
2. Bse da?io mac tét la rig Temrach . i . Conn mac
Oorbmaẃ. Gabais laim ingine Foraid6 . i . Forach a
[hjainm 7 fordoscarastar. Forumai Oengus for a hiarair
na hingine7, co luid8 hi Temraig. Ni tharraid gabail na
slabrad batar ar comlaid na slige ;9 ar ba hécen fer cechtar
a da slabrad sicle dogres.10 Conf acca a chomalta" f or dheis
rnaic ind rig. ' Ni maculammar in clemnas nua sin,' ar
Oengus.12 Friscair mac ind rig : ' Daimthi dail cuind
dam-sa!13 Archena déma-su cen co dama-su.' ' Nocon
fodem cetumus,"1 ar Oengus. Atróeraid Oengus [d]in
tsleig trüt.15 Bi da?io indala slabrad suil ind rig, co
roemaid16 ina chind.17 Intan dosreng in sleig adochum,
Laud 610, fo. 99 b 2. — l De causis torche na nDéisi innso . i . acuis
toirge na nDéisi 2 Allmuir add. 3 Sorad 4 chumle = a
sinser 6 Soraith 7 luidh Aengus gaibuaibthech lád gaile for iarair
8 conluid ■' ni tarraid na slabrada batar hi croumlaib in gai
10 L. omits this sentence. u inn ingin l2 ni messe, ol se, conailla
in clemnas n-isiu 13 Atberat ris : Daimthi dál cuind do-som inní sein.
14 ni didam-sa caimme lä atnuarith side dintsleig conluith triit . i .
sleg 7 da slabrad esti 7 triar for cach slabrad dib 1G corobris 17 co
n-ecmoing a hirlond inn-éton in rechtaire co mboi triana chend siar.
Immalle dorochratar in m«c 7 in rechtairi 7 romebaid súil Cormaic 7
ní roachtas greim fair, corrócht a theg 7 romarb nonbar do churadaib
Cormaic occá thafund . i . a dalta leis . i . Corc Duibne diatát Corco
Duibne 7 atrullai sede a giallu.
The Expulsion of the Dessi. 105
These are the Wanderings of the Dessi (whieh are
put here) beeause of their kinship with the
Fothairt \ and they were thirty years in
Leinster.
1. Artchorp son of Messchorp had four sons, to wit,
Brecc and Oengus and Eochuid and Forad.2 Forad,
however, was the son of a bondmaid and did not get any
land, and he was the eldest of them. Oengus had the
strength of fifty men.
2. Now the King of Tara3 had a wanton son, to wit,
Conn4 mac Cormaic, who forcibly seized the daughter of
Forad — Forach was her name — and ravished her. Then
Oengus set out in search of the girl and went to Tara. He
did not secure the chains which were on the . . ,D of the
lance ; for a man was needed for each of these two chains
of his always.6 He saw his fosterch.il d sitting at the right
hand of the King's son. 'We have not heard of this new
alliance,' said Oengus. The King's son answered: ' Grant
me the respite of a grown-up person ! In any case, thou
wilt have to bear it, though thou do not grant it.' ' To
begin with, I will not bear it ! ' said Oengus and ran the
lance through him. Then one of the two chains struck the
eye of the King, so that it broke in his head; and when he
1 An account of the tribe of the Fothairt precedes this story in the
MS. 2 Sorarì, Land. 3 i.e. Cormac mac Airt. * Ile is called Cellach
byTigernach (see Reo. Celt., xvii; p. 19.) 5 What the comla ('valve')
of a lance, to wbich the chains were affixeJ may be I do not know ;
perhaps a ring that would turn round. Nor do I understand the
croamlaib of Laud. G i. e. these chains when taken out would each
demand the sacrifice of a man. The scribe of II. 2. lô understands
this differently ; for he writes : triar fer cacha slabraid ig a tarrainy
1 three men were needed for cariying each chain.' This lance reminds
one of Maelodran's lance, the Carr Belaig Duryin, which killed of its
own accord, or when moved by a demon. See Hibernica Minora, p. 81.
ioó The Expnlsion of the Dessi.
rodbi fochoir na sleigi triasin deogbaire, conid se conapaid
prius. Is arna slabradaib tra ba Hoengus Geebuaibthech a
ainm-seom.
3. Is desin rognid Ocheill for Temraig sechtair . i .
clasa rath la Cormac, conid inte nofoihed som dogres, ar
ni ba hada ri co n-anim do feis i Temraig. Conid de
asberar Achell ar Themair nó ar aicce Temrach, daig na
faichle bse ar suil ind rig.1
4. Bebais mac ind rig 7 dobert Oengus in mnai leis.
5. Dobert Cormac sluago forsna Deisse 7 romebdatar
secht catha forthu ria n-Oengus co maccaib a brathar . i .
Euss 7 Eogan.2 Ba rii Oengus dar eisse mBricc co cenn
. xl . laithi. Et balobrathair cac/i fer iarum, ar ni
foerlangtar nert ind flatha 7 ind laith gaile 'moalé. Is
ann asbeẃ-som : ' Forasselbthai for rige. Is dech dam-sa
mo nert fodessin.'
6. Tecmall ri Temrach firu Herenn f orthu 7 ni damair
cert catha doib, co tarlaicset a thir do. Dolotar iarum co
Laigwm co Fi&chaig tn- B&icceda mac Catháir, co rochart side
hú Bairrche remib asa tir 7 fothaigtir na Deisse ann co
1 Ni deochaid didîu Corm«c hi Temuir, conid i n-Ochaill
[fo. 100 a 1] ar Themair robúi on uáir sin. 2 Doratsat na Déise
iarsin secht catha do Chormac. Ba tresiu fortarlín fer nHeirenw
fadeóid la Cormac. Ba maith cid a cenel-som .i. na nDéise, cland
Fiachach Soguitte mr«'c Feidlimthe Rectoda maic Tuathail
Techtmair. Oc Dumu Der 'uamurgu, is and celebrait mna na nDéise
.i. déra fola rotheilcset ic scarad fria tir 7 fria talmuin co bráth.
I mMaig [nair, is and doratsat in cath déidenach. ' Is minair in
comrac indossa,' ar Cormac. ' Bid ed a hainm co bráth, Mag
Innair.'
The Expulsion of the Dessi. 107
pulled the lance back, its butt end struck the cup-bearer and
passed through hiin so that he died the first.'1 It was from
the chains that his name was Oengus of the Dread Lance.
3. Hence Achaill2 was built by the side of Tara, that
is to say, a rath was dug by Cormac in which he would
always sleep; for it was not lawful for a king with a
blemish to sleep in Tara. Hence is said Achaill by Tara
(or near Tara), on account of the care (faichill) taken of
the eye of the King.
4. The King's son died, and Oengus took the woman
away with him.
5. Cormac sent hosts against the Dessi, who were
routed in seven battles under the leadership of Oengus and
his brother's3 sons^ to wit, Russ and Eogan. To the end of
forty days Oengus was king after Brecc, and then every
man murmurs,' for they could not endure the combined
power of the prince and the champion together. It is
then he said: 'Take possession (?) of the kingship ! My
own strength is best for me.'
6. The King of Tara gathered the men of Ireland
against them, and did not grant them fair fight, so that
they left his land to him. Then they went into Leinster
to Fiachu Bacceda, son of Cathair, who drove the Hui
Bairrche for them out of their land ; and there the Dessi
were settled until the time of Crimthann, son of Enna
1 So that its butt-end struck the forehead of the steward and came
out at the baek of his head. At the same time did the son and the
steward fall and Cormac's eye was broken ; and they could not lay
hold of him, so that he reached his house. And he killed nine of
Cormac's warriors as they were pursuing him, and his fosterson was
with him, to wit, Corc Duibne (from whom are the Corco Duibne), who
had escaped from hostageship — Laud. 2 Now the Hill of Skreen.
3 i.e. Brecc. 4 For balobrathair read folabrathair, 3rd sing. pres.
ind. of folabrur.
108 The Expulsion of the Dessi.
haimsir Crimthaind niaic Enna3 Cemselaig maic Labrada
maic Bresail Belaig maic Fiachae/i 'Baicceda.1
7. Dorala lsech2 amra la hu3 Bairrchi . i . Eochu
Guinech mac Oengusa, co rosglan side dia thir.4 Berthms
Crim.ih.and mac Ennse i n-Aird Ladrann fodes5 immirge na
n-Deisse, conid de ata Tir na Himmergi 7 Aes na Him-
mergi o shein ille.
8. Mell ingen Ernbraind ben Crimthaind bert ìnacco
do Chrimthund 7 atbath Mell iar suidiu. Ocus dobreth
Cuiniu ingen Ernbraind do iarum.6 Berí Cuiniu ingin do
. i . Eithne Uathac/i. Bse Bri mac Bairceda in drui isin
dun in n-aidchi7 rogenair Eithne. [fo. 72b, 1] ' Ind ingen
rogenair8 innocht,' ar Bri, ' rosfessatar" fìr Herenn uili10 7
ardaig na hingine sin gebait a mathre in tir artrefat.11
Amail atchualatar12 som coir in sceoil sin lasin druid," co
mbad tria chumachtu na hingine nogebtais forbba?,14 ros-
altatar15 for carnaib16 mac mbec co mbad luath no-assad.17
Is de ba Heithne Uathach a hainm-se, ardaig nos-aigtis in
meicc bicc.18
1 Rodlomtha trá co mbatar occ Hard na nDéise hi crích Laiahen
for Mag Liffe. Fiacho Baicceda immurgu mac Cathair Moir, is hé
ba rígh in inbaid sin hil-Laignib. Cart side Au Barrche rempu assa
tír 7 suidigestar na Déisse and. Rothrebsat and co haimsir Crimthaiw
mic Censelaig mî'c Endai Labrada mic Bresail Belaig mic Fiachach
Bacceda. Is 'na haimsir-side tollotar na Deisse for longais. 2 Robúi
óclách 3 d'uib 4 tír (sic leg.) 5 berthus Crimthan m«c
Censelaich issind Aird fodeissin. G Bert Meld ingen Ernbuirnd
maccu do-side. 0 rodamuir side dobreth Annu ingen Er[n]bruind
dobert side óenmgen fsicj do . i . Ethne a hainm " Búi
Brí faith mt'c Bairchetia isin dún ind adaich sin a gignathar
9 rofessatar l0 om. L. u Is tria chumachta gebaid am-mathre
thír arattrefat co bráth 12 rochualatar 13 fáith 14 tír
1 ' nosgabatsom 7 nosnaltatar ie feolaib 17 luathite a forbairt
ÌH ar donaigtis na maic becca.
Tke Expulsion of the Dessi. 109
Censelach, son of Labraid, son of Bressal Belach, son of
Fiachu Bacceda.
7. There chanced to be a fanious warrior with the Hui
Bairrchi, to wit, Eochu Guinech, son of Oengus,1 and he it
was who drove them out of their land. Then Crimthann,
son of Enna, sent the wandering host of the Dessi to Ard
Ladrann southward, whence the Land of the Wandering
Host and the Folk of the Wandering Host have been so
called ever since.
8. Meld, the daughter of Ernbrand, the wife of
Crimthand, bore sons to Crinithand and then died, where-
upon Cuiniu, the daughter of Ernbrand, was married to
him.
Cuiniu bore him a daughter, even Ethne the Dread.
In the night when Ethne was born Bri, the druid, son of
Bairchid," was in the stronghold. ' The maiden that has
been born to-night,' said Bri, 'all the men of Ireland
shall know her, and 011 account of this maiden her mother's
kindred will seize the land 011 which they shall dwell.'
When they heard the truth of that story from the druid,
that it was through the power of the maiden that they
would obtain inlieritance, thev reared her on the flesh of
little boys that she might grow quickly.3 Hence Ethne
the Dread was her name, for the little boys dreaded her.
1 Cf. Crimthand mac Enme. Eocho guinech rí háa mBarrchi,
mac a mgini féin, rosmarb, LL. 39 b.
- Cf. Brí mac Baircheda, LL. 197 a 3.
3 the quicker. — Laad.
i io The Expulsion of the Dessi.
9. Is e a senathair in druad sin dawo rochachain1 a
n-imthechta doib hic tuidecht atuaid hi cath Truisten.2
Is ann asbert : 'Ni o Temair dochumlaid ticid ticid doth-
aide g-luind mara cotobcatha crethit cetnaanad tuidecht do
mac Daurthecht deircthe Eogan sceo echta scen macco
Echac/i Airiman Artt ero Corp coitual cel cichsit datfiannse
im Findchad mac Niod atroinne noifidir ruthit min mairfitit
coicthe rann Dil diairithe Lethe Laidcind ilar lenthws diacoi
crochse marfit Dil nad flathiws gaile genithar gaibthiut co
firu Fochla? ifaitse dosclich doarnid arus niac Meschuirb
mogithar dalsus condesil fidgella forderga ordd araserb slas
ninde mac nDega diagraif arrigthiws rige os cac/i ros codi-
diandesingar ar Ros mac Feochair feig falnathar cotafodlaib
fergair cain iarnithu mac Riath rascthiws itreichnimi
conoid ni.' Ni.3
10. Ticht' tra o Chorm ac i n-diaid mac mBric . i .
Ros 7 Eogan, co ndigsitis afrithisi co Cormac. Amail
rochuala Oengus, asbert friu :5 ' In fir,' ar se, ' tuidecht
fri himmarchur sid J chorse frib-se ? [' Fír,']s ol seat.
• Ronbia slan cac/i neich dorigensam7 j ronbiat da
chutramma ar tire liar tir fodesin8 J og corse co brath.'
1 dicachain 2 o chath Druissen oc tuiclecht antueth 3 Nitho
Themuir dochumlith ticith dofaiteth gluînd mair conib cath
crechtnigther aratuitet da mac Durthacht dercth?/.s echen sceo ech-
de sceo mac mair-Echach ere maine ard erc corba m<vccu delchidechsit
dodareim Findchath mac Níathait no Endi rofitir ruitln'd fincl niar-
fithid coderaind Dil dia rathus Lithi Ladcend hilar lentus dia
Chondochtse norbe dal nad lathugaile gainethur gaibidith co fìro
Foichle hi foidse dosfeth tus ar dith arus rciac Meschuirp mogethar
dalsws condeisel ditafind gola folt forderga ord sera serbsi as indin
indinn dega grisas rigthws rigib os cech rus condirannais ingair arus
mac maic Fechuir fech fellnatar contofodli fergair conarnith m^c Níath
naiscthus hi ^trena hi triach none conoethu nithu Ni o Themuir
dochumlit. * Tóhet "' dotéit co maccu [fo. 100 a 2] a brathar dia
n-acallaim. ' sic L. "' do neoch dongnisiu à da tír lar tir
The Expulsion of the Dessi. 1 1 1
9. Now, it was that druid's grandfather, who had sung
their wanderings to them as they went from the north to
the battle of Truistiu.1 'Tis then he said: 'Not from
Tara, &c.'2
10. Then messengers were sentfrom Cormac after the
sons of Brecc, even Russ and Eogan, that they should
come back to Cormac. When Oengus heard that, he said
to them: 'Is it true,' said he, 'that they have come on an
errand of peace3 and treaty with you?' 'lt is true,' said
they. ' We are to be absolved of every thing that we have
done, and we are to have twice as much again as our own
land, together with our own land and full peace till
Doom.' 'Do not do it,' said Oengus, 'leave me not alone !
1 Or, perhaps, ' at the Ford (ie dth) of Truistm.'
- In the present state of our knowledge of Old-Irish it is impos-
sible to understand more than an occasional word or phrase in these
rhapsodical compositions. A comparison of the two versions shows
how little they were understood by the scribes themselves.
3 Cf . do immarchor chóre, Wb. 5 a 5.
ii2 The Expulsion of the Dessì.
' Na1 denid,' ar Oengus, ' nadimfacbaid-se2 m'oenur ! B,o-
forbia3 da trian ir4 tire araglainfem.3 Remthus0 do for
clannaib for mo chlainn-se co brath. Ocus mo chlann-sa
do dul i cath 7 hi crích ria cac/i 7 do bith fodeoid ic
tudecht a crich.7 Ocus co n-irglantar tir remib.8 Nac/?-
imf acbaid-se ! ' Dorigsetn iarum anisin 7 dobretha10 fìr11
fris . i . fìr ciche 7 gruaide, nime 7 talman, grene 7 esca,
druchta 7 daithe, mara 7 tire.
11. Luid Eochaid mac Arttchuirp dar muir cona
chlaind hi crich Demed,12 conidann atbathatar13 a maic 7 a
hui. Conid dib cenel Crimthaind allse,14 diata Tualodor
mac Eígin maic Catacumd maic Caittienn maic Clotenn
maic Nsee maic Artuir maic Retheoir maic Congair maic
Gartbuir maic Alchoil maic Trestin maic Aeda Brosc maic
Corath maic Echacŵ Almuir maic Arttchuirp.15
12. Dobert Cormac húa Cuind breic im [d]a milid
Oengusa ind rig16 . i . Grainne 7 Moinne, diatat17 Granraige
7 Moinrige. Atberthi1" uad fri cechtar de i n-ecmais19 araile :
e Is bec do brig lat rig, a Grainne.'20 Ni tabar hi cosmailius
fri Moinne nGall.21 Asbered a chummat cetna fri Moinne.
Et asbeir side f ri Oengus : ' Dia nomthabarthar-sa22 hi
1 nach 2 nachamfacbaid-si 3 robarbiat 4 om.L 5 aran-
glanfam 6 tús 7 essi 8 corroglantar tír clúib 9 clogniat
10 dobretha with punctnm delens under a — L. u fer add. L,
12 Demeth 13 robo marbh 7 14 Crimthain alle 15 Taulodar
mac Rigind rm'c Catien mic Clothienn mic Noé míc Artuir mt'c Petuir
mi'c Congair mic Goirtiben mic Alcon mj'c Tresuwd mic Aeda mic
Brosc mic Corach mic Echdach Allmair mi'c Airtchuirp. 10 bréic im
dunuth oenguill ind ríg (sic) l7 diata 18 asbreth l9 i n-ecndairg
(corrected out o/ecndairt) 20 a G/*anfir 21 co n-érbrad hi cosmaiẅs
fri Méinne nGall 22 dia nomtarta-sa
The Expulsion of the Dessi. 1 1 ->
j
You shall have two thirds of the land which we shall clear,
precedence to your children over iny own children till
Dooni, and my own cliildren to go to battle and across the
border before every one, and to be the last to come out
of the enemy's land. And they shall clear the landbefore
you. Do not leave me!' Then they did that, and truth
was pledged for it, to wit, truth of breast and cheek, of
heaven and earth, of sun and moon, of dew and drop, of
sea and land.
11. Eochaid, son of Artchorp, went over sea with his
descendants into the territory of Demed, and it is there
that his sons and grandsons died. And from them is the
race of Crimthann over there, of which is Teudor son of
Regin, son of Catgocaun, son of Cathen, son of Cloten,
son of Nougoy, son of Arthur, son of Petr, son of Cincar,
son of Guortepir, son of Aircol, son of Triphun, son of
Aed Brosc,1 son of Corath, son of Eochaid Allmuir, son of
Artchorp.
12. Cormac, the grandson of Conn, played a trick
upon two soldiers of Oengus the King, to wit, Grainne and
Moinne, from whom Granraige and Moinrige are so called.
He caused it to be said to either of them in the absence of
the other : ' Small is thy esteem with thy king, O Grainne.
Thou art not deemed worthy to be compared to Moinne
the Gall.' The same thing was said to Moinne. Then
the latter said to Oengus : Tf I am put in comparison
with Grainne, I shall put this spear through thee.' When
Cormac knew the order of the watch which would come
1 As Zimmer has shown (Nennius Vind., p. 88) this is the Ewein
Vreisc of Teudos' pedigree in the Jesus College MS. 20, fo. 3o£. I
have restored the Welsh forms of the names according to Anscombe's
Indexes to Old-Welsh Genealogies, Archiv. filr celt. Lexikographie,
i, pp. 187-212.
1 1 4 The Expulsion of the Dessi.
cubes fri Grainne, dobér-sa in sleig se triut-su.' O rafìti'r
Corniac ord na haire dodasicfad a udis i n-oenaidchi
immoalle. It he rotheilcset slog f air inna dun 7 rongeguin
indara de 7 roort mac a brathar 'moalle fris.1
13. Dosbert Crimthann i n-Ard Ladrann iarsain. Et
d [0] coirsetar maic Crimtham cocad f risna Deisse2 . i . Eochu,
is e rogab doib in ndarbre cona frenaib (sic) 7 doscartsat
im-maidm as hi tir n-Osairge.
14. Imaittreib doib alla aniar hi Commur Tri n-Usce
hir-rind tire Tigernaich.3 Ardosfaicce4 ri Osraige matan
moch iar ndenam a n-aittreib.3 ' Is mili tige 7 mile
ndethac/i ani thall,' ar se. Is de asberar Milidach.6
Gebtait forn (sic). Atasaigid hi tenid, loiscitir a nhuile
aittreba' 7 nistalla leo thiar iarsuidiu."* Doloingset as 7
dothaegat iar3 muir siar, co n-gabsat i nHirchuilind tiar.10
15. [fo. 72b, 2] Isind aimsir sin ba marb ben Oengusa
matc Nadfraich rig Caisil11, et dothaít nech uad do
thochmarc na hingine cucco, ar robse Eithne moalle friu-
som thiar. Atrogell Oengus a tri rinnroisc di. Batar se
a tri rindroisc . i . faithchi Chaissil12 o Luaisc co Caissel do
1 Ar rofitir Corm«c ord n-aire nachommaitethe rofitir donticfad
oenadaig immele side. Tolléicset slog fair inna dún 7 geguin indele
he 7 huirt mac a brathar immelle. 2 Inn uair ropo marb Crimthan
mac Genselaig, dogensat Lagin coccad friu-som. 3 O rofitir Osseirge
immarthrub alle aniar fri Comur tri n-Uisci ir-rind tire Ech^cÀ
atchi '• atruib 6 Is mile tige ani thall, ol se, conid desin
rohainmniged Milithach. 7 huile in att-[fo. lOOb 2] ruib 8 nistall
thair hisuidiu 8 dothiagat tar 10 tiar thess X1 hi Caisiul.
Ardrig Caisil 7 Muman heside 12 Is mo inrasc-sa ém ol si,
faithchi Chaisil.
4
The Expulsion of the Dessi. 1 1 5
to them on the sarne night too-ether ' 'Tis
they who let in a host upon him in his fortress, and one
of them wounded him, and his brother's son was slain
together with him.
13. Thereupon Crimthann sent them into Ard
Ladrann. And after the death of Crimthann, his sons
made war upon the Dessi ; and one of them, Eochu, took
the oak with its roots to them.2 And in a rout they drove
thein out into the land of Ossory.3
14. There in the east by the meeting of the Three
Waters4 on a point of the land of Tigernach5 they dwelt.
Early 011 e morning, after they had built their dwel-
lings, the King of Ossory saw them. 'Yonder,' he said,
'are a thousand houses (míle tige) and a thousand
smokes.' Hence Miledach0 is so-called. He put fire
to theni,7 and all their dwellings are burnt. After that
there was no place for them in the east to stay in.
They fared forth and went along the sea westward until
they settled in Irchuilenn in the (south-)west.
1 5. At that time the wife of Oengus son of Nadfraich,
King of Cashel, died, and a messenger was sent by him to
the Dessi to woo the maiden Ethne, for she had been with
them in the west. Oengus promised her three wishes.
These were her three wishes, to wit, that the meadow land
1 Something seems omitted here.
2 This seems an idiom, which I cannot explain. Cf. crothais dôib
dairbre ndall, Ir. Texte, \, p. 108, 4.
3 The ancient hingdom of Ossory comprised nearly the whole of
the present county Kilkenny as well as the baronies of Upper Woods,
Clandonagh and Clarmallagh in Oueen's County.
4 The meeting of the rivers Suir, Nore and Barrownear Waterford.
5 Eochu, Laud.
0 A place near the Meeting of the Three Waters. Cf. commor
immar Milidach, LL. 44 b 9.
7 Cf. adachtatar in crích hi tenid, LU. 65 a 12.
i 2
1 1 6 The Expulsion of the Dessi.
thàbairt di 7 a maithriu do airisem ann. Et in cenel
nothogfaitis1 do aurglanad rempu 7 a dilsi doib in tiri sin.
Et comsaire doib frisna teora Heoganachta Mumaw . i .
E [0] gonacht Raithlind 7 ~Eoganacht Locha Lein 7 lüoganaeht
Hua Fidgeinti2 co n-Huib Liathain.
16. Togait3 iarum na Deisse Osairoi do aurglanad
rempu* 7 do chocad5 friu. Lotar da druid lasna Deisse . i .
Drong0 et Cecht.7 Bse àa,no drui la Hosairom . i . Dil
mac Hui Chrecca, 7 roptar daltai doside druid na n-Deisse.
Dobertsat na Deisse secht catha do Osairgib 7 romaidset
na secht catha sin ria n-Osairoi forsna Deissib8 hi Lethet
Laidcind i n-Ard Chatha.9
17. Dobreth Eithne Uathach iarsin comairle dia
meithre . i . dula10 co cenn adchomairc Muman, co fath-
britheniain11 Casil, co [Lugaid] Laigde Cosc, conid he
roscobair tria gses 7 trebaire.12 Ba he ba brithem do
Chorccu Laigde. Ar robte13 imthus do14 Chorccu Laigdi 7 do
Eoganacht hi Caissiul15 . i . intan nobid ri do Chorccu
Laig(Zi, nobid brithem do Eoganoc/íi. Oengus mac Nad-
fraich ba ri in tan sin 7 Lugaid La.igdi Cosc16 ba brithem.
1 dongoetais - 7 comsoere doib fri rig teora ndEoganachta
Muman .i. rí Raithlind 7 rí Lochrse 7 ríhuad (sic) Fidgenti 3 togdatar
4 rembi 3 do chath e Droch 7 do sil m«ccu Crecca add. L.
8 for na Déisse 9 il leith Ladcind . i . Art. Asberat araile is
xxx. cath lû Is and airlestar Ethne Huathach dona Déisib dia
haitib dul doib ' l brithem 12 Luigith Corc (sic), is he nodairlestar
ar a gais 7 ar a threbairi. 13 ata 1+ etir lä o aimsir Dárine 7
Dercthine, a brithemna do chlandaib Luighdech 7 rigi do chlandaib
Auglum (sic), rigi dano do chlandaib Luigdech 7 brithemnas do
chlandaib Auluim, co roimchla líth ifectsa rige dogrés la clannaib
[fo. 101 b 1] Auluim 7 breìthemn?<s dogrés la clandaib Luighdech.
,eLuigithCosc.
The Expulsion of the Dessi. 1 1 7
of Cashel from Luasc to Cashel be given to her, for her
uiother's Irindred to dwell there, that the tribe which they
would choose should clear the land before them, which
should then belong to them; and that they should be as
free as the three Eoganacht of Munster, to wit, the Eogan-
acht of Raithlenn, the Eoganacht of Loch Lein and the
Eoganacht of the Hui Fidgenti together with the Hui
Liathain.
16. Then the Dessi chose the people of Ossory to be
cleared out before them and to fight asrainst. There were
two druids with the Dessi, to wit, Drong- and Cecht; and
there was also a druid with those of Ossory, Dil, the
descendant of Crecca, and the druids of the üessi had been
foster-sons of his. The Dessi fought seven battles with
the men of Ossory at Lethet Laidcind in Ard Catha,1 in
all of which they were routed by the meu of Ossory.
17. Then Ethne the Dread advised her mother's kins-
f olk to go to the chief counsellor of Munster, the seer-j udge
of Cashel, Lugaid Laigde Cosc. He by his wisdom and
prudence helped them. He was judge to the Corco Laigdi.
For there had been an interchange between the Corco
Laigdi and the Eoganacht2 in Cashel (from the time of
Darfìiie and Dercthine), to wit, whenever there was a king
of the Corco Laigdi, there was a judge of the Eoganacht.
Oengus, son of ISîadfraich, was king at that tlme, and
Lugaid Laigde Cosc was judge.
1 Others say there were thirty battles. — Laud.
2 Between the children of Lugaid and the children of (Ailill) Olum.
— Laud.
1 1 8 The Expulsion of the Dessi.
18. Tiagait maithi na nDeisse 7 Eithne Huathach leo
co Lugaid1 Cosc 7 asberat fris : ' Ronfoire2 im chobair
dún.3 Rotbia tir linni dar a eisse cen chis, cen chongabail,1
cen dunadj cen biathad, 7 ni thicfam dar cert ar do chlaind
co brath.'5 Naidinthir0 fìr n-Oengussa 7 fir n-Eithne 7 fìr
flatha na nDeisse fri sodain. ' Congraid îor ndruide
dam-sa/ ar LugaẃT Cosc, . i . Droch 7 Checht. Congraiter8
do, et dobretha di mumnir . i . da phaitt doib/ hit e lana
do fìn. Dobreth doib-sium a tirib Gall 7 biad Gall lais, ar
ba mescamai7 sobruige inti nochaithed.10 ' Berid in fricili1'
se do for n-aite 7 apraid fris atfor n-aithrig do debaid fris.12
Et berid tecosc13 dia ingin iar n-olind finse.'14
19. Dorigset amlaid.15 Et arfofet DÍF in fricill17 7
roscar-som ind ingen 7 ro-oslaid in fuiriud rempu." Dall
àidiu in Dil.19 Eochomairc ind ingen dó ar belaib a dalta
isin tan ba ìnesc.20 f A mo sruith,' ar ind ingen, ' im bia
tesargain21 na nDeisse indorsa ?'22 ' Biaid amse,'23 ar Dil,
' mad i n-urd turcbad grían f oraib 7 na robeotais 7 na
roruibtis nech ann. Ar inti bifas nó genfas nech do slog
araile immarac/i ar thus, noco ?i-aittrefa in tir sin24 co
1 Luigith 2 Tonfairne 3 a Lugith add. 4 chongbail ° 7
ni thesseba a chert co brath 6 adguiter 7 Gahthir dam-sa tra,
ar Lugith, bar ndrúidi s congairter 9 dobeir da muinirlana doib
10 biathna nGall laiss 7 it he nohithed a bargin namma. u Berith
inso 12 abraid is he bar n-aithrech debuid fris '3 tecosc
14 tria mesci in fina iarna ol 15 Dogensat som aní sein 1G som
17 nisreccell (sic) 18 cartait som in ingin Dil 7 asoelc a forud remib
in ropu dall Dil -° ni chuingen ba frit comairc ind ingen o ropo
mesc ar belaib a da dalta 21 im bui tesorcud ~2 innosa 23 bái,
a muinecan 2i mad mattain foraib imbárach ni urd 7 ni fuibitis
nech n-and. Ar intí 011 gontar nech imbarach ni aitreba a tìr so
The Áixpulsion of the Dessi. 1 1 9
18. The nobles of the Dessi, and Ethne the Dread
with them, went to Lugaid Cosc and said to him: 'Help
us! Thou shalt have land with us for it without rent,
without seizure, without levy of host or food, nor
shall we ever trespass against thy descendants.' The
truth of Oengus and of Ethne and of the princes of the
Dessi is pledged for this. 'Call your druids to me,' said
Lugaicl Cosc, 'even Droch and Cecht.' They were called
to him, and they gave themtwo jars full of wine, which had
been brought to them1 from the lands of Gaul, together
with food of Gaul ; for he who would eat and drink it
would be intoxicated andsober (at the same time). 'Take
this gift to your tutor and say to him that ye repent of
fìo'htino- ao;ainst him. And he will instruct his dauerhter
after he has drunk the wine.'
19. They clid so. And Dil accepted the gift, and
the girl divided it and opened (?).... before
them.2 Dil, however, was blind. Then, when he was
drunk, the maiden asked him before his two foster-sons :
'O my venerable (father)' said she, 'will there be rescue
for the Dessi now?' fIndeed, there will be,' said Dil, 'if
the sun rise upon them in battle-order and they slay and
wound no one. For he who will fìrst slay or wound any
one of the other host to-morrow morning, shall not
inhabit this land till Doom.' ' Perhaps there will be no
1 i.e., to Oengus and Lugaid, as Rawl. indicates by the insertion of
marks of reference over dóib-sinm and the two names.
2 I do not know what forud or fuiriud may mean. Perhaps it is
O'Clery's fúireadh . i . ullmhughadh.
1 20 The Expulsion of the Dessi.
brath.' 'Bess ni hingnad anisin,'1 ar ind ingen, ardaig
co cloistis na gillse. ' Dia mbeind hi ccemthecht na
nDesse,2 nodolbfaind3 boin deirg do duiniu 7 nogonfaitis
Osairgi, in boin sin."4
20. Mosdáilet an druid5 cosna Deissib fochetoir
fothuaid do Chasiul 7 doberat na Dessi leo co m-batar i
n-urd matan moch iarnabarach.8 Astuat tenid7 cairthind
ann 7 foidit a diaid sair co Hosairgib. Tecait* Os&irgi
iarum co Hinneoin 7 fucairthir la Dil na rorubtha 7 na
robeota nech dona Deissib ann.9 Dolbait dano druid na
n-Deisse aithech10 hi richt bo dergce11 . i . Dochet a anmain,12
ar soire dia chlaind dogres. Teit iarum ina ndail13 7 cot-
meil foraib 7 giallaid gail 7 gonair forsind ath fri Indeoin
aniar.14 Is de asberar Ath Bo Deirge. Conid iarum
adchonncatar co mba15 colann duine iarna guin.
21. Maitte for Ossairgfiô sair co Handobru18 (sic) 7
imsoat Ossairgi a sain 7 doberat a mbiu17 7 am-marbu coema
in-airther Ratha sair.18 Maidte f oraib atherruch o Andobur
1 Bess ni gontar em 2 Mad me bad chend athchomairc
laisna (sic) Déssib 3 nodoilfìnd 4 nosgonfatis Ossirge.
5 Tochumlat iarsain in da drúith 6 Tosberat co mba mattin
foraib i n-urd 7 attáit tenti * Totet 3 [fo. 101b2] Focairther
o Dil arna rogonta nech ann dona Déssib l0 senaithech and dona
Déisib lì máile add. l2 Docheth a hainm l3 Teit dochum in
tshluaig sair u Cid dognither thiar innossa, a gillai? or Dil. Tene
do fhatóg 7 bó derg do thelcud forsin n-áth aniar. Ni ba hi ma món,
ar se. Na gonat ind fhir in boin, ar se. Noslecet seccu. Nosgonait
gillai na 11-ech iarna cúl 7 lecit gair impe. Cissi gáir so, a gillai ? or
se. Inna gillai oc guin na bo. Fe fe amái ! or sé. Mo charput dam!
ar se. A hord slaitir Indeoin. 15 corbo le Handobor 1T beritt
a n-aithbiu l8 condicce airther Rátha Machuthnoe for brú Andobor
The Expulsion of the Dessi. 1 2 1
slaying then,' said the girl, so that the young men should
hear it. ' If I were in the company of the Dessi, I should
by magic shape a man into a red cow, so that the men of
Ossory would kill that cow.'
20. Forthwith the druids repair northward to Cashel to
the Dessi and take them with them in battle-order early
on the next morning. They light a fìre of rowan there
and send its smoke eastward into Ossory. Thereupon the
men of Ossory come to Inneoin, and it was proclaimed by
Dil that 110 one of the Dessi should be slain or wounded
there. But the druids of the Dessi formed an old serf,
Docheth by name, into the shape of a red (hornless) cow,
promising freedom to his descendants for ever. Then the
cow went to encounter the men of Ossory and flings
herself upon them, and ' and is killed at the
ford2 westward of Inneoiu,3 whence the Ford of the Eed
Cow is so called. And then they saw it was the body of
a man that had been slain.
21. The men of Ossory were routed eastward as far
as the Andobur,4 and there they turn and take their
1 I do not know what gîallaìm gaìl may mean. As Strachan
points out to me, the phrase seems a corruption of gáelaim gail, which
occurs in Salt. na Rann, 1. 6167. Laucl gives a more detailed account :
' What are they doing in the west now, my lads ? ' said Dil. ' They
are lundling a fìre and letting a red cow into the ford from the west.'
' That is not my work. Do not let the men kill the cow ! ' eaid he.
They let her go past them. But the horse-boys behind their back
kill her and raise a shout. ' Wliat shout is that, my lads ? ' said Dil.
' The horseboys are slaying the cow.' ' Woe is me ! ' said Dil.
' Bring me my chariot.'
2 This must be a ford on the river Suir.
3 Also called Indeoin na n Déssi, now Mullach Indeona, a townland
near Clonmel. See O'Don. F.M. a.d. S-r2.
4 This I take to be the river Anner, a tributary of the Suir, co.
Tipperary. It is called Annúir by Keating (Gaelìc League Series of
Irish Te.rts, I, p. 204).
1 2 2 The Expulsion of the Dessi.
co Lainnen.1 Na hothurbi2 forfacabsat Osmirgi i
n-airthiur Ratha rosgegnatar3 na Desse oc tintud4 anair.
Is de ata Belac/i n-Eca iar5 fiad Ratha.
22. Rannait iaruin na Dessi i cetrib rannaib na tiri
sin.e Cach clann tarraid in cethramaid sin, ata a chuit
isin tir.7 Coeca toirgi lasna Dessib, a .xxu.8 [fo. 73a, 1]
dib tarthatar raind 7 a .xxu.8 aile nan tarthatar 7 is dona
toirgib sin is ainni Dessi, ar it e fil fo chis10 7 dligud 7
bothachas11 na nDeisse12 dona flaithib . i . do Dail FiachacA
Suidge 7 ni hainui doib-siáe Deisse. Cacẁ13 longas tra rofitir
Eith^ic Hviathac/t la Herind dosreclam14 cosna Deisse, f obith
nodigbaitis1 ' Dal Fiachac/í Suidge isna1<: cathaib niencib.
23. Do thoirgib na nDessi inso sis.
Dobert17 Semuin18 di Ultaib cucu, diatat Semuine.u
Dobert cuco Nemungin20 di Huaithnib . 1 . diatat Nechtarge.
1 conod hi sein in choicrich co brath etir na Deisi 7 Osseirge. Amail
ossa, is amlaid rorathatar ass. Is de ata Osseirgi foraib 7 rofaithaigset
na Desi inna tír co brath. 2 na hothair 3 nosgegnatar 4 im-
pud ' hi u Ronnit a cetraind tíre hí sein 7 Nach duine
tarnaid in cetraind sin, ata a chuit ar a raind sin. 8 cuic
fìchet 9 nach 10 deisis u bodagas 12 na nDeisse om. L.
13 nach u dosfuide '" arcrunad lB isnaib 17 Tóbeir
1H Semon mac Oengusa maic Cel[t]chair maic Huithechair lB Semoni
-° Nemongen mac Nechtain
The Expulsion of the Dessi. 123
wounded and their dead nobles into the front part of Rath
Machuthnoe1 (on the bank of the Andobur) in the east.
Again they were routed froni the Andobur to the
Lainnen,2 (which is the boundary between the Dessi and
the men of Ossory till Doom. They ran away like deer
(ossa).) As the Dessi were returning from the east they
killed the wounded men whom those of Ossory had left
behind in the front part of the fortress. Hence the ítoad
of Death along the front3 of the fortress is so called.
22. Thereupon the Dessi divide those lands into four
parts. Each family which came into this first division has
its share in the land. There are fifty septs among the
Dessi, of whom twenty-fìve got a share, while the other
twenty-five did not ; and the former are called Dessi, for
it is they who are under rent and law and hut-tax' to the
princes, viz. to the Division of Eiachu Suidge, and the
latter are not called Dessi. Every exiled band, however,
of which Ethne the Dread knew in Ireland, she gathered
to the Dessi, because the Division of Fiachu Suidge had
been diminished in so many battles.
23. Of the septs of the Dessi.
She brought Semon (son of Oengus, son of Celtchar, son
of Uthechar) of the men of Ulster to them (with 150
men) from whom are the Semuine.3
She brought to them Nemongen (son of Nechtan) of the
Uaithni, with fifty men, from whom are the Nechtarge.
1 Not identified.
2 This is the river now called Lingaun (from Mod. Ir. Lainneán)
wliich forms the boundary between the barony of Iffa and Offa East
and that of Iverk.
3 Here I takefíad (W. ŷwydd) to be the noun which has passed
into the nominal prei30sition^«(Z ' coram.'
1 bothachas (bodagas), the tax payed by a bothach or ' hut-dweller,
cottar.'
' Cf. LL. 331c : Clann Sem diatát Semni na nDesi.
1 24 The Expidsion of the Dessi.
Dobert1 cuco tri macco Ijugdach' Cosca britheman Corco
Laigd/i a Cassiul. 1 .3
Tri chóicait da.no clo thrib rnaccaib Oengusa maic 'Derhchon
maic Gormaic Ul[f]atai, de quibus Mechain.4
Coeca do maccaib Feideilmid Brufir,5 de quibus'' Bruirige.
Coeca do maccaib Odro,7 de quibus Odraige.8
Nonbur di maccaib Ditha do Ernaib, de quibusr> Corco
Ditha.
Cet lsech luid Be^ta in t-eces9 di Ultaib, de quo6 Bent-
raige.
Non&w do maccaib Conaill maic Neill, de quo6 Condrige.10
Nonòwr do maccaib Suird maic Mugdornai Duib, de quo
Sordraige.11
Ncmb'ur do maccaib Munigblse maic Mugdornse D?n'ò,12 de
quibuss Duibrige. Ma?'c ingine Briuin in sin.
. ix . do maccaib Mugdomse Cerbfir do Chairige.13
. ix . do maccaib Laidir maie Firchi do Ladraige.14
Tri nonbm'r do Oengus Firgabrse mac Conaire maic Messi
Buachalla do Gabraige.15
1 Dobeú" 2 Luigdech 3 Tri choicait lin Semoin, cóica lin
m«ccu Luigdech, coica lin maccu Nemongin. 4 Coica lfech do
maccaib Oengusa Darcon maic Cormaicc Aulfata dal maic
Con. ' Feidlimthi Bruirir ü diata 7 Bru nó
Odro R. di Hultaib add. L. 8 Odrige 8 Cét lcech
lin hue maic Bind ind ecis 10 Conrige L1 Soirt mffî'c Doirna
diata Sorthrige l2 Muindigblse maic Maugdornse diata Loch
Muindig hi tirib Maugdornse 13 Nonbur do niffccaib Cerir maic
Mugdornae diata Ciarraige. 14 Nonbur do m«ccaib Latfir diatat
Lattrige . i . m«i'e Fir Ceoch lä diatat Gabrige
The Expulsion of the Dessi. 125
She brought to them the three sons of Lugaid Cosc, judge
of the Corco Laigdi, from Cashel, with fifty men.
Next, 150 men of the three sons of Oengus, son of
Derbchu (Oengus Darchu), son of Cormac Ulfata, de
quibus Mechain (Dál Maic Chon) .
Fifty men of the sons of Fedilmid Brufer, de quibus
Brurige.
Fifty men of the sons of Odro, from Ulster, de quibus
Odraige.
Nine men of the sons of Dith, of the Erainn, de quibus
Corco Ditha.
A hundred warriors was the number of the descendants of
Benta (Mac Bind), the poet from Ulster, de quo Bentraige.
Nine men of the sons of Conall, son of Niall, de quo
Condraige.
Nine men of the sons of Sord, son of Mugdorna Dub,1 de
quo Sordraige.
Nine men of the sons of Mundechblee,2 son of Mugdorna
Dub, (from whom Loch Muindig2 in the lands of the
Mugdoirn4 is so called), de quibus Dubrige. These are
the sons of Briun's daughter.
Nine men of the sons of Cerbfer (Cerir), son of Mugdorna,
f rom whom are the Ciarraige (Cairige) .
Nine men of the sons of Latfer, son of Fer Ceoch, from
whom are the Latraige.
Three times nine men of Oengus Firgabra, son of Conaire,
son of Mess Buachalla, from whorn are the Gabraige.
1 He was the son of Colla Menn.
2 Cf. Mundechblai and Mundechdub, LL. 328« 13.
3 Cf. Hinc Loch Demundech hi tírib Mugdorne, LL. 327 h.
4 From them the present barony of Cremorne (Crích Mugdorn),
co. Monaghan, takes its name.
126 The Expulsion of the Dessi.
. ix . do Afìr do Ernaib do TJraíge.1
. ix . do Fir Menn moc Cuscraid Mind Macha maic Con-
chobuir do Mennraige.
. ix . do mac2 Glasschaich maic Moga Ruith do
Rodraige.3
Tri nonbuir do Oengus Chreca4 mac Gonchohuir Meel maic
Formgel5 di Ultaib. Is e nochrecad g-oofi hi Temair.
A quo Crecraige.
Binne 7 Eochaid Cóen7 do Bintrige 7 do Choenrige.
Nonhur doib.
. ix . do Naithir mac Fircheich do Nathraig:e.8
'öv
. ix . do Nudfir9 do Laignib do Nudraige.10
. ix . do maccaib Blait do Blatraige.11
. ix . do Nindfir mac Bairrche do Nindrig-e.12
. ix . do FiurLuide ar Sid ar Femen do Ludraige.13
. ix . do Chferfir1'1 di Chruithnib do Chserige.15
Tri norihuir do thrib maccaib Bonnfir do Bonnraiere.
í-5
ix . do Luthor mac Arda do Luthraige.17
. ix . do Blotchoiw18 di Bretnaib do Blotraig-e.19
1 Nonbor di Haurir do Hernaib diata Aurige - maccaib L.
3 Roithrige 4 Crece 5 Máil maic Formail ° crec
gai 7 Coene 8 Nothir mac Firceoch diata Nothrige
" Nudir 10 diata Nudrige u Blathrig diata Blathrige
12 L. omits this paragraph. l3 hiSid ar Femon di Hultaib nad aicidacht
diata Luidrige u Celir 15 diata Celrigi 1G Trí maic Boindfir
buachala Eithne diata Boendrige '7 Nonôw/" [do] Libur mac Arta
diata Lubrige. 1S Blóthchum 19 diata Blodrige
The Expulsion of the Dessi. 1 2 7
Nine men of Aurir of the Erainn, f rom whom are the Aurige.
Nine men of Fer Menn, son of Cuscraid Menn of Macha,
son of Conchobor, from whom are the Mennraige.1
Nine men of the son (sons) of (ilaschach, son of Mug Euith
from whoni are the Rodraige.
Three times nine men of Oengus Crece, son of Conchobor
Mael, son of Formael, of the men of Ulster — 'tis he who
sold spears in Tara — a quo Crecraige.
Binne and Eochaid Coen, from whom are the Bintrige and
Coenrige. They were nine.
Nine men of Nothir, son of Fer Ceoch, from whom are the
Nothrige.
Nine men of Nudfer from Leinster, from whom are the
Nudraige.
Nine men of the sons of Blat, from whom are the Blat-
raige.
Nine men of Nindfer, son of Bairche, from whom are the
Nindrige.
Nine men of FerLuide from Sid ar Femun, from whom are
the Ludraige.
Nine men of Caerfer (Celir) of the Picts, from whom are
the Caerige (Celrige).
Three times nine men of the three sons of Bonnfer (the
cowherd of Ethne), from whom are the Bonnrige.
Nine men of Luthor (Liber), son of Art, from whom are
the Luthraige (Luburige).
Nine men of Blotchu of the Britons, from whom are the
Blotrige.
1 Mendraige, LL. 3316, 16.
128 The Expulsion of the Dessi.
. ix . do Grutbit mac Dubain do Grutbrige.1
. ix . do umc Buidb" do Bodbrige.
. ix . do mac Grinnir do JJÌtaib do Grinnrige.3
. ix . do Gallaib do Muinrige im mac Muinmind.4
. ix . do Maine mac Cuinrige.5
. ix . do mac Dimáin do Darfiniu do Chorco Dimaine.6
. ix . do macco Ennaì Uniche di Gallaib do Chorcco Uniche.7
Coeca8 do Glasschatt mac Ailella Auìuim di Chattraige.3
Coeca do trib maccaib Mathrac/í maic Ailella Auluimb do
Dal maic Cuirb.10
Coeca Tidil11 maic Ailella Auliw'm do Dal Tidil Cichich forsa
mbatar . iii . cicheich.12
. ix . do Magneth13 Gall do dal Magned.13
. ix . Michoil do Dairfin[i] u di Dal Michoil.11
1 Gubrith m«ccu Buén cìiata Gubtrige 2 do maccaib Bodb
3 Grán diata Granrige di Hultaib 4 L. omits this paragraph.
5 do m«c Ainiu maic Cuirir diata Cuirrige 6 Dímáini di Darin
dia-[fo. 101 a 2] tá Corco Din 7 Endi Uiniche diatat Corco
Huiniche do Gallaib 8 Coíca fer 9 diata Catriee.
m O
10 Mathrach m«î"c Ailella Auluim. Ingen Firgair a mathair, diata
dal Mathrach. Cóica d'úib maic Cviirp maic Ailella Auluim diatút dál
m«ic Cuirp. ll cóica di huib Didil. 12 dál Didil cét cíge forsarabí.
13 Maignén ll Mechon m«c Dare di Darine diata dál Mechon
The Expîilsion of the Dessi. 129
Nine men of Grutbit (Grubrith maccu Buen), son of
Duban, from whom are the Grutbrige (Gubtrige).
Nine men of the son of Bodb, from whom are the Boclb-
rige.
Nine men of the son of Grinner (Gran) of Ulster, from
whom are the Grinnrige (Granrige).
Nine Gauls of Muinrige with the son of Muinmend.
Nine men of Maine (of the Son of Ainiu, son of Cuirer)
from whom are the Cuirrige.
Nine men of the son of Dimain of Darfine, from whom
are the Corco Dimaine.
Nine men of the descendant of Enne Uniche of the Gauls,
from whom are the Corco Uniche.
Fifty men of Glaschatt,1 son of Ailell Aulom, from whom
are the Cattraige.
Fifty men of the three sons of Mathri,2 son of Ailill Aulom
(Fergair's daughter was their mother), from whom are
the Dál Mathrach. Fifty men of the descendants of
Mac Corp, son of Ailill Aulom), from whom are the Dál
Maic Chuirp.
Fifty men of Tidel, son of Ailill Aulom, from whom are
the Dál Tidil Cíchich, on whom were three (a hundred)
teats.
Nine men of Magneth (Maignen) the Gaul, from whom
are the Dál Magned (Maignen).
Nine men of Michol (Mechon, son of Dare) from Darfine,
from whom are the Dál Michoil (Mechon).
1 He is called Glass Catha, and his descendants Cathraige in
LL. 3196.
2 He is called Mathreth, and his descendants Dál Mathra in
LL. 3196.
K
1 30 The Expulsion of the Dessì.
Tri nonbuir do maccaib Dorchon maic Huair do Dal
Dorchon.1
Tri nonhuir do maccaib Luig-ne2 di Ernaib do Dal Luigni.
Coeca do trib maccaib Nuidni maic Conrui do Dal Nuidni.3
. ix . do trib maccaib Niamdse di Dal Niamdse.4
. xi . do Loiscniu mac Cuinniath do Dal Loscind.6
Tri lege0 Eithne TLuathaig cliata Dal Niathlega.7
Tri maic Moga Caintich do Dal Mogaide."
Tri maic Cairinne cerdda do Cherdraige.9
Lsemman10 mac Niathaía maic Briuin, is e cetnagaibed
giallu Ferchair. Eathbrithem.
Csechros mac Fiaich cetarogaib cath n-Inde do laim.11
24. Teora hingena Ernbraind, Mell 7 Belge12 7 Cinnu,
dochuatar co Crimthann13 a triur, cach hseu i ndiaid araile.
Sil Mella o Meill. Hŵ Beilge o Beilge.15 Eithne namma
ruc Cinnu do.16
25. 0 doluid iarum17 Corbmac asa rige" iarna gollad19
do Oengus mac Artchuirp, gabaẃ Carpre Liphec/iar in
20
1 L. omits this paragraph. 2 d'uib Luigni Leithduib 3 Noidne
diata dal Nuidn . i . maîc Chonrú mrric Dare * Nimde diata dal
Nimde ° Luiscniu mac Cumenath diata dal Luiscni ° . iii .
laigni 7 Mathlego (sic) s Mugo maic Cuthig diata dal Mugith.
n Tri maic Arme cerda diatat Cerdraige 10 Lasbán ' ' rogab
giallu Fer nGair robo brithem rainni caich Ros mac Féice cetnaragaib
cath nlndide do laim 12 Belc ,:1 Crimthan 14 dib lä Belc
10 conid hí side dalta nanDéisi 7 rl. add. L. '7 tra ,s rígu ln cháichad
20 om L.
The Expulsìon of the Dessì. 1 3 1
Three times nine men of the sons of Dorchu, son of Uar,
from whom are the Dál Dorchon.
Three times nine men of the sons Luigne (Lethdub) of the
Erainn, from whom are the Dál Luigni.
Fifty men of the three sons of Nuidne, son of Curoi (son
of Dáre), from whom are the Dál Nuidni.
Nine men of the three sons of Niamda (Nimde) from whom
are the Dál Niamda (Nimde).
Nine menof Loiscne (Luiscniu) sonof Cuinnia (Cmnenath),
f rom whom are the Dál Loscind (Luiscni) .
Three leeches of Ethne the Dread, from whom are the
Dál Niathlega.
Three sons of Mug Caintech (son of Cuthech), from whom
are the Dál Mogaide (Mugith) .
Three sons of Cairinne (Arme) Cerd, from whom are the
Cerdraige.1
Laemman, son of Niathach, son of Briun, 'tis he who tìrst
took hostages of the Fir Ghiir.2 He was a seer-judge.
Caechros, son of Fiach (Feice), who first pledged the
battalion of Inde (?) .
24. The three daughters of Ernbrand, Mell and Belc
and Cinniu were all three married to Crimthann, one
after another. From Mell are the Síl Mella, from Belc the
Hui Beilce. Cinniu bore Ethne only to him.
25. Now, when Cormac, after having been blinded by
Oengus, son of Artchorp, gave up his kingship, Carpre
Lifechar took the government in the place of his father.
This is what he practised every day before his father : he
would put two fìngers around the tusk-hilted sword and
1 A different account of the origin of the Cerdraige Tuilche Gossa
will be found in O'Curry's Lectnres, iii, p. 207, from LL. 320/.
2 The Fir Gair were descendants of Brecc mac Artchuirp. See
LL. 3286.
K 2
1 3 2 The Expulsioii of the Dessi.
ûaith ar belaib a athar. Is i abairt dognid1 Cormac ar a
belaib cach dia . i . dobered a da raer immun colg2 ndet 7
a mer hi3 timchul lainne in sceith. Is ed noinchoisced
sain, slaidi mui[n]ẅe Cairpre immun mBom[n] sanchan
[fo. 73 a 2] . i . do cach leith.4 Is de doloinsich3 hi crich
Lagen. O rabi6 Fiachu Sraipíẁie 7 Colla Huais7 7 Colla
Mend do Mugfdornaẅ8 riff na nDeisse9 . i . Brecc mac
Arttchuirp, rochartsat Laigen (sic) uaid10 siar for Commur
trian in tsluaig. Tuait do Chassiul do chuingid chobrad o
Oensrus. Is annsin marbais Fedelmid Clar moc hui Braichte
7 Anlathe mac Eogain i n-Etarbaine. Is de ata Carn
mBrigti ingen11 Dubthaich maic Duib maic Lugdacẁ di
Ultaib.
26. In trian iarwm doluid atuaid, hit e turcaibset inn
ingin . i . Eithni Uathac/i ino-en Crimthamw. Moalle
longsigset Os&irgi 7 Corco Laigo'i, ar it he batar ech — ech — .
Ar gabsat o Chomniur tri n-usce co Birra Lage??,, i mbatar
hi tir Osairt/e, co Heochair anair. Is de ata Ath Fothart
7 Daire Lage/i la üossairgi. Is inund aimser hi lotar12 na
Deisse for Gabruan13 7 Fene for Fid Mar 7 Fothairt14 for
Gabruan sair. Ar robatar Fothairt for longais iar
nGabran10 iar nguin Echac/t Domplen maic Carpre Lip/t-
echair do Sarniad10 m«c Cirb17 brathair Bronaich do
Fothartaib.1*
1 ba sí a brtth (sic) dogniad 2 cail^- 3 om. ' in-
rochosecht troso dani sladi muintîVe Coirpri sainchan immon Boind
di cach leith ° dolonget ° ho robíth arna ragegain 7 Condla
Hos (sic) diatat IIúi maìc Guais s diatat Mugdornse 9 [fo. 102
a 2] geognaitir rí na nDéisi l0 leg. Laigin uaidib u leg.
ingine l2 tulatar 1S Gabran u Fothart 15 Fothart iar
longis for Gabran 16 Seminaith 17 Coirpri 18 diatat Hui
Bronaich la Fotharta 7 rl.
The Expulsion of the Dessi. 133
one-finger around the boss of the shield. In that way he
was instructed to slay the people of Carpre 011 either side
of the Boyne. Hence they went into exile into the terri-
tory of Leinster. After Fiachu Sraiptine and Colla Uais
and Colla Menn of the Mugdoirn had slain the king of
the Dessi, Brecc, son of Artchorp, the nien of Leinster
drove one third of the host westward to Commur. They
sent to Cashel to ask help of Oengus. 'Tis there he killed
Fedelmid Clar, the descendant of Brigit and Anlathe, son
of Eogan, in Etarbaine. Hence is the Cairn of Brigit,
daughter of Dubthach, son of Dub, son of Lugaid, of
Ulster.1
26. Now, the third who came from the no^'th, 'tis
they that reared the maiden Ethne the Dread, the
daughter of Crimthann. The men of Ossory andthe Corco
Laigdi went into exile together, for they ....
They took land from the Meeting of the Three Waters
as far as Birr in Leinster. When they were in the land
of Ossory, as far as Eochair in the east. Hence the Ford
of the Fothairt and the Oakwood of Leinster in Ossory
are so called. At the same time the Dessi went to
Gabruan (Gabran) ancl the Féni to Fid Már and the
Fothairt to Gabruan (Gabran), in the east. For the
Fothairt were in exile in Gabruan (Gabran), after Echu
Domlen, son of Carpre Lifechar had been slain by
Sarniad (Seminaith)3 the son of Cerb, the brother of
Bronach, of the Fothairt.
1 Cf. LL. 328« : Secht maic Brigti ingine Dubthaig de Ulbaib :
Irruis, Fedlimid Clár, a quo Húi Chláre. Iss ed a charn iil i n-
Etarphainiu.
2 I can make nothing of ech — ech — .
3 He is called Seniach by Tigernach (Rer. Celt., xvii, p. 23), Sémeon
by the Four Masters, a.d. 284. In a poem in LL. 486. 50 Echu Domlén
is said to have been slain by Senioth and Sarnia :
Senioth, Sarnia, /ioco chel,
is iat romarb Eocho Domlén.
1 34 The Expidsion of the Dessi.
27. Forsluinte Dal FiachacÄ Suidge.
Semuinrige, Nechtraige, Bentraige, Odraige, Osraige,
Bruirige o Bruru mac Artharu rig Cruthni, Sordraige,
Latraige, Carraige, Gabraige, Cairige, Mentrige, Rotraige,
Rudraige, Blairige, Ranrige, Luidrige . i . fer luid hi sid,
Callraige . iii . maic, Bodraige, Lubentraige, Crobentraige,
Corco Che, Corco Ainige, Corco Ditheeh, Dal Mechoin,
T>ál Mathrac/í, Dál Maigne, Dál Luigne, T)äl Me?icuirp,
Dal nlnidse, Däl nUidne, Dál nDorchon, Dorchu mac
Linne, Dál Luiscne. Hit he insin dia ngairíer Deisse . i .
ar dihuaise nó ar diahuaise . i . ar immad al-lamdia, nó ar
huaise nô ar deisse nô ar diuisse nó ar gaire ind inaid
asrogeinset nó ara ndifisse, a.maü ata a tuirim 7 a taiririud
7 a toirge la cac/ì. Teora bliadwa frichat o doludsat1 na
Deisse o Themaî'r co tucsat Lagin dorair doib f or Gabruan2
7 for Commur3 Tri nUsci iar maidm secht catha foi-thu.4
1 dolotar - Gabrán 3 7 Chommor 4 forsna Déisi 7 rl.
( end of Land).
The Expnlsion of the Dessi. 135
27. The b^^-names1 of the Divisions of Fiachu Suidge.
Semuinrige, Nechtraige, Bentraige, Odraige, Osraige,
Bruirige from Bruru, son of Artharu, king of the Picts,
Sordraige, Latraige, Carraige, Grabraige, Cairige, Mentrige,
Eotrige, Eudraige, Blairige, Eanrige, Luidrige (viz. a man
whowentinto an elfmound),Callraige (threesons),Bodraige,
Lubentraige, Crobentraige, Corco Che,2 Corco Ainige,
Corco Dithech, Dál Mechoin, Dál Mathrach, Dál Maigne,
Dál Luigne, Dál Menchuirp, Dál nTnidse, Dál nUidne, Dál
nDorchon (Dorchú mac Linne), Dál Luiscne. These they
are who are called Dessi, for their great nobleness3 or for
the nobleness of their gods, i.e. for the nuniber of their
idols, or for their skilfulness, or for their great justice,
or for their love of the place in which they were born, or
for their great celebrit}r, since their expedition and their
wanderings and their marchings are known to every one.
It was thirty-three years after the Dessi went from Tara
that the men of Leinster gave them battle at Gabruan and
at the Meeting of the Three Waters, after having routed
the Dessi in seven battles.
1 forslondufl ' over-name,' as distinguislied from prím-slondud
(LL. 312«). Cf. dá prím-acmi déc do Ernaib 7 cethri f orslointe fichet
. i . dá forslonnud cach aicme, LL. 324í?.
- Cf. De Chorco Che, LL. 327e.
3 These are etymological speculations 011 the name of Déssi.
By j. arthur price, b.a.
Introduction.
More than one Welshman has asked me whether it would
be not as sensible to write on the snakes of' Iceland as on
the Jacobites of Wales. The idea that underlies this
remark maj be unhistorical, but it illustrates the difficultj
of the inquirj to which this paper is a feeble contribution.
The religious revival of the eighteenth centurj in Wales
turned Welshmen's thoughts in a direction far awaj from
the cult of "the White Eose of Arno," (David Morgan's
poetical name for Prince Charlie) and Welsh Jacobitism
is to-daj so extinct a tradition, that it does not seem
absurd to question its verj existence.
That Wales in the eighteenth centurj was far more
Jacobite in political sentiment than was England is a fact
which to those who have studied the question must
nevertheless seem indisputable. To those, whom ignor-
ance makes sceptical, I maj recall a few facts. The
greatest test of a political faith is its constancj to
death. Even after Culloden there still lived, as the
pages of Redgauntlet show, in the hearts of the faithful
few a hope of aid for the Prince from the land of
Wales, where the names Cavalier and Roundhead were
still in common parlance as partj names. And the
hope was not without some foundation. As late as 1751
an almanac that found its waj into the peasant farms of
Wales, preached treason to the powers that were, in the
Side Lights 011 Welsh Jacobitism. 137
following verses, the homage of a Welsh Eedgauntlet to
the clying Rose : —
(Almanac, Sion Prys, 1751.)
" Y peth a haeddeu ei ystyried yn fwyaf arbenig yn y flwyddyn hon
yw Diffygiadeu'r Lleuad ar peth i maent yn ei arwyddo : ni feiddiaf
moi egluro, ond mewn Heroglyphîcs ar ol athrawiaeth un Michael
Nostradamus.
" Llid yw affaith lliw'r Diftyg — ei Frydain
Afrwydd-deb a Dirmig
H .... f .... d, ddwfn Ryfig
O lwynau Diawl a luniodd y dig.
" Boed enwog eurog ei Siar-las wrol
Lwys arail ddigymmar,
St . . . r . . . d hynaws diwar
Ein Tywysog bach, tofia ei bar."1
Perchance, even then, there were Welshmen who went
an inch beyond the homage of wine and song. We know
now, thanks to Mr. Andrew Lang's researches, that the
picture of the collapse of Jacobitisni in the fìasco of the
rebellion, portrayed in the last chapters of Redgauntlet,
depicts in its main details an over true scene. Readers of
these chapters will remember Sqnire Meredyth and his
Shakesperian Welsh.
Of the strength of Welsh Jacobitism at an earlier period
there can be no question.
In the '45 the two most dangerous men South of the
Tweed, in the opinion of English Whigs, were Sir Watkin
Wynn (the Brutus of Charles Edward's correspondence) and
1 I would suggest the following as a free English rendering of the
above. " The changes in the Moon and what they portend call for
especial note this year. I dare not explain them except through
hieroglyphics according to the doctrine of Nostradamus." " The hue
of the eclipse of the moon portends wrath, disquiet, and scorn. The
blasphemous Hanoverians, born of the , have brought on this
feeling of wrath. May the brave Charles, unrivalled in grace, be
glorious and crowned with gold, O Stuart, guileless and kindly,
our dear Prince, tame their unruly ways."
138 Side Lights 011 Welsh Jacobitism.
the Duke of Beaufort, and they were both Welsh land-
owners. The Cycle Club in Denbighshire, which was
closely associated with the Wynn family, and existed down
to our own day, was without doubt at one period an im-
portant political organisation, and there is no doubt some
truth in the story, that Chambers, in his History of the
Rebellion in 1745 (vol. i, p. 272 et post), tells us on the
authority of a Welsh friend, that at the time when the
Highland hosts turned back on Derby a number of Welsh
Squires were riding hard to join Prince Charlie's banner,
and only turned back when they heard of the retreat, and
that ever after " he was of the company most accounted,
who had ridden furthest on the way."
Now, if the sceptic still insists that such facts as those
that I have mentioned, only prove the sentiments of the
Welsh aristocracy and Bards, it is only necessary to refer
him to the curious facts relating to the Jacobitism of the
lower orders in Wales, collected in Mr. Hobson Matthews'
recent collection of Cardiff documents, thoug-h, perhaps, an
even strong-er proof is furnished by the savage riot with
which the miners of Rhôs g-reeted the accession of the House
of Brunsvvick to the Engiish throne. Welsh Jacobitisni
being*, then, an unquestioned fact, it is surely time to study
its history before the disappearance of documents and the
failure of tradition render the work impossible.
Pabt II.
Sir Watkin and David Moegan.
To Welshmen the two most interesting things in con-
nection with the '45 are the waiting of Sir Watkin Wynn
and the fate of David Morgan.
On the fìrst point I can now say little, though I hope
on another occasion to return to the subject.
Side Lights on Welsh Jacobitism. T39
Two facts about Sir Watkin's attitude we know withont
dispute. As the Highland host entered England they
received a inessage to the effect that Sir Watlrin had been
with the citizens of London, whom he found as well
disposed as ever to treat with the Prince. " The Elector of
Hanover and his Ministry's interests decline so fast that
Sir Watldn says nobody now will accept of their places
and employments, which throws them into the greatest
distraction " (Ewald's Life of Prince Ghavles Edward Stuart,
p. 181 ; Wales, 1894, p. 19). And we know also that the
Prince wrote in after days to his father: " Mr. Barry
arrived at Derby two days after I parted. He had been
sent by Sir Watkin Wynn and Lord Barrymore to assure
me, in the name of my friends, that they were ready to join
me in whatever manner I pleased, either in the capital or
everyone to rise in his own country" (Stanhope's History
of England, vol. ii, p. 415).
So much for undisputed facts ; but on these facts two
different conclusions are formed. Mr. Andrew Lang, who
is uncpiestionably the highest living authority 011 Jacobite
history, considers Sir Watkin's Jacobitism, like that of
many English Peers, to have been of the Platonic order,
that abstained deliberately from taking any practical step
until the day after the fair. The other view, which is put
forward in that charming story, For the White Rose of
Arno, is that Sir Watkin and his friends were ready to
take up arms, and actually despatched a messenger to the
Prmce, as soon as he entered England. This messenger,
according to the story, had the bad luck to get intercepted.
Thus, when the Highland chief s at Derby offered to continue
the advance if the Prince could produce a letter from a
single nobleman or gentleman in England or Wales
f avourable to his cause, Sir Watkin had already written.
The despatch of Barry was on this view a second attempt
140 Side Lights 011 Welsh Jacobitism.
to get into communication with the Prince. Certainly
the story that many Welsh gentlernen were riding to
join the army which I have mentioned, also seems
to show that Sir Watkin was ready and in earnest.
There are, so far as I have as yet been able to learn,
no documents in existence that throw much light on
the subject one way or the other; the story indeed
is that on the retreat of the Prince, Lady Wynn burnt
all the papers that would have incriminated her husband,
his friends of the Cycle, and in fact most of the
Gentlemen of North Wales.1 It is at least a significant
fact that the Prince, in the Council at Derby, when the
chiefs refused to continue the advance on London, is said
to have vainly suggested that in place of retreating on
Scotland, the army should march through Wales.
With regard to David Morgan, I am in a position to
add something to what is generally known. Up to the
present time, the chief authority for the life of that
unfortunate Welshman has been the biographical sketch
by Llewellin, and the record of his fate in the State
Trials. For readers who are not accjuainted with
Llewellin's Memoirs (published at Tenby 1862), I may,
perhaps, here reprint a summary of Morgan's early life,
taken from that work.
"The most energetic of all the Jacobites of the South"
(i.e. South Wales) " was Thomas David Morgan, Barrister-
at-Law, of Pen-y-Graig and Coed-y-Gorres. David Morgan
was a scion of the house of Tredegar, and so the blood of
Ivor Hael ran in his veins. His father was Thomas
Morgan, who in 1682 was under-sheriff of the county of
Glamorgan. His mother, from whom he probably in-
1 This story was told to my informant by the late Mr. Wynne, of
Peniarth. It is stated that the day after the burning of the papers
the soldiers arrived and ransacked Wynnstay for documents.
Side Lights on Welsh Jacobitism. 141
herited Pen-y-Graig, was the daughter of üavid Mathew,
of Llandaff, bj his wife Joan, the daughter of Sir Edward
Stradling. He was also first cousin of Admiral Mathews,
member of Parliament for Glamorganshire. His wife
appears to have been a London lady, and through her he
seems to have acquired a considerable leasehold property
at Shoreditch. He was a prominent member of a Club
known as the ' Independent Electors of Westminster,'
which was largely frequented by the magnates of the city.
In the opinion of the author of a disgraceful pamphlet
written after his death, and put in the form of a speech
by his g'host to the members of this Club,1 allthe members
foniented the insurrection for which the unlucky Welsh-
man alone died. Two interesting facts in connection with
Morgan's relations with this Club the pamphleteer has
also preserved. He had an intimate friend in a Welsh
Squire of Bedford Street (whom I have failed to identify),
and he entirely devoted his attention to the ' High
Church ' party, whom he sought to convince that the
Church had everything to gain by a Stuart Restoration.
It also appears from the same source that he rejoiced
warmly at Walpole's fall."
Horace Walpole sums up Morgan as a "poetical
lawyer." And it is not surprising if his muse found a
theme in the f all of Walpole, the great enemy of the Stuart
cause. Mr. Ballinger, the Librarian of the Cardiff Eree
Library, has shown me a printed poeui which is ascribed
to Morgan. It is not of great merit, though there are
occasional flashes of powerful satire. It is in the main
taken up with a denunciation of Walpole's pacifìc policy,
and would mark the author if he were living in these days
as a strong Imperialist. In his prophetic frenzy he almost
1 The pamphlet is at the British Mviseum.
142 Side Lights on Welsh Jacobitism.
foresees the coming triumphs of Chatham's administration.
It is dated 1739, entitled the Country Barcl, and dedicated
to Frederick, Prince of Wales. I give the commencement
and conclusion : —
1 . " Since Monarchs by Prerogative are wise,
How daring the Presumption to advise !
How idly wild our Compliments to pay !
They have the highest made them every day ;
5. Censure e.rcdted natures can't endure,
Censure is Satyr, and too rough a cure.
To compliment, advise, or censure them,
Hence seems an awkward and imprudent scheme,
Nor is it less a misdemeanour held,
10. Rashly to say the hnight hath not e.rceWd.
Since it prevails in spite of Common Sense,
Whoever hits the Courtier wounds the Prince.
A Prince not much in Politicks refin'd,
When to a Courtiers little Arts resign'd ;
15. When grown the Property of sycophants,
That know no candour, and abound in wants.
Laymen and Priests at C 1 all sympathize,
Their Incense Flattery, Truth their Sacrifice.
The haughtiest P te, and the prouclest P r,
20. Obsequious cringe with low Obeisance here."
* * #
401 . " If Virtue can divert the Storms of Fate,
Let our few Patriots save our sinking State.
Our P[r]ay'rs are heard, arm Britons, scour the
Main,
A few Broadsides shall humble haughty Spain.
405. See dawning Hope creaks on us from afar,
Too long obscur'd in Peace, declares for War.
Bright she advances from yon azure Sky,
Big with success, and fraught with Victory.
Resume your Spirit, Britons, arm again,
410. Heav'n will support us, if we act like Men."
The two following MS. poems in the Cardiff Free
Library, the one a circuit song, the other a sarcastic poem
on the marriage of a young vicar-choral of Llandaff
Cathedral with an old lady, are more interesting.
Side Lights on Welsh Jacobitism. 143
The latter, in particular, throws an interesting light on
the condition of the Church as seen from the eyes of a
sympathetic High Churchman in the middle of the
eighteenth century.
"To the Bare on the Welsh Circuit.
" By COUNSELLOR ÜAVID MoRGAN. x
I
" Friends ! frankly I send you my Thoughts,
To my Ballad give Ear ;
I promise it free'er from Faults
Then this here and that there.2
2
" O Wales ! how unhappy thy Fate,
Beyond doubt it's severe ;
Thy Judges, the Farce of the State,
Are thìs here and that there.
3
" Which of them is worst, or is best,
The moot Question forbear ;
Poor Creatures, by all its confest,
Are this here and that there.
4
" This here, what a formal dull Fool !
That there what a Bear !
All Ministers have a sure tool,
Tn this here and that there.
5
" Wliat a Void and a Chaos of Mind,
In their judgment appear !
To Justice and Candour stark blind
Are this here and that there.
6
" When obvious Point tliey'd explain,
They puzzle what's clear ;
All they say, and more than they mean,
Are this here aud that there.
From Ph. MSS., No. 14970. 2 Judges Carter and Proctor.
144 Side Lights on Welsh Jacobitism.
7
" To say, woulcì be wickedly odd,
And so like a clamn'cl sneer,
That such were the Image of God,
As this here and that there.
8
" I'll no more in your Circuit regale,
My Companions so dear ;
But Cambria's hard Fate will bewail,
In this here and that there."
" On Miss Maddoces, afterwards Mrs. Price,
of Landaff.
By CoUNSELLOR MOEGAN. l
" Ilannah, some years ago a Toast,
By Justice Sly* admir'd,
For Shape and Features then could boast,
Her Eyes all youths set fire ;
Genteel and easy is her Air,
She learn'd of Lady Betty,
Still of her years a clever Fair,
And justly too thought pretty.
2
" Long had she liv'd a maid, 'twas hard,
To man a perfect Stranger ;
Time had her Frame somewhat impair'd,
Her charms were in some danger ;
Pensive one morn the maid reflects,
Lord ! what have I been doing ?
I have some beauties of the Sex,
They're surely worth the wooing.
3
" My Eyes preserve their Lusti-e still,
No mortal can deny it ;
Resolv'd I am, marry I will,
If there be Joys, I'll try it ;
1 From Ph. MSS. No. 14970. a Mr. Powel, of Eneyslyn.
Side Lights on Welsh Jacobitism. 145
Then straight her Eyes with Lustre glow'd,
No Lightning e'er flashed quicker ;
They roll'd at Prayers, that from the Pew
Struck thro' the Choral Vicar.'
" The Vicar soon disclos'd his Love,
Supported well by Grany,
At Fifty Hannah he did move,
Tho' clogg'd with Children many :
Marry she must, Fate had ordaiu'd,
'Gainst all her Friends' Persuasion :
Nought else could please, 'twas all in vain,
Her Parts in Agitation."
" Made to her Brother, who married a good Fortune in London,
which he spent in entertaining Sir Robert Walpole and other great
men in espectation of a Bishoprick.
" Our Brother does much assume
At Hannah's Indiscretion ;
O ! Brother George, look once at Home,
You'U see as odd a Passion ;
Twelve hundred Pounds, quoth George, she's mad,
To Choral Vicar given ;
While he twelve thousand pounds has had,
Priests marry sure in Heaven."
The account of tlie part played by David Morgan in
the '45, alike in Llewellin's Memoirs and in the Wliite Rose
of Arno, is drawn f roni the proceedings against him in the
State Trials (vol. xviii, pp. 371-394). Two facts of im-
portance have also been added by Llewellin, the local
tradition of his talk with the smith at Efail Llancaiach,
when starting on the fatal expedition, and his remark to
Vaughair 011 the fìrst day of the retreat from Derby, when
the latter declared that whereyer the arniy went he was
1 Mr. Price.
2 There were two of the Court-field Vaughans out in the '45,
William and Richard. See article on William Vaughan, Dictionary
of National Bioyraphy, vol. lviii, 187.
L
146 Side Lights on Welsh Jacobitism.
determined to go with them, which is taken from Lord
Elcho's Memoirs.
The report of the trial shews that David Morgan, in
company with a friend, joined the Jacobite army at
Preston, and accompanied them as a volunteer to Derby,
taking a prominent part in arranging the plans of the cam-
paign, and being known as the " Pretender's counsellor ",
that he followed their retreat to Ashburne, where he left
them and proceeded to Stone, where he was arrested on
suspicion. He was finally, as is well known, executed
at Rennington Common, on July 30th, 1746.
The briefs of the counsel engaged in the prosecu-
tion of the Jacobite prisoners are, however, preserved
in the British Museum, and from a study of the brief
relating to David Morgan, I am enabled to throw
considerably fresh light alike 011 his journey to join the
Prince's army, and on the position held by him in the
army after he had joined it.
The evidence of John Barry (or Berry) occupies only
seventeen lines in the State Trials report, and as to the
unlucky ride of Morgan to Preston, he merely states that
he came out of Monmouthshire with his Master and " the
defendant," and that they joined the Prince's army at
Preston. The proof, however, of John Barry in the brief
enables us to follow Morgan and his friend throughout
their journey. The proof, which is of suflîcient import-
ance for a full transcription, is as follows : —
"That he (Barry) was servant to Mr. William Vaughan in Mon-
mouthshire, and in the beginning of November, last" (of course 1745),
" his master told him that he was going a-shooting at Mr. Berkeley's
of Speechly in Worcestershire, and bid him get a couple of fowling
pieces and the spaniels ready in the morning, and they went to
Mr. Berkeley's and stayed there one night, and then his master met
with the defendant Morgan, and from thence his master and Mr.
Morgan went to Mr. FitzHerbert's house in Staffbrdshire, and stayed
Side Lights ou Welsh Jacobitism. 147
there one night, and then went to a gentleman's house near Leigh, in
Lancashire — but floes not remember his name — and stayed there
two nights. And then went to Preston, and stayed there all the night
before the rebels came, and he says he and Mr. Morgan's servant were
ordered by their masters to take the horses to Walton (about a mile
north of Preston), and in case any of the rebels came that way, then
they were to take the horses to a village four miles further off. And
that about 10 or 11 o'clock the said Vaughan and Morgan came to the
house, where witness and the other servant were with the horses,
stay'd there all night and walhed back to Preston the next morning,
and directed the witness and the other servant to stay where they
were till they came again. And they came again about 10 o'clock
tbe second night, and the next morning directed the witness and the
other servant to take the portmanteau and horses and go to Leigh
aforesaid ; but to wait in the road a little way short of Leigh, till
they were corae to them. And about 4 o'clock in the afternoon he
said Vaughan and Morgan came to them, with each a white cockade
in his hat, and then went to the same gentleman's house at Leigh
where they had been and lay there that night ; and next morning
they went to Manchester with the said cochades in their hats and
put up at a constable's house behind a church, but does not know
the name, and he attended his master at supper the second night he
lay there. And there were there the said Mr. Vaughan, Mr. Morgan,
and Mr. Murray, the Secretary to the young Pretender, at supper to-
gether. And he heard Mr. Morgan call him Mr. Murray. And he
saw Mr. Murray go in and out of the said house, where Vaughan and
Morgan lodged, several times. And he says his master and defendant
Morgan joined the young Pretender's life guards, under the eommand
of Lord Elcho, and rode with them from Manchester to Derby, and
his master gave him two guns to carry from Manchester to Derby.
And he says, when the rebels went back to Manchester, his time
being out with his master, he left him there. As he was going,"
he concludes " he was taken up and committed to gaol."
These statements clear up several points of cloubt in
Morgan's story. In the first place they show that Morgan
did not, as I thought probable (Wales, 1894, p. 20),
proceed through North Wales or visit Sir Watkin on his
journey, and therefore relegates some interestinp; chapters
in the Wliite Rose of Amo to the region of fiction.
In whatever negotiations, therefore, Sir Watkin may
have been carrying on with the Prince at this juncture,
148 Side Lights on Welsh Jacobitism.
Morgan played no part. It also clears up the f urther point
as to the companion of Morgan's ride. It has been always
supposed that it was one of the two Vaug-hans, and the
proof makes it clear that it was William and not Richard.
How or when Richard Vaughan joined the Jacobite army
there is, so far as I know, no evidence. The remaining
proofs relate to the action of Morgan after he had joined
the Jacobites, and throw a considerable light on the part
played by him in the campaign.
Most important on this matter is the proof of Samuel
Maddock or Maddox, the informer on whose evidence
Morgan was mainly convicted. Maddox, as the chief
witness for the Crown, was naturally examined at con-
siderable length ; and I do not think that any purpose would
be served by repeating here such parts of his evidence as
appear in the State Trials.
Maddox's evidence at the trial and his statement in the
proof, however, contain an apparent discrepancy on a
small point to which attention may be drawn. In the
report (p. 374) the informer is fìrst asked when he saw
the prisoner, and he replied at Manchester. He is next
asked " Did he march away from Manchester with the
rebels? " and replies : " He marched with them to Deeby,
and there being an inforinationgiven that some arms were
secreted from the rebels, he gave orders for a party of the
rebel army to go and search for them." Being asked
whether the prisoner went with the party, he adds not to
his knowledge, and states that he saw " Captain James
Dawson " (whose trag'ic fate Sherstone has told in verse),
" deliver him a pair of pistols." In the proof, however,
Maddox states that the search for arms took place at
Manchester. The proof on this point is as follows :
" When the rebels came to Manchester he " (Maddox)
" saw the Defendant among them with a white cockade in
Sicie Lights on Welsh Jacobitism. 149
his hat, and he was reported the chief man in getting
from the Pretender's son press warrants " to seize horses
and arms." The proof proceeds to state how inforination
was given to the ofncers of the Manchester regiment of
the place to which a certain Justice Drinckenfìeld had fled
with a large quantit y of arms, and then Morgan obtained
a warrant from the Prince to send a fìle of Highland
soldiers and Lord Pitsligo (the old Scottish Cavalier of
Aytoun's lays) in a fruitless search after liim. The dis-
crepancy between the proof and the evidence in the report
will not perhaps strike a lawyer as serious, since it is not
impossible that Morgun, as a matter of fact, may have
been engaged in superintending a search for arms at
Derby as well as at Manchester. At the same tiine, the
statement in the proof is interesting, since it makes it clear
that immediately 011 his joining the army, Morgan took
a leading position. The rest of the proof is certainly
worth trauscription, as it very considerably amplifìes,
though it does not contradict, Maddox's evidence in the
report.
" And the witness afterwards frequently saw the defendant upon
the march with the Rebels from Manchesterto Derby armed with a
brace of pistols and a broad sword and " (he) " had a white cochade,
And in the retreat to Ashburn the defendant came to the house
where the Manchester officers were quartered. where Cajjt. Dawson of
the Manchester Regiment gave him a brace of pistols. And then the
said defendant left the Army. This Witness heard the defendant say
that he had the offer of the Manchester Regiment made him by the
young Pretender, but he refused it, notbeing a military man. That
the defendant was generally with the young Pretender at nights, and
lodged in the same quarters with him. And that he acted as spy for
the rebel army in obseiwing tlie Duke's (i.e., the Duke of Cumberland)
Army. And further, that while the Rebels were at Manchester, the
defendant met Mr. Prancis Townley, Peter Moss, Jas. Dawson, George
Fletcher, James Bradshaw, Thomas Furnival, all at Mr. Cookson's,
the sign of the Dog in Manchester. And the said defendant proposed
tlie raising of a regiment for tlie said Pretender, to whieh proposal all
150 Side Lights on Welsh Jacobitism.
present agreed. And all of them having white cochades in their hats.
And then the company considered which should have the command
of the resriment, and after a short consultation ofì'ered the command
to the defendant ; but he thanked them, and desired to be excused,
saying he did not understand military discipline well enough to take
so large a command upon him. And said that Mr. Townley had
been in the French service and understood the military discipline
much better than he. Whereupon Mr. Townley was named Colonel.
And he set his name tlown in a paper fìrst as Colonel. And the rest
set down their names with title of rank in the said regiment. And
then the defendant took the list away with him to the Pretender,
and promised to furnish them arms, antl then ordered a drummer
about the town to beat up for volunteers."
The remaining proof in the brief is that of the witness,
Eclward How, who was Morgan's landlord at Derby. The
evidence in the report is in the main similar to that in the
proof — but as the latter is short, and throws considerable
light on the geniality of Morgan's character, E give it in
full :—
"This witness says the defendant and about twenty other rebels,
eight of whom were officers, were quartered in his house at Derby
when the rebel army was there, and defendant told him that these
eight officers were not come to live upon him or anybody else, for
they would pay for what they had. And he saitl the defendant
appeared to be the chiefest person of those quartered at his house,
and gave all the directions for providing for their entertain-
ment and the witness a guinea and three shillings for such enter-
tainment of himself and the other rebels, and sayd he payd him like a
gentleman. And says defendant was then publicly called and re-
ported to be the prince's, meaning the young Pretender's, counsellor.
The witness having seen the prisoner in Newgate " (this must have
been of course after Morgan's arrest) "who told the witness he would
come to Derby and see him again in spight of King George, and all the
people in the world, or to that purpose, and he saw the defendant
frequently go to the Pretender's lodging-house and never appeared to
be under any restraint while he was at Derby."
There exists no proof of the evidence of the other
Crown witnesses against Morgan, whose testimony appears
in the reports, Edward Tew, of Preston, who gaveevidence
as to Morgan's conversation with Lord Elcho at the
Sicíe Lights on Welsh Jacobitism. 151
Joiners' Arms, Preston, Benjamin Bowker, the deputy
constable at Manchester, who gave evidence as to the
warrant which Esquire Morgan gave him to search for
arms in the town, and Captain Vere, the Hanoverian officer,
who seems to have been practically a military spy. In
drawing any conclusions from these proofs, it should of
course be remembered that the evidence it affords is in a
sense tainted by the character of most of the deponents.
Reading them, however, in connection with the report of this
and the other Jacobite trials, and making all allowances,
they at least establish the fact that David Morgan was
unquestionably one of the prime movers in the rebellion
of '45 : and that no man outside the circle of Scotch
adherents and French and Irish officers possessed greater
infiuence with the Prince.
The result would seem to be that Welshmen may claim,
in this country-man, the most active of the Prince's
southern adherents, and more, the one man whose advice, if
followed, niig'ht have placed the Prince in St. James'
Palace.
A Whig School-boy.
I may conclude this paper with certain Latin verses
on Culloden, by a Whig Welsh school-boy (or at least a
boy educated at Cowbridge school) shortly after the battle,
composed, no doubt, with a view of obtaining a half-
holiday for the school. The poem is here printed exactly
as it was written. The author must be responsible for
the syntax. For these verses I am indebted to my friend,
the present Head-Master of that ancient school.
" Georgides, yictae procubuere metu.
" Reppulit, inque fugam trepidas dare terga coegit,
Vertit in auctores saevaque bella suos.
Qui modo terrebat minitans, nunc dicere causam
Cogitur, et legum subdere colla jugo.
152 Side Lights on Welsh Jacobitism.
Sic erat in fatis ; sic inconsulta ruit vis,
Praecipitans fatum saepe sinistra suum.
Spes ubinunc, Ludovice, tuae vocesque, minaeq ?l
Ula ubi Brunsviciae certa ruina domûs ?
Si nescis, domus haec humanis altuis ortum
Traxit, et e coelis, uncle perennet habet.
Italus Angliacas regeret peregrinus habenas,
Brunsviciâ regeret sceptra gerenda manu ?
Deinens, illa tibi quando sperare. tuisque
Ausus es, hunc aleret cum Domus ista Ducem ?
Quid parat ille tibi campo monstravit in illo,
Spes ubi Scotorum, spes tua fracta jacet.
Scoticae eum pavidae videre in montibus Alpes
Tendere. et in summis poenere- castra jugis.
Non illum montes, non illum sistere possunt
Flumina, nix et Iliems, diffìcilesque viae.
Et levis est, leviorque avium pernicibus alis,
Cunctantes linquit post sua terga duces.
Nec mora longa fuit, Cyclopum allabitur oris ;
Monticolis solo nomine terror errat.3
Hirta illis mens est, et corporis aemula, qualis
Et decet agrestes, monticolasque decet.
Et credas, scopulorum instar, traxisse rigorem,
Mens adeo est illis effera, mensque ferox.
Barbara gens tota est, effraenaque, et horrida et exlex,
Sive homines mavis dicere, sive feras.
Aspice Monticolam ; Dii talem avertite pestem !
Impya Styx illo nil, puto, pejus habet.
Arma dedit rabies, quaetrux Polyphemus, et ingens
Sidera qui fulcit, ferre recuset, Atlas.
Lumborumque tenus falcatus acinace largo est ;
Hoc fuit Aetnaei munus opusque fabri.
Et capite a summo totus jam ferreus ille est ;
Visus et ingenti mole Colossus erat.
Tum nova turmatim videas erumpere monstra,
Aetneos fratres Nubigenasque truces ;
Tullibardinos, Glenbuckettosque rebelles,
Totque alios scelerum perfidiaeque duces.
Quo vos, quo belli rabies, furiaeque, scelesti,
Praecipitant ? scelerum terror, et ultor adest.
quare mmaeque. 2 queere ponere. 3 qucere, erat.
Side Lights on Welsh Jacobitism. 153
Nec mora ; Georgidem venientem fulminis instar,
Quem non posse putat Scotus adesse, videt.
Stant acies : dant signa tubae : concurritur, et mox
florruit Angliacum barbara turba Ducem.
Emicat ante alios Miles spectandus in hostem
Regius, in primâ proeha fronte ciens.
Quî vigor oris erat ? qualis pugnantis Imagi > ?
Aut Mars, aut certe Martis Imago fuit.
Dimicat, et totum castris Dux exuit hostem,
Omniaque ingenti csede fugâque replet.
Vicini montes, vicini sanguine valles,
Et procul hinc late sanguine terra rubet.
Sic quatit attonitos, sic fulmen vibrat in illos,
Ut dextrâ credas fulmina missa Jovis.
Factî certa tìdes ; perierunt millia quinque ;
Ipsa facit caedes Cullodenana fidem."
G. Simpsox, Péinter, Devizes.
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Tales, by Professor Rhys ; A Celto-Stavo?iic Suffix, by Professor
Henri Gaidoz; A Cywydd to Sir Edward Sirad/ing and Dr. John
David Rhys (Mairig Davydd ai kant) ; A Historical Poem by Iolo
Goch ; Welsh Folk-Lore, Reviews of Books, etc.
Volume V.
Contents: — Thc Necessity of Teaching English through the
Medium of Welsh, by the Rev. D. Jones Davies, M.A. ; What
Gover?i??ie?it is doingfor the Teaching of Irish, by Professor Powel,
M.A. ; The late Sir Hugh Owen, by Lewis Morris, M.A. ; Welsh
Fairy Tales, by Proíessor Rhys ; Morwynion Glân Meirionydd
(translated by H. W. Lloyd) ; Professor Rhys on Welsh Antiçuities
and Fairy Tales ; Dinas Pe?imae?i or Pe?imae?i?nawr, a Druidicat
Tc??ip/e before being a British Fortress, by Clara P. ; Names of
Printers and Pîcbiishers of Welsh Boofcs, by Bernard Çjuaritch ; The
Legend of the Oldest Ani??ials, by Professor E. B. Cowell ; The
Delimitation of the English and Welsh Languages, by Alex. J.
Ellis, F.R.S. ; The Ancient Ethnology of Wales, by Professor W.
Boyd Dawkins ; The Weishman of English Litcrature, by David
Lewis; The Eisteddfod and Popular Musicin Wales, by J. Spencer
Curwen ; Reviews of Books, Notes and Queries.
Volume VI.
Contents : — The Metalliferous Deposits of Flintshire and
Denbighshire, by D. C. Davies, F.G.S. ; Welsh Hymnology, hy the
Rev. W. Glanffrwd Thomas ; A Cornish Song (Kân Kerniw) ; A
Poeni by Iolo Goch (translated by H. W. Lloyd) ; The Etimology of
thc Welsh Race, by the Most Hon. the Marquess of Bute, K.T. ;
The Treaù?icnt of E?iglish Borrowcd Words i?i Colloçuial Welsh,
by Professor Powel, M.A. ; A Progress thi'ough Wales i?i the 17 th
Ce?itury, by David Lewis ; Welsh Fairy Tales, by Professor Rhys ;
Reviews of Books, Notes and Queries.
Volume VII.
Contents : — A?ierchiad, gan Gwilym Hiraethog ; A Co??ipariso?i
of so??ie Sanshrit a?id Celtic Words, by the Rev. John Davies, M.A. ;
Thc Lege?id of Lly?i Lly?iclys, by the Rev. W. Watkins, M.A.;
Foik-Lore—Highla?id Paraílc/s to Welsh Popular Ta/es, etc;
Notes o?i Ce'ftic Pho?iology, by Professor Rhys; The Royal
Ca?nbria?i Acade??iy of Art, by T. H. Thomas, R.C.A. ; A Frag??icnt
fro??t He?igwrt MS. No. 202, and Facsiìnites of C/assica/ We/sh
MSS., by Ègerton Phillimore, M.A. ; Historicat Poe??is, by Iorwerth
Vy?iglwyd, by Professor Powel, M.A. ; A?ig/csea Folk-Lore, by
W. W. Cobb, M.A. ; Ear/y We/sh Mila?iese Literature, by Professor
F. T. Palgrave; Reviews, Notes and Queries, etc.
Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion.
Volume VIII.
Contents : — Race and Nationality, by Isambard Owen, M.A.,
M.D. ; Notes on the Life of St. David, by Howel W. Lloyd, M.A. ;
Selection of Welsh Poeiry, by Iago ab Dewi ; Sir William Jones as
Linguist a?id Author, by the Rev. John Davies, M.A. ; Pedigrees
from Jesus College MS. 20, by Egerton Phillimore and J. Gwenogfryn
Evans; Obseruations on the Welsh Pronou?is, by Max Nettlau,
Ph.D., with notes by Professor Rhys ; Ebostol y Sut, by Professor
Powel, M.A. ; Ancient Welsh Wofds, by T. W. Hancocü; Reviews
and Notices, Reports, etc.
Volume IX.
Contents :— Selection of Welsh Poetry, by Iago ab Dewi; The
Personal Name-System in Old Welsh, by J. E. Lloyd, M.A. ; On
the Circular Huts (Cyttiau'r Gwyddelod) and their Inhabitants, by
the Rev. Elias Owen, M.A. ; The Annales Ca?nbrio2 a?id Old Welsh
Ge?teaiogies from Harleia?i MS. 3859, byEgerton Phillimore, M.A. ;
The Welsh Shires, by Professor Tout, M.A. ; Old Welsh Folk-
Medici?te, by E. Sidney Hartland; Observatio?ts o?i the Welsh
Notms, etc, by Max Nettlau, Ph.D. ; Extracts fro?n Hc?igwrt MS.
34, edited by J. Gwenogfryn Evans ; The Possibilities of Welsh
Music, by Joseph Bennett ; A?i U?ipublished Welsh Frag??ient, by
Egerton Phillimore, M.A. ; Reviews, Notes and Queries, etc.
Volume X.
Contents : — Co??iparative Notes to the Mabi?iogio?i, by Professor
Henri Gaidoz ; Notes on the Early History of Ba?igor Is y Cocd,
and Welsh Settle?ne?its East of Offds Dyke durittg the 1 \th Ce?itury,
by Alfred Neobard Palmer; Some Mi?ior Welsh Poets of the
Georgia?t Era (\ 7^4.-^830), byRichardWilliams, F.R.H.S.; Professor
Hoff??ia?m a?id Sir Wuîiam Jo?ies, by the Rev. John Davies, M.A. ;
Welsh Pedigrees, by Henry F. J. Vaughan, B.A. ; The Public
Records Relati?tg to Wales, by Richard Arthur Roberts ; The Lege?id
of Ki?tg Biadua,by the Rev. Professor Sayce, M.A., LL.D.; Selectio?i
of Welsh Poetry, by Iago ab Dewi (concluded).
Volume XI.
Contents:— The Preservatio?i of A?icie?it Mo?iu?nc?its i?i Wales,
by J. Romilly Allen, F.S.A. (Scot.); Welsh Place Names, by J. E.
Lloyd, M.A., with Notes by Egerton Phillimore, M.A. ; The Settle-
?ne?it of Britta?iy, by Wm. Edwards, M.A. (with Notes by Egerton
Phillimore, M.A.) ; The True Objects of Welsh Archaotogy, by J.
W. Willis Bund, F.S.A. (with Notes by Egerton Phillimore, M.A.) ;
The P?iblicatio?i of Welsh Histo?icat Records, by Egerton Phillimore,
M.A. ; The Crofter Syste?n of the Wester?i Isles of Scotla?id,
and the Caller?iish Stone of Lewis, by Alfred N. Palmer ; Henry
Vaughan of Sceth?vg, by Professor Palgrave; The Proposcd
University of Wales, by Principal T. F. Roberts ; Errata, etc.
Volume XII.
Contents : — The Court of the Preside?it and Coimcil of Walcs a?id
the Marches fro?n 1478 to 1575, by His Honour Judge Lewis, with
Note as to Appendices ; Offa'sa?id Wat's Dyhes, by Alíred Neobard
List of Pnblications.
Palmer; Celtic Art, with a Suggestion of a Schemefor the better
preservation and freer study of the Monuments of the early
Christian Church in Wales, by T. H. Thomas, R.C.A. ; Obituary
Notice : His Honour Judgc David Lewis, by D. Lleufer Thomas,
B.A.
Volume XIII.
Contents: — Vicar Prichard : a study in Welsh Bibliography, by
John Ballinger ; A Collation oí Rees' Lives of the Cambro-British
Saints, by Professor Kuno Meyer, Ph. D. ; Further Notes on the
Court of the Marches : with Original Documcnts, by D. Lleufer
Thomas, B.A. ; The Jesus College Peithynen, by Professor John
Rhys, M.A., LL.D.
Volume XIV.
Contents : — English Law in Wales and the Marches, by Henry
Owen, D.C.L. Oxon., F.S.A. ; The Broughions of Marchwiel : Con-
tributiou to the History of the Parish of Marchwiel, by Alfred
Neobard Palmer ; Vita Sancti Kebie, by the Rev. S. Baring Gould,
M.A. ; Salcsburŷs Dictionary and the King's License, by J. H.
Davies, M.A. ; A Welsh Love Song of the i6th Century, by J. H.
Davies, M.A. ; The Expulsioii of the Dessi, by Professor Kuno
Meyer, Ph.D. ; Side Lights on Welsh Jacobitism, by J. Arthur
Price, B.A.
Cransacííons
OF THE
^onomaUt £kockty of C^mmtoboríon.
Session 1892-93.
Sacred Wells in Wales, by Professor John Rhys, M.A., LL.D.;
Welsh Bards and Reviewers, by Ernest Rhys ; The Celt and the
Poetry of Nature, by W. Lewis Jones, M.A. ; On Science as a
Reta.ration, by W. H. Preece, F.R.S. ; Dyffryn Clwyd : ei Ramantau
a'i Lafar gwtad, gan Isaac Foulkes {Llyfrbryf) ; Report of the
Council for 1891-92.
Session 1893-94.
The Ancient Church in Wales, by Sir R. L. Vaughan-Williams,
one of Her Majesty's Judges; Welsh Saiuts, by J. W. Willis-
Bund, F.S.A. ; Some Aspects of the Christian Church in Wales
during the $th and 6th Ceuturies, by the Rev. Professor Hugh
Williams, M.A. ; Reports on Publications {Owetis Pe?nbrokeshire,
by Henry Owen, F.S.A., and The Black Book of St. David's,
by J. W. Willis-Bund, F.S.A.) ; Reports of the Council for 1892-93
and 1893-94.
Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion.
Session 1894-95.
Notes o?i thc Hu?iti?ig of Twrch Trwyth, by Professor John Rhys,
M.A., LL.D. ; The Future of Welsh Education, by Miss E. P.
Hughes ; The Cistercian Abbey of Cw?n-Hir, Radnorshirc, by
Stephen W. Williams, F.S.A., with Illustrations by W. G. Smith ;
The Welsh Calendar, by the Rev. John Fisher, B.D. Report
of the Council, List of the Officers, Council, and Members of
the Society for 1894-95.
Session 1895-96.
TJie Historical Importance of the Cymric Tribal Syste??i, by
Frederic Seebohm, LL.D. ; The Develop??ie?it of the Agricultural
Resources of Wales, by T. Parry ; Early Relations betwee?i Gael
a?id Brython, by Professor Kuno Meyer, M.A., Ph. D. ; Cymru Fu :
so??ie Conte?npora?y State??ic?its, by R. Arthur Roberts ; Transcript
of " Mi?iisters' Accou?it" (Portfolio 1158, No. 1, preservcd i?i tJie
Public Record Office.) Report of the Council and Statement of
Receipts and Payments for 1895-96; Report of Annual Dinner 1896,
(Guest : H.R.H. the Duke of York, K.G.)
Session 1896-97.
Music i?i Wales, by Joseph Bennett; Do??iestic and Decorative Art
in Walcs, by Thomas E. Ellis, M.P. ; Stcggestio?is as to the fuller
study of Owe?i Gly?idw?; by " Owen Rhoscomyl ", Obse?-vatio?is o?i
the foregoing Paper, by Hubert Hall, F.S.A. ; Rece?it Developme?its
i?i Welsli Educatio?i, by Rev. G. Hartwell Jones, M.A. ; Illustrations
to the Paper on Do??iestic a?id Deco?-ative Art in Wales, and Notes
thereon, by Robert Williams, F.R.I.BA. Report of the Council,
Statement of Receipts and Payments, and List of Officers, Councií
and Members of the Society for 1896-97.
Session 1897-98.
Early Welsh BibliograpJiy (with facsi?nile Illustratio?is), by J. H.
Davies, M.A. ; JoJm Wilki?iso?i a?id tJie Old BersJia??i Iro?i Worhs
(witJi Illust?-atio?is), by Alfred Neobard Palmer ; Welsli FolJc Music,
by Miss Mary Owen (Mrs. Ellis J. Griffith) ; The CJiaracter of tJie
Heresy of tJie Early B?iiisJi Church, by Fred C. Conybeare, M.A. ;
The Greater Britai?i of tJie Sixtìi Ce?itury ; Note. Report of the
Council, and Statement of Receipts and Payments for 1897-98.
Session 1898-99.
Early Fo?iifications i?i Wales, by the Rev. S. Baring Gould,
M.A. ; Early Sociat Lifc i?i Walcs, by David Brynmôr Jones, Q.C,
M.P. ; Geoffrey of Mo?i?noutìi, by Professor W. Lewis Jones, MÌA. ;
ArgrapJiwyr, CyJweddwyr, a LlyfrwertJiwyr Cym?-u, gan Isaac
Foulkes (Llyfrhyf). Report of the Council, and Statement of
Receipts and Payments for 189S-99.
Session 1899-1900.
Portrait and Obituary Notice oí the late Marquess of Bute, K.T.
(President of the Society) ; WelsJi Cave Legends, a?id tJie Sto?y of
Owe?i Lawgoch, by Protessor Rhys, LL.D. ; Owai?i Lawgoch —
Yeuai?i de Galles : so?ne Facts a?id S?cggestio?is, by Edward Owen
(with facsimile Illustration) ; Ca?iu Pennillion, by Rev. W. H.
Williams (Watcy?i Wy?i) ; Walcs a?id tJie Co?ni?ig of the Nor??ia?is,
1039-1093, by Professor J. E. Lloyd, M.A. Report of the Council,
and Statement of Receipts and Payments for 1899-1900.
List of Publications.
$uwkmtnt<xxy (ttotumw.
A SEETCH OP THE HISTORY OP THE
CYMMRODORION,
Including a Reprint of The Constitutions, as originally settled
for the use ot the Society (1751). 1877. (Out ofỳrint).
A DICTIONARY IN ENGLYSHE AND WELSHE,
By Wyllyam Salesbury (Imprynted at London, in Foster Lane,
by John Waley [1547]). Facsimile reprint. 4 parts.
THE GODODIN OP ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD:
An English translation, with copious explanatory notes, and a Life of
Aneurin. By the late Thomas Stephens, Author of The Litera-
ture of the Áymry. Edited by Professor Powel, M.A., 1888.
ATHRAVAETH GRISTNOGAVL,
Le cair uedi cynnuys yn grynno 'r hol brifbyneiau syd i
gyfaruydo dyn ar y phord i baraduys.
Originally printed at Milan, 1568. Reproduced in facsimile
from the unique copy formerly in the possession of H.I.H.
Prince Louis-Lucien Bonaparte. 1880.
YSTORYA DE CAROLO MAGNO ;
Transcribed by Mrs. John Rhys from the Red Book of Hergest.
Edited by Professor Powel, M.A., 1883.
THE BLESSEDNES OP BRYTAINE,
Or a Celebration of the Queenes Holyday.
By Maurice Kyffin. Originally published 1587. Reprinted 1885.
AN ESSAY ON PENNILION SINGING :
Hanes ac Henaflaeth Canu Gyda'r Tannau,
gan John Jones (Idris Vycha?i). 1885.
GERALD THE WELSHMAN,
ByHENRY Owen, B.C.L., of Corpus Christi College, Oxford. 1889.
A COLLECTION OP THE POEMS OP IOLO GOCH,
With Historical and Critical Notes by Charles Ashton.
Gweithiau Iolo Goch: gyda Nodiadau Beirniadol
a Hanesyddol,
Gan Charles Ashton. 1896.
8 Honourable Sociely of Cymmrodorion.
C^mmtobotíon (Recorb iktxm.
No. I.
THE DESCRIPTION OP PENBROESHIRE (1603),
By George Owen, ot Henllys, Lord of Kemes. Edited, with Notes
and an Appendix, by Henry Owen, D.C.L. (Oxon.), F.S.A.
1892. Vol. I, being Parts I and II ot Owen's Pembroreshire.
No. II.
THE COURT ROLLS OP THE LORDSHIP OP
RUTHIN, or Dyffryn-Clwyd, of the Reign of
King Edward I. (1294-5).
Edited, with Notes and Translation, by Richard Arthur Roberts,
of Her Majesty's Public Record Office.
No. III.
GMLDAE DE EXCIDIO BRITANNIAE,
Pragmenta, Liber de Paenitentia, aceedit et
Lorica Gildae.
(Gildas : the Ruin of Britain, Fragments trom Lost Letters, the
Penitential, together with the Lorica of Gildas.) Edited
by Hugh Williams, M.A., Professor of Church History
at the Theological College, Bala. In 3 parts. Part I issued.
No. IV.
A CATALOGUE OP MSS. RELATING TO WALES IN
THE BRITISH MUSEUM,
Compiled and Edited by Edward Owen, of Gray's Inn, Barrister-
at-Law. In 3 Parts. Part I issued, containing list of MSS.
from the following collections, the Cottonian, Lansdowne,
Royal, Hargrave, Burney, Arundel, and Church Briefs.
In Preparation.
THE BLACK BOOK OP ST. DAVID'S (1326).
Edited by J. W. Willis Bund, F.S.A.
THE WRITINGS OP GEOPPREY OP MONMOUTH.
Edited by Professor W. Lewis Jones, M.A.
To bc had on application to the Secretary, at the Cymmrodorion Library,
New Stone Buildings, Chancery Lane, London, W.C.
DA Y Cyramrodor
700
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