reference
collection
book
Kansas city
public library
Kansas city,
missouri
Historical 1<(eview
Palace of the Governors, Santa Fe
Or,
January, 1950
Editors
FRANK D. REEVE PAUL A. F. WALTER
Associates
PERCY M. BALDWIN GEORGE P. HAMMOND
FRANCE V. SCHOLES THEODOSIUS MEYER, O.F.M.
ARTHUR J. 0. ANDERSON
VOL. XXV JANUARY, 1950 No. 1
CONTENTS
Page
Mescalero Apache History in the Southwest
Morris Edward Opler and Catherine H. Opler .... 1
Frederick E. Phelps: a Soldier's Memoirs
Frank D. Reeve, editor 37
Checklist of New Mexico Publications (continued)
Wilma Loy Shelton 57
Book Reviews 73
THE NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW is published jointly by the Historical Society
of New Mexico and the University of New Maxico. Subscription to the quarterly is
$3.00 a year in advance ; single numbers, except those which have become scarce, are
$1.00 each.
Business communications should be addressed to Mr. P. A. F. Walter, State
Museum, Santa Fe, N. M. ; manuscripts and editorial correspondence should be
addressed to Prof. Frank D. Reeve, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, N. M.
Entered as second-class matter at Santa Fe, New Mexico
UNIVERSITY PRESS, ALBUQUERQUE, N. M.
f>
NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL
REVIEW
VOL. XXV JANUARY, 1950 No. 1
MESCALERO APACHE HISTORY IN THE
SOUTHWEST
By MORRIS EDWARD OPLER AND CATHERINE H. OPLER*
THE early history of the Mescalero Apache Indians of
the American Southwest is most obscure.1 The Va-
queros, mentioned by Castano de Sosa in 1590, are thought
by some to be buffalo-hunting Apache of the region which
is now eastern New Mexico and western Texas and may have
included the Mescalero.2 Benavides, in his report to the king
in 1630, said that as yet the various Apache tribes known
as Apaches de Xila, Apaches de Navajo, and Apaches Va-
queros had caused no trouble.3 The group called Apaches
del Perillo, which occupied during the 16th and 17th cen-
turies the region of the Jornada del Muerto near the Rio
Grande, may have been partly composed of bands later iden-
tified as Mescalero Apache.4
* Professor Opler is head of the Department of Anthropology, Cornell University.
Catherine H. is Mrs. Opler.
The picture of the Mescalero Agency came to the Editor by courtesy of Senator
Clinton P. Anderson.
1. There has been a good deal of speculation as to whether such tribes as the
Querechos encountered by Coronado and the "Apaches" seen by Onate between 1540
and 1600 in the Southwest region included Mescalero bands. See Edward S. Curtis,
ed., The North American Indian, 3 (University Press, Cambridge, 1907) ; Frederick
Webb Hodge, "Early Navaho and Apache," American Anthropologist, VIII, 234 (1906) ;
Hodge, ed., Handbook of American Indians, I, 63 (Bureau of American Ethnology
Bulletin 30, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C., 1907) ; A. F. Bandelier
"Final Report of Investigations among Indians of the Southwest United States,"
Papers of the Archaeological Institute of America, American Series III, Part I, 178-79
(University Press, Cambridge, 1890) ; Herbert Eugene Bolton, Spanish Exploration in
the Southwest, 1542-1706, 217-18, 252 (Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1916).
2. Ralph Emerson Twitchell, The Leading Facts of New Mexican History, III,
190-91 (The Torch Press, Cedar Rapids, Iowa, 1917) ; Hodge, Handbook . . . , I, 63.
3. Hubert Howe Bancroft, History of the Pacific States of North America, XII,
162 (The History Co., San Francisco, 1888).
4. Hodge, op. cit., 67.
2 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
In the account of the Mendoza-Lopez expedition to the
Jumanos of 1683-84, the Mescales are listed as one of the
tribes represented at an assembly of Indians at Sacatsol.5
That the Apache were already horsemen we learn from this
same account. It is recorded that the "hostile Apaches stole
nine animals" and that these animals "joined those of the
Indians."6 The Mescales are again mentioned, this time as
one of five nations joined tog-ether, in the account of the
De Leon-Massanet expeditions, 1689-90.7
The Mescalero were first spoken of by that name in the
middle of the 18th century. They were thus called because
of their custom of eating baked mescal ( Agave americana) .
Their territory extended on the east through the mountains
on both sides of the Pecos, on the west to the Rio Grande,
south through the region now known as Coahuila and Chi-
huahua, Mexico, to the desert Bolson de Mapimi, and to the
White Mountains of the present state of New Mexico in the
north.8
The Mescalero were from early times hunters and raid-
ers. They were reported to have made frequent attacks on
the villages of the Aztecs along the Rio Grande long before
the coming of the Spaniards.9 It was inevitable that so
fearless and venturesome a people should clash later with
the Spanish colonists. In 1776 all the northern provinces of
Spain were placed under a commandant-general with the
capital at Chihuahua. A campaign against the Apache was
proposed but was not carried out at that time.10 However,
because of demands from the frontier provinces and at the
advice of the viceroy, the crown authorized a relentless war
on the wild tribes in 1788-89. The Spanish then waged con-
stant war upon the Lipan Apache and the Mescalero Apache
5. Bolton, op. tit., 356.
6. Ibid., 335.
7. Ibid., 389.
8. Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner, Pacific Railroad Reports, III, 119 (Washington,
D. C., 1856) ; Pliny Earle Goddard, Indians of the Southwest, 141-42 (American Museum
of Natural History, Handbook Series No. 2, 3rd ed., New York, 1927). Twitchell, op. tit.,
190-91.
9. Dudley G. Wooten, A Comprehensive History of Texas, 1685-1897, I, 740 (Wil-
liam G. Scarff, Dallas, 1898, 2 vols.).
10. Walter Prescott Webb, The Great Plains, 137 (Houghton Mifflin Co., Boston
and New York. 1936).
MESCALERO APACHE 3
until they were subdued.11 The ensuing peace lasted from
1790 until the end of Spanish rule.12
In 1821 Mexico gained her independence from Spain.
Like her predecessor, she encountered difficulty with the
Mescalero. The valley of the Rio Grande, the highway known
as the Jornada del Muerto, and the settlements around So-
corro were often raided. It was difficult for the Mexicans to
keep the route between El Paso and Valverde open so that
travelers could journey in safety from New Mexico to Chi-
huahua. The Apache would attack unprotected wagon trains
and return quickly to their mountain hide-outs with their
booty. The Mexicans found it exceedingly difficult to over-
take them or to engage them in battle.13 The raid, regarded
by the Apache as a daring economic venture which added
stock and supplies to their meager resources and supple-
mented hunting, gathering, and very limited agricultural
pursuits, apeared treacherous and savage to the Mexicans
who understood warfare in terms of large-scale battles lead-
ing to the conquest of peoples and lands. The raiding Mes-
calero often carried off and adopted Mexican children. The
Spaniards and the Mexicans also took captives, and the set-
tlements had many Apache and Navaho slaves.14 During
this period of hostilities with the Mexicans, the Mescalero
were also fighting with the Comanche for the buffalo range.15
Though it is doubtful that the Mescalero paid much at-
tention to the dissensions of a political nature among those
who had settled on their lands, still such happenings were
to affect them profoundly in the future. In 1835 Texas de-
clared itself a republic but was not recognized as such by
Mexico.16 During the next few years the Texas Rangers
equipped themselves with Colt revolving pistols,17 the six-
shooters which figure largely from that time on in Mescalero
as well as American accounts of wars and feuds.
11. Bancroft, History of the Pacific States, VI, 466.
12. Ibid., History of the Pacific States, XII, 401.
13. Twitchell, op. cit., II, 35, 36.
14. Ibid., 36.
15. Lansing B. Bloom, "New Mexico under Mexican Administration," Old Santa
Fe, I, 352 (April, 1914).
16. Webb, op. cit., 165-67.
17. Ibid., 171-72.
4 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
In 1846 El Paso was occupied by the Americans, and in
1848 the Territory of New Mexico was ceded to the United
States. This event brought a large part of the country over
which the Mescalero ranged into American control. The
Apache continued in their usual pursuits. They kept watch
on the highway through Mexico from Chihuahua to El Paso
and descended from the mountains to plunder the wagon
trains which passed there. They were known for their
daring. Once they attacked an armed party of fifty Amer-
icans on the Chihuahua road, killing thirty-five of them.
Near the Pecos, in Texas, a group from the Guadalupe Moun-
tains killed another party of Americans.18
Policies and procedures for dealing with Indian tribes
had, of course, been worked out long before the Mescalero
found themselves under American domination. The United
States had adopted the policy of the British Crown of treat-
ing with Indian tribes as sovereign states. The Federal gov-
ernment alone was empowered to make treaties with them.
Therefore a curious situation arose ; sovereign nations exist-
ed within the bounds of the United States.19 A Bureau of
Indian Affairs had been established in 1824 in the War De-
partment, and in 1832 Congress authorized the appointment
of a Commissioner of Indian Affairs. In 1849 the Bureau of
Indian Affairs was transferred to the newly-created, civilian-
manned Department of the Interior. Indian policies and ad-
ministration were, however, little affected by this change.20
James S. Calhoun was appointed to the Santa Fe Indian
Agency April 7, 1849. Trouble arose not only with the Mes-
calero but also with other Apache groups and with the Nava-
ho and Comanche. All were looked upon by the white settlers
as thieving bands.21 To protect the people of the Rio Grande
Valley from the Mescalero and other Apache groups, a mili-
18. Wooten, op. cit., II, 740.
19. William Christie Macleod, The American Indian Frontier, 633 (Alfred A.
Knopf, New York, 1928).
20. Laurence F. Schmeckebier, The Office of Indian Affairs: Its History, Activi-
ties, and Organization, 26, 27, 43 (Institute for Government Research: Service Mono-
graphs of the United States Government, No. 48, Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore,
1927).
21. Alban W. Hoopes, Indian Affairs and their Administration, 1849-1860, 161
(University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, 1932).
MESCALERO APACHE 5
tary force was kept at Dona Ana during the military occu-
pation and prior to New Mexico's acquisition of territorial
status.22 Calhoun's suggested solution to the Indian problem
was one that was unfortunately to become popular. "The
Comanches and Apaches, with all the adjacent fragments of
other tribes must be penned up," he wrote, and thought the
Apaches, Comanches, Navahos, and Utes should be put in
four districts, a hundred miles apart.23
When New Mexico became a Territory in 1850, Calhoun
became territorial governor, an office which carried with it
the superintendency of Indian affairs. His attitude toward
the Apache was probably not softened by the news that a
member of the Santa Fe Legislature had been killed and
scalped while crossing the Jornada del Muerto.24
In 1851 Fort Fillmore was built near Las Cruces, and
the residents of Dona Ana petitioned the government not to
remove the military forces from their settlement.25
John Greiner, acting superintendent of Indian affairs,
sent runners that summer through Mescalero country to
bring in the chiefs for a council. Thirty leaders came to
Santa Fe, and on July 1 a treaty of "perpetual peace and
amity" was negotiated with the Mescalero by Colonel E. V.
Sumner and Greiner.26 William Carr Lane, the next gov-
ernor and superintendent of Indian affairs, who arrived in
September, 1852, made treaties with the Apaches in the
southwest and northeast in which he agreed to give them
rations for five years, believing this to be a more effective
curb than force. He spent about twenty thousand dollars
in carrying out his policy, but his treaties were not approved
by the government. Governor David Meriwether, who as-
sumed his duties on August 8, 1853, found himself unable,
because of insufficient funds, to feed the needy Indians. He
himself believed in controlling the Indians by force.27
In the same month that Meriwether took office, Agent
22. Twitchell, op. cit.. Ill, 442.
23. Hoopes, op. cit., 164, 165.
24. Twitchell, op. cit., II, 292.
25. Twitchell, op. cit., Ill, 442, 443.
26. Hoopes, op. cit., 167-68.
27. Twitchell, op. cit., II, 295, 298.
6 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Steck reported that the Mescalero had killed two Mexican
residents of Dona Ana, had attacked a party of settlers, and
had stolen 150 head of stock.28 In December Brevet Lieuten-
ant-Colonel D. T. Chandler was directed to reconnoiter the
White Mountains, to interview the head men of the Mes-
calero, and to demand the restitution of stolen property and
the surrender of "murderers." He was to attack the Mes-
calero if they failed to comply with his orders.29
By the terms of the Gadsden Purchase of 1853, the United
States not only acquired a great amount of land but was
also released from the responsibility (provided for under
the treaty of 1848) for outrages committed in Mexican ter-
ritory by Indians living in the United States. At this time
claims on account of ravages by Apache and Comanche In-
dians amounting to millions of dollars had been presented
by Mexico.30
The year 1854 brought further trouble from the Jicarilla
Apache, Whose rations had been cut off, and many Mescalero
individuals were said to have made common cause with
them. Both groups were accused of carrying on a brisk trade
in stolen property. The comparative scarcity of game in their
territory was given as one of the reasons for the Mescalero
plundering of horses and stock from the people of New
Mexico, Texas, and Chihuahua. At this time there were
about 750 Mescalero Apache, claiming the country east of
the Rio Grande on both sides of the Pecos north to about the
34th parallel.31
The establishment of Fort Thorn on the west bank of
the Rio Grande, of Fort Bliss at El Paso, and of Fort Craig
on the Rio Grande just south of the 34th parallel, guarding
the entrance to the Jornada del Muerto, brought much of
the western part of the lands claimed by the Mescalero under
closer American military supervision.32
General Garland, who had sent Lieutenant Bell against
28. Hoopes, op. cit., 172.
29. Bender, "Frontier Defense in the Territory of New Mexico, 1853-61," NEW
MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, IX, 347 (October, 1934).
30. Twitchell, op. cit., II, 811.
31. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. 171 (Washington, D. C., 1854).
32. Bender, op cit., 347-48.
MESCALERO APACHE 7
the Jicarilla, had a hundred and eighty men in the field
against the Mescalero in June of 1854 with Chandler as com-
mander. Their mission was to put an end to the raids of the
Mescalero on travelers along the San Antonio-El Paso high-
way. General Garland spoke of the Apache as "infesting"
the road and committing murders and robberies.33
In February of the next year, Captain R. S. Ewell, First
Dragoons, conducted a campaign against the Mescalero and
defeated them. Lieutenant Samuel D. Sturgis routed another
band.34 Colonel Dixon S. Miles with about 300 men set out
on a three-months' campaign through the White Mountains,
the Sacramento range, and the Guadalupe Mountains. How-
ever, he did not engage in any battles, for the Mescalero
were ready to sue for peace. With Dr. Michael Steck, their
agent, pleading their cause, the Mescalero promised to sur-
render stolen property and to deliver hostages.35
But it was felt that more military posts were needed, and
in May, 1855, Fort Stanton was established on the Bonito
River, some twenty miles east of the White Mountains, on
the site near which Captain H. W. Stanton had lost his life
in an encounter in January with the Mescalero warriors.36
The military camaign against the various Indian tribes
within the Territory of New Mexico having been success-
fully concluded, Governor Meriwether negotiated a series
of treaties during the summer of 1855. The first of these,
in June at Fort Thorn, involved the Mimbres, a division of
the Eastern Chiricahua Apache band, and the Mescalero
Apache. In his report of this event, Governor Meriwether
wrote: "I found these Indians in the most destitute condi-
tion imaginable. I relieved their immediate wants, and di-
rected Agent Steck to issue to them a limited amount of
provisions, from time to time, as they might apply for relief
and their necessities seem to require it."37 By the terms of
33. F. T. Cheetham, "El Camino Militar," NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, XV,
5 (January, 1940).
34. Bender, op. cit., 350 ; Twitchell, op. cit., II, 302 ; Report of the Commissioner
of Indian Affairs, 186-87 (1855) ; J. P. Dunn, Jr., Massacres of the Mountains: A
History of the Indian Wars of the Far West, 378 (Harper & Brothers, New York, 1886).
35. Bender, op. cit., 351.
36. Ibid., Twitchell, op. cit., II, 302.
37. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 187 (1855).
8 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
the treaty of 1855, a reservation for the Mescalero was des-
ignated near Fort Stanton. Although the treaty was not
approved, an agency was maintained at the fort, and some
of the Mescalero received goods from it, remained at peace,
and farmed in the vicinity.38
The first year after the treaty, Superintendent of Indian
Affairs Meriwether and Agent Steck differed concerning the
behavior of the Mescalero. Mr. Meriwether saw little im-
provement in them and said they were forced to continue
their thieving to keep from starving when Agent Steck re-
fused them any more provisions unless they returned the
property they had stolen.39 In support of these charges,
there is a record of at least one skirmish between the Mes-
calero and the military.40 But Agent Steck gave a glowing
account of their good conduct. He reports that a good many
horses were brought in and returned to their former owners ;
rations and clothing were distributed to the Indians ; a head
man named Cadete, son of a deceased friendly head man
called Baranquito, promised his support to the agent; and
thirty-five heads of families began farming on a stream at
Alamogordo about seventy miles southwest of Fort Stanton.41
The idea of reservations as a solution to the Indian prob-
lem in New Mexico now gained support on all sides. In 1856
the Territorial legislature requested reservations for the
30,000 uncivilized Indians roaming with little restraint in
the Territory ;42 the Appropriation Acts of 1856-57 contem-
plated the establishment of reservations in New Mexico;43
and the Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for
1856 advised that there was little chance of changing the
ways of the Mescalero "without the advantages of a perma-
nent home."44 Two years later, Superintendent Collins pro-
38. Twitchell, op. cit., II, 302.
39. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 181 (1856).
40. Twitchell, op. cit., II. 301-2.
41. Frank D. Reeve, "The Federal Indian Policy in New Mexico, 1858-80," NEW
MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, XIII, 261 (July, 1938) ; Report of the Commissioner of
Indian Affairs, 287-88, (1857).
42. Bender, op. cit., 354.
43. Hoopes, op. cit., 177.
44. P. 15.
MESCALERO APACHE
posed uniting all the Southern Apache on the Gila River
away from white settlements.45
If talk of such a "permanent home" reached the Mes-
calero people, they must have heard it with some bitterness
and amazement, for they were attempting to live, against
great odds, in the place that had been their permanent home
for as long a time as any of them knew anything about. But,
as Dunn has pointed out, there were no Indian lands in the
eyes of the Americans. The Mexicans had treated the In-
dian title as extinct, we had taken the Mexican title* and
our legislators consequently assumed that the Indians3^
held the land had no title to it.46
Cadete and his followers continued to farm at Alamo-
gordo. Another group known as the Agua Nuevo band under
Mateo and Verancia stayed in the vicinity of Dog Canyon
in the Sacramento Mountains and presumably followed the
old ways of hunt and raid, since they were considered "trou-
blesome."47 An infantry company engaged in a brief en-
counter with an Apache group at Carrizozo.48 Still another
band under the chief known as Marcus roamed in the Guada-
lupe Mountains and, by the New Mexico authorities, were
considered to be in country belonging properly to the De-
partment of Texas. This band wished to join the White
Mountain band, but their request was refused. They were
reported to have committed frequent "depredations" on the
San Antonio road and in the settlement near El Paso.49
But in this particular year, the Mescalero were them-
selves the victims of two affrays which might well come
under the heading "depredations." In February a party of
Mexicans from Mesilla, known as the "Mesilla Guard," at-
tacked a peaceful Mescalero camp near Dona Ana, killing
several persons and taking one child captive. At daybreak on
April 17, the Mexicans charged the Mescalero camp at Fort
Thorn, ruthlessly slaying men, women, and children. The
45. Reeve, op. cit., 261.
46. Dunn, op. cit., 380.
47. Reeve, ibid.
48. Twitchell, op. cit., II, 301-2.
49. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs (1858).
10 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
American military pursued the Mexicans and captured
thirty-five of the band, including their leader. General Gar-
land, incensed by this attack on Indians he knew had been
living in peace, determined to withdraw his troops and
leave the residents of the area to face the Indians alone.
Protests and requests for protection arose from the settlers,
with the result that General Garland left two companies to
protect innocent settlers but informed the others that they
had "no claims to the protection of the military."50
In February of the next year, Lieutenant H. M. Lazelle,
in retaliation for a raid on San Elizario south of El Paso,
invaded the Sacramento Mountains and was defeated by the
Dog Canyon Mescalero.51
Although the country of the Mescalero still seemed re-
mote, vast, and empty, the center of population in the United
States was moving steadily westward. By 1859 nearly one
hundred thousand miners had crossed the prairies and set-
tled in Colorado and the surrounding mineral-producing re-
gions. Without waiting for the Federal government to liqui-
date Indian title to the lands, they laid out towns and roads
and went ahead with mining and farming operations. Their
activities began to frighten off the buffalo herds, thus bring-
ing further hardship to the native population.62
An attempt was made in 1860 to start some of the Mes-
calero planting on the Penasco River south of Fort Stanton.
They were given rations of beef and corn, the corn ground
into meal so that they could not use it to make the mild corn
beer that was popular among them.53 By now the attitude
of the white men toward the Mescalero was clearly defined.
The Mescalero must be actually exterminated ; or they must
be got rid of in another sense, made over into hard-working
farmers who should never frighten or shock the most timid
soul again. The Mescalero, of course, resisted both kinds
of extinction in stubborn and manly fashion.
The outbreak of the Civil War produced violent reper-
cussions in Mescalero country. Lieutenant-Colonel Critten-
50. Dunn, op. cit., 378-79 ; Bender, op. cit., 366-67.
51. Reeve, op. cit., 261 ; Twitchell, op. cit., 301-2.
52. Macleod, op. cit., 490.
53. Reeve, op. cit., 262.
MESCALERO APACHE 11
den, assembling a force at Fort Stanton, led an expedition
against the Mescalero, but apparently he did not encounter
any Apache in his march toward the Texas border. Accord-
ing to one account, he confessed in a drunken moment that
his hope was to lead the men from Stanton and various other
forts to Texas where he could deliver them to the Confed-
erate States.54
In 1861, General H. H. Sibley, who had been a captain
in the United States Army before he resigned and offered his
services to the Confederacy, was authorized to raise a bri-
gade for the occupation of New Mexico. Sibley's brigade
proceeded by detachments from San Antonio to Fort Thorn.
Along the way they were frequently attacked by Indians who
had no interest in the Civil War but who were greatly at-
tracted by the stock and provisions of the Southern forces.55
Undoubtedly some Mescalero raiders were involved in these
swift forays.
The invasion of the Texans caused the abandonment of
Fort Stanton by the government troops. The Mescalero
themselves became involved in a fight with the Texans, and
several were killed on both sides.56 Confederates under Col-
onel John R. Baylor had now taken Fort Bliss near El Paso,
and the Mesilla Valley was in Confederate hands, with many
New Mexicans aiding the invaders.57
The withdrawal of government troops left the settle-
ments exposed to Indian raids. Kit Carson's biographer
says it is alleged that the Mescaleros were aroused to vio-
lence against their white neighbors by the outrages of the
Indian-hating Texans who had invaded their country.58
Ranchers lost their stock and were themselves killed, miners
were driven from their camps. In the neighborhood of Fort
Stanton the ranches were entirely abandoned.59
Meanwhile the combined forces of General Sibley and
Colonel Baylor, the Army of New Mexico, as it was called,
54. Twitchell, op. cit., Ill, 410.
55. Wooten, op. cit., II, 695,
56. Report of the Commissioner ol/]ylian Affairs, 122 (1861)-.
57. Sabin, Kit Carson Days, II, 682. '/C
58. Ibid., 702. f{j~
59. Twitchell, op. cit., II, 428. ^ " ***><
12 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
advanced to a site ten miles below Fort Craig where they
met in battle the Union forces, including a regiment of New
Mexico Volunteers under Kit Carson. This Battle of Val-
verde resulted in a victory for the Texans, who then pro-
ceeded to Socorro, Albuquerque, and Santa Fe. They were
defeated by Federal troops in Glorieta Pass, east of Santa
Fe, and were forced to retreat. Suffering great hardship,
they made their way back to Fort Fillmore and prepared to
evacuate the Territory of New Mexico. By the first of Au-
gust, the Confederates had departed from New Mexico and
from Fort Bliss in Texas.60
In that summer of 1862 it may have appeared to the
Mescalero that they were reconquering their lands and that
the white men were to be driven from their midst. But any
such hope was destined to be shortlived indeed. General
James H. Carleton, leading his "California Column" of 3,000
men, now advanced toward New Mexico by way of Fort
Yuma. At Apache Pass the Chiricahua Apache under Man-
gas Colorado and Cochise offered resistance but were de-
feated. Carleton arrived at the Rio Grande settlements and
relieved Colonel Canby as Commander of the Department
of New Mexico on September 18. Immediately he planned
a ruthless campaign against the Mescalero.61
General Carleton had spent more than twenty years in
the army, and during most of those years he had been either
stationed near Indian tribes or engaged in campaigns
against them. As will be seen, he was a man of narrow and
firmly held convictions, self-righteous, and extremely brutal
in the execution of the policies to which he adhered. Now
he felt that he must * 'punish and control" the Mescalero.
To accomplish this end he planned a campaign in which
the Mescalero were to be attacked from the north, the west,
and the southwest by three separate forces. The several com-
mands were to be independent of each other, and secrecy
was advised so that the Indians might not be forewarned by
the Mexicans of the coming attacks. Each expedition was to
establish a depot well out in Mescalero country.
60 Wooten, op. cit., II, 700-706.
61. Dunn, op. cit., 382-83 ; Twitchell, op. cit., II, 428-29.
MESCALERO APACHE 13
Colonel Christopher Carson with five companies of his
New Mexico Volunteers was ordered to reoccupy Fort Stan-
ton, from which he was to operate against the Mescalero
and any Navaho in that region. Carson was directed to
send one mounted company southwest to the junction of the
Rio Hondo and the Pecos to see that no forces advanced up
the Pecos from the direction of Fort Lancaster, Texas.
Captain McCleave, with two companies of California
Volunteers, was to enter Mescalero country from the south-
west by way of Dog Canyon and operate eastward and south-
eastward. His force was to include "twenty good Mexican
spies and guides." His instructions were to start on Novem-
ber 15 and be absent until the thirty-first of December.
The third expedition, under the command of Captain
Roberts, was to start from Franklin, Texas, on November
15 and proceed by way of the Wacco Tanks northwest into
Mescalero country. This force consisted of two companies
of Californians and was authorized to employ twenty Pueblo
Indians and Mexicans from Isleta, Socorro [Texas] and San
Elizario. This force was to be absent until December 31.
All three expeditions were to keep a careful guard against
the Texans and to annoy and harass them to the utmost of
their ability.62
But their main objective was the complete subjection of
the Mescalero Apache. General Carleton's instructions to
Colonel Carson, dated October 12, 1862, read :
"All Indian men of that tribe are to be killed whenever
and wherever you can find them. The women and children
will not be harmed, but you will take them prisoners, and
feed them at Fort Stanton until you receive other instruc-
tions about them. If the Indians send in a flag and desire
to treat for peace, say to the bearer that when the people
of New Mexico were attacked by the Texans, the Mescaleros
broke their treaty of peace, and murdered innocent people,
and ran off their stock ; that now our hands are untied, and
you have been sent to punish them for their treachery and
62. Estelle Bennett Burton, "Volunteer Soldiers of New Mexico and Their Con-
flicts with Indians in 1862 and 1863," Old Santa Fe, 1, 391-93 (October, 1914) ; Dunn,
op. cit., 383-84 ; Amsden, "The Navaho Exile at Bosque Redondo," NEW MEXICO HIS-
TORICAL REVIEW, VIII, 37 (January, 1933).
14 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
their crimes ; that you have no power to make peace ; that
you are there to kill them wherever you can find them ; that
if they beg for peace, their chiefs and twenty of their prin-
cipal men must come to Santa Fe to have a talk here ; but
tell them fairly and frankly that you will keep after their
people and slay them until you receive orders to desist from
these headquarters; that this making of treaties for them
to break whenever they have an interest in breaking them
will not be done any more; that that time has passed by;
that we have no faith in their promises ; that we believe if we
kill some of their men in fair, open war, they will be apt to
remember that it will be better for them to remain at peace
than to be at war. I trust that this severity, in the long run,
will be the most humane course that could be pursued toward
these Indians."63
At the end of October, some of Colonel Carson's troops
under Captain James Graydon, while on a scout, encountered
Manuelito, an old Mescalero chief, and his band. The Indians
signed for peace and a talk, but Captain Graydon fired on
them, killing Manuelito, Jose Largo, several other men, and
one woman. He then went off with seventeen horses and
mules. Later it was discovered that old Manuelito had, in
fact, been on the way to Santa Fe to beg for peace. At the
end of November we find General Carleton writing to Colonel
Carson, "If you are satisfied that Graydon's attack on Man-
uelita and his people was not fair and open, see that all the
horses and mules, including two said to be in the hands of one
Mr. Beach [a trader] of Monzana are returned to the sur-
vivors of Manuelita's band."64
In November, Captain McCleave and his troops en-
countered about five hundred Mescalero at the Gateway
Pass of Dog Canyon and defeated them. Their leaders now
started for Fort Stanton to ask for peace.65
Late in November, Colonel Carson sent several Mescalero
chiefs with an escort and accompanied by their agent, Lor-
enzo Labadie, to Santa Fe to entreat peace. There they met
63. Amsden, op. cit., 38 ; Reeve, op. cit., 263.
64. Sabin, op. cit., II, 703-4 ; 848.
65. Sabin, Ibid., 704 ; Dunn, op. cit., 383-384.
MESCALERO APACHE 15
with General Carleton, the Governor, the Superintendent of
Indian Affairs, and others. General Carleton's terms were
harsh indeed. He told them that the Mescalero who desired
peace must come out of their own country, so that they would
not be mistaken for hostiles, and must go to the Bosque
Redondo, a reservation set aside for them on the Pecos River
at Fort Sumner. They were told that they and their fami-
lies would be fed and protected at this reservation until
those who were still at war were punished and defeated. At
the end of hostilities all Mescalero were to return to a reser-
vation in their own country.
Cadete (also known as Gian-nah-tah and the Volunteer)
acted as spokesman for the Mescalero. According to Dunn,
he replied : " 'You are stronger than we. We have fought you
so long as we had rifles and powder ; but your weapons are
better than ours. Give us like weapons and turn us loose,
we will fight you again ; but we are worn out ; we have no
more heart; we have no provisions, no means to live; your
troops are everywhere; our springs and water holes are
either occupied or overlooked by your young men. You have
driven us from our last and best stronghold, and we have
no more heart. Do with us as may seem good to you, but
do not forget we are men and braves/ "66
The Bosque Redondo Reserve, an area forty miles square
with an estimated 6,000 acres of arable land, was not actual-
ly recommended to and approved by President Lincoln as
"a reservation for Apache Indians" until January 15, 1864.
In Commissioner William P. Dole's letter concerning the
necessity for designating this area as an Apache Reserve,
the following points are most interesting in view of later
developments: (1) Superintendent Steck advised that the
Bosque Redondo was suitable for "a limited number of In-
dians ;" (2) he estimated that there were about 3,000 Apache
to be sent there; (3) the real purpose of the reserve seems
to have been to control the Apache "and isolate them as far
as possible from the whites."67
66. Dunn, op. cit., 383-84.
67. Charles J. Kappler, Indian Affairs, Laws and Treaties, II, 870 (Government
Printing Office, Washington, 1904).
16 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
The passage of the Federal Homestead Law of 186268
must have made such isolation seem all the more desirable
to many an official in the west.
Shortly after the Santa Fe meeting with the Mescalero
leaders, Colonel Carson received instructions to send the
Mescalero of the "peace party" to Fort Sumner by wagon
train. Such a train was soon expected with stores from Fort
Union. It would be filled upon its return with Mescalero
men, women, and children and their few belongings. Other
groups were to be sent as they surrendered. The command-
ing officer at Fort Sumner was instructed to feed them and
to keep them encamped sufficiently near his garrison so that
they could not escape to their own country. He was further
advised by General Carleton, "These Indians are to be fed
by your commissary; are to be treated kindly; are not to
be annoyed by soldiers visiting their camp at improper
times."
By February, 1863, General Carleton considered that the
Mescalero were completely subdued. There were over 350
at Fort Sumner or on the way there. About a hundred were
known to have fled to Mexico. Some were believed to have
joined the Western Apache of the Gila River region.69
With the Mescalero out of the way, General Carleton's
forces were able to attack Mangas Colorado's group and de-
feated them in January, 1863.™ The Navaho, who were to
be the next tribe to feel General Carleton's might, were at
this time raiding down to the lower Rio Grande and across
Mescalero country. They even stampeded stock from the
Bosque Redondo.71
In the spring of 1863, the Mescalero planted 200 acres.
Meanwhile there were difficulties about food. The flour sent
them was found to be adulterated. At the end of May the
military passed the responsibility of feeding the Mescalero
to the civil authorities. By the end of October, funds for this
purpose had run low, and Steck, who was now Superintend-
ent of Indian Affairs in New Mexico, requested General
68. Webb, op. cit., 230.
69. Burton, op. cit., 394-95.
70. Dunn, op. cit., 384.
71. Sabin, op. cit., II, 708.
MESCALERO APACHE 17
Carleton to let the Indians return for the winter to the moun-
tains to hunt, on their promise to return in the spring and
plant again. This request Carleton did not approve. Instead,
the military again issued rations.72 From this plea and from
his report to the Commissioner in 1863, one can see that
Superintendent Steck had a good deal of confidence in the
Mescalero. He pointed out in his report that the Mescalero
had formerly lived at peace under Spanish rule, that from
1854 to 1860, when they were supplied with food, they
farmed and were quiet, and that but for the influx of miners
upon the discovery of gold in their vicinity and the Texan
invasion, they would still, in all likelihood, be at peace.73
General Carleton had now begun extensive operations
against the Navaho, and his plans for the Bosque Redondo
and for the Mescalero were considerably altered. To return
the Mescalero to their former home did not fit well with his
plans for opening the Territory to white farmers and miners,
and he therefore decided to keep these Apache permanently
at Fort Sumner.74 Furthermore, he now decided to send the
Navaho to the same reservation as fast as they could be
overcome. This plan met with the opposition of Superin-
tendent Steck, who went to Washington and endeavored,
without success, to have the Navaho kept on a reservation
in their own country. To Steck' s proposal that council be
held with the Navaho, Carleton's angry rejoinder was, "It
is mockery to hold councils with a people who are in our
hands and have only to await our decisions."75 In September,
General Carleton sent fifty-one Navaho men, women, and
children to the Bosque Redondo. He seemed to think that,
because they spoke related languages, the two tribes should
live together on the best of terms. Here, he said, the young
could be trained and the old ways, which he thought of as
murderous and thieving, would be forgotten.76
Since the Mescalero were in that very year helping to
fight the Navaho, General Carleton should have realized that
72. Reeve, op. cit., 265.
73. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs (1863).
74. Reeve, op. cit., 264.
75. Twitchell, op. cit., Ill, 369-70.
76. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 112, 113 (1863).
18 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
his hopes for the future were over-optimistic. Some Navaho
were engaged by a few members of a troop of cavalry at a
place about thirty-five miles from Fort Sumner. Assisting
the troops were thirty Apache warriors from the Bosque
Redondo. In this foray several Navaho were killed, and a
good deal of stock was recovered from them which they had
seized in Mora County. Chiefs Cadete and Blanco especially
distinguished themselves. The Mescalero had volunteered
for this service and had fought without hope of reward.77
But not all the Mescalero were occupied in enterprises
so helpful to the Americans. A Mexican wagon train from
Socorro, Texas, was attacked in March by a party of In-
dians who escaped into the Sacramento Mountains. A com-
pany of New Mexico Volunteers and a party of Mexicans
from Tularosa pursued them in vain. The arrows found on
the scene were said to be of Apache manufacture. A Ruidoso
rancher was killed in May by a party of Indians, and a fight
between some citizens and an Apache band occurred in the
San Andres that same month.78 The mail express between
Fort Stanton and Santa Fe was attacked, and other similar
episodes occurred, so that a company which had been as-
signed to the Navaho campaign had to be kept at Fort
Stanton instead.79
With the arrival of more and more Navaho prisoners,
the situation at the Bosque Redondo became increasingly in-
tolerable. Pests, hail, and drought ruined the crops; ade-
quate tools, seeds, blankets, and clothing were not supplied
by the Indian superintendency ; diseases, communicated by
the whites, killed many Indians. There were now over nine
thousand Navaho and about five hundred Mescalero on the
reserve of 40 square miles which Steck had said was ade-
quate for only a limited number of Apache. Carleton's cam-
paigns continued, and eventually even a few Western Apache
were sent to Fort Sumner. There was little wood, and the
alkaline water was considered to be very poor. The Mes-
calero corn was purloined by the Navaho, and the reserva-
77. Twitchell, op. cit., Ill, 421.
78. Burton, op. cit., 402, 403.
79. Sabin, op. cit., II, 709-10.
MESCALERO APACHE 19
tion was twice raided by roving Navaha bands. Intertribal
battles occurred. There were no houses, and holes were
ordered dug, so that the Indians might be sheltered from the
wind.80 General Carleton's contribution in this situation of
mass misery was a good deal of advice to the effect that the
Indians should be too proud to murmur at what could not
be helped. He protested that hail, frost, and crop failure
could not be foreseen, and that hard work in the future could
remedy the present evil. Dunn has best expressed the an-
swer to General Carleton's professed good intentions in a
brief sentence: "When a man is restrained of his liberty,
or deprived of any right, for the purpose of benefiting him,
there is no extenuation except he be in fact benefited, or, at
least not injured."81 Sabin remarks that what had been
planned as a reservation community where Indians might
benefit by the white man's culture "turned out to be only a
concentration camp of prisoners."82
A proposal that some of the prisoners go out with the
soldiers against the Kiowa and Comanche, who were ac-
cused of having robbed the supply trains carrying goods to
the Bosque Redondo, aroused little interest among the Mes-
calero and the Navaho.83
In 1865 worms again destroyed the crops. General Carle-
ton's admonition that the Indians must understand what a
dreadful year it was and that they must save as much as
possible to keep from starvation fell on the ears of men who
knew how to look after themselves if they were given any
chance to do so. Now they began to take that chance. Since
midwinter a few Apache had been slipping away from time
to time. In July a large party under Ganado Blanco broke
away. They were pursued and driven back. In August, the
Western Apache left.84 Then, in November, all but nine of
the Mescalero departed from the reservation and returned
to their former territory.85
80. Sabin, op. cit., II, 726-27 ; Dunn, op. cit., 386, 465-68.
81. Dunn, op. cit., 468-69, 470.
82. Sabin, op. cit., II, 726.
83. Ibid., 730.
84. Dunn, op. cit., 470.
85. Reeve, op. cit., 266 ; Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 145, 149
(1866).
20 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
In this year, Felipe Delgado, who agreed with General
Carleton's ideas and policies, succeeded Steck as superintend-
ent of Indian affairs.86 In answer to President Andrew John-
son's order of June 9, 1865, recommending the suppression
of Indian slavery in New Mexico, Delgado protested that
captives had been purchased from various Indian tribes be-
cause of Christian piety on the part of whites who wished
to educate them in the ways of civilization.87
Lack of funds to finance a campaign against them left
the Mescalero free to roam through their old territory for
the next three or four years.88 Their agent, Lorenzo Labadie,
reminded the Washington office that the Mescalero had been
peaceful their first year at the Bosque Redondo and had
begged to be separated from the Navaho after the latter had
arrived. He recommended putting the Jicarilla Apache and
the Mescalero together at Fort Stanton.89
The year 1868 saw the final failure of the Bosque Re-
dondo scheme, with the removal of the Navaho to their for-
mer territory.90 This same year the Chiricahua Apache were
settled on the Ojo Caliente Reservation in the present Grant
County, where they stayed until 1877.91
The Mescalero had returned to their former ways of life
and were reported to be on good terms with the Lip an
Apache whom they often met on buffalo hunts. Both tribes
acted together against the Comanche and other tribes.92
Now and then the Mescalero accomplished a rather spec-
tacular raid, as on the occasion when they seized 1,165
head of cattle from John Chisum, one of the first cowmen
in New Mexico. The herd had been destined for Fort Sum-
ner, but was driven by the Apache to the Guadalupe Moun-
tains.93
Unknown to the Mescalero, new forces were at work
86. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 162 (1865) ; Dunn, op. cit., 470.
87. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 165 (1865).
88. Reeve, op. cit., 266.
89. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 140 (1866).
90. Dunn, op. cit., 471.
91. Twitchell, op. cit., II, 438.
92. John C. Cremony, Life Among the Apache, 21 (A. Roman & Co., New York,
1868).
93. Twitchell, op. cit., V, 281.
MESCALERO APACHE 21
which would soon alter their lives profoundly. Not only
were cattle kings entering the Southwest, but treaties of
1867-68 were opening the way across the continent for the
railroads.94
In 1869, control of the Indians of New Mexico was trans-
ferred to the army.95 Lieutenant A. G. Hennisee was sta-
tioned at Fort Stanton, but the Mescalero avoided the fort
and the soldiers. Apparently the only members of the tribe
encountered at all were four or five Indians seen by accident
by some troops who went as far as Fort Bliss. Labadie, at
Agua Negra, New Mexico, also reported that no Mescalero
had visited that agency.96
When Grant became President in 1869, he adopted a new
policy in Indian affairs, delegating the nomination of Indian
agents to the various religious organizations interested in
Indian missions. Members of the Society of Friends and
army officers were chosen for many posts.97 He also au-
thorized the organization of a Board of Indian Commis-
sioners. Under an Act of Congress of 1868, two million dol-
lars had been appropriated to enable the President to main-
tain peace among the various Indian tribes ; to promote the
civilization of the Indians ; to bring them, when practicable,
upon reservations; and to relieve their necessities and en-
courage them to become self-supporting. The Board of In-
dian Commissioners, consisting of not more than ten eminent
men to serve without pecuniary compensation, was to exer-
cise joint control with the Secretary of the Interior over the
disbursement of the fund.98
Vincent Colyer, the member of the Commission who vis-
ited the Southwest, pointed out that the Apache had former-
ly been at peace with the Americans and that in 1858 and
1859 they had been making rapid progress in the "arts of
civilization." He blamed the later trouble and wars on the
adoption of what he termed "the Mexican theory of exter-
94. Nevins, The Emergence of Modern America, 1865-1878, 110 (Macmillan Co.,
New York, 1927).
95. Reeve, op. cit., 267.
96. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 244, 246 (1869).
97. Schmeckebier, The Office of Indian Affairs, 54 56-57.
98. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 4 (1869).
22 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
mination" and charged that the Americans had made the
Apache their foes by "acts of inhuman treachery and
cruelty."99
In 1870, the Mescalero and Southern Apache agencies
were consolidated. Lieutenant Hennisee was trying to make
contacts with the Mescalero and reported that fifty-one of
the tribe had come in. He hoped to use them to communi-
cate with the others and so finally to settle them all on a
reservation. But no chiefs had arrived as yet, and Hennisee
thought the suspicious Mescalero were sending only a few
persons to test his sincerity and to observe what treatment
they received. The attractions at the agency do not seem to
have been very great, however, for there was little shelter
or clothing to offer the Indians and such scanty rations that
they felt they must raid to live.100
Military control was brought to an end in this same year,
and A. J. Curtis, a protege of the American Unitarian As-
sociation, was appointed to the Mescalero agency in 1871.101
At Fort Stan ton, Curtis found only twenty-seven mem-
bers of the tribe, Jose La Paz and his band. This group had
been pursued and brought in after two soldiers had been
killed the preceding winter. Now they were sent out to bring
back the rest of the tribe, some of whom they said were in
Comanche country. Cadetta (obviously another spelling of
the name of the chief mentioned before in these pages)
agreed to come in with his group. A treaty was drawn up
with him, promising protection, a school, and land for culti-
vation, if the Mescalero would remain at peace on a reser-
vation. They were to be allowed to keep any stock they had.
There were now 325 Mescalero at Fort Stanton, and a party
was sent to Comanche country to find others. Two Jicarilla
leaders even arrived to confer about the possibility of join-
ing the Mescalero on their reservation.102
Though the agreement with Cadetta is spoken of in the
Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs as a treaty,
1871 marked the end of the treaty-making period. There-
99. Twitchell, op. cit., II, 484.
100. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 159-60 (1870).
101. Reeve, op. cit., XIII, 267.
102. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 400-04 (1871).
MESCALERO APACHE 23
after no tribe was to be recognized as an independent na-
tion with whom the United States might contract by treaty.
The Indians were declared thenceforth to be "wards" of the
United States, to be dealt with by Congressional enact-
ment.103
Though all was now comparatively peaceful in Mescalero
territory, it was in this year that General Crook was assigned
to the Command of the Department of Arizona and began
his campaign against the Chiricahua Apache under Co-
chise.104 In the ensuing operations, General Crook employed
friendly Indians as scouts, and in this capacity they were
of great assistance to the regular troops.105 Later, Mescalero
scouts joined these forces.
Various groups had been coming in to Fort Stanton for
about a year now, many of them from Comanche territory.
The agent reported in 1872 that there were included at the
Fort Stanton Agency, 830 Mescalero, 440 Aguas Nuevos,
350 Lipan, and 310 Southern Apache (Eastern Chiricahua
Apache) whose proper home was the Tularosa Reservation.
He adds that the presence of the latter was disagreeable to
the Mescalero, and that there was trouble between the two
groups.106 Cadete, the leader who had helped gather the
Mescalero at Fort Stanton, was mysteriously murdered in
La Luz Canyon in November on his way home from Mesilla.
It was believed that he had been killed by Mexicans against
whom he had testified when they were tried for selling
whiskey to the Indians.107
In the winter, a first attempt at defining the reservation
boundary was made. An executive order, dated May 29,
1873, designated a reservation along the eastern slopes of
the White and Sacramento Mountains for the Mescalero
Apache.108
At this time, the Fort Stanton region was under the
103. Macleod, op. cit., 536.
104. Martin F. Schmitt, ed., General George Crook: His Autobiography, 159-60
175 (University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, 1946).
105. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 263 (1873).
106. Ibid., 53-54, 298.
107. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1873, 263.
108. Reeve, op. cit., 268 ; Kappler, op. cit., I, 870-71.
24 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
domination of Murphy and Company, the firm which acted
as post traders. Curtis was completely in their power. The
company profiited greatly by exaggerating the number of
rations issued to Indians. In 1871, about 400 Indians were
receiving supplies ; by spring, 1873, the number on paper had
risen to 2,679, — an increase which astonished the new agent,
Samuel B. Bushnell, who set about to break the hold of the
trading company.109
Complaints were coming in from settlers that the Mes-
calero were stealing their stock. The officials felt that the
Indians were not yet familiar with the boundaries of their
new reservation and should not be treated too harshly in
this matter, especially since it was evident that the Mes-
calero felt that the country was theirs and that the settlers
should pay them tribute. However, Major W. R. Rice, com-
mander of troops in southern New Mexico, decided to take
immediate action. He arrested Santa Ana, brother of the
chief, Roman, and held him as hostage for the return of the
stolen horses. The result of this action was that all but about
two hundred of the Mescaleros left the reservation.110 A pass
system must have been in operation, for there is a record of
passes issued to six men at the request of Roman to go out
and hunt for the Apache belonging to, but absent from, the
reservation.111
By the following year, the next agent, W. D. Crothers,
was able to report that most of the Indians had returned
and that there were now 600 in or near the reservation. With
the reserve itself, the Mescalero expressed some dissatisfac-
tion which resulted in a new executive order dated February
2, 1874, increasing the arable land east of the mountains
and adding to the hunting grounds on the west slope of the
Sacramentos.112 The Southern Apache were now removed
from Tularosa to a reservation on the site of their former
home at Hot Springs.113
In the preceding year, it had been the Mescalero who
109. Reeve, op. cit., 270-71.
110. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 263-64 (1873).
111. Twitchell, op. cit., Ill, 439.
112. Kappler, op. cit., I, 871-72 ; Reeve, op. cit., 268-69.
113. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 134 (1874).
MESCALERO APACHE 25
^V JLt
were accused of "depredations;" this year the situation was
reversed, and it was the white settlers who raided the In-
dians. A band of citizens not only stole Mescalero horses,
but attacked a Mescalero encampment on the Pecos and
killed men, women, and children. According to the agency
reports, this affray occurred within hearing of the military
who excused their noninterference by saying they thought
the Indians were fighting among themselves. The Mescalero,
in terror, fled to the mountains. Their flight was construed
by the citizens as "taking to the war path." The military
now pursued the Mescalero, who fled before them, abandon-
ing their camps, clothing, and provisions. Another raid on
the Apache occurred in January, 1875, and this time the
white citizens bragged that they had taken three scalps.
More Apache fled to the mountains with the military in pur-
suit. Such a state of general lawlessness existed that Croth-
ers, the Mescalero agent, armed his employees and a few
other citizens who wanted to preserve order on the reserva-
tion. Meanwhile he made every attempt to find the Indians
and bring them in. An employee, two citizens, and an In-
dian guide finally found them, starving and in need of
clothing.114
During these troubled months, Murphy tried to get rid of
Crothers through trumped-up charges, but the district at-
torney dropped the case. But Crothers found himself under
censure from the Secretary of War who charged him with
dereliction of duty in the matter of the killing of Indians on
the reservation by the raiders. A special investigation fol-
lowed. Though the evidence seemed to favor the agent, he
later resigned.115
By now the vast, impersonal forces of white civilization
were making themselves felt even in the far west and were
bringing changes that made more impossible each day such
flights and retreats to old Apache ways as had just occurred.
More and more easterners were taking up homesteads in
the west. The Desert Land Act of 1877 would throw open
114. Colonel Martin L. Crimmins, "Colonel Buell's Expedition into Mexico in 1880,"
NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, X, 133 (April, 1935) ; Reeve, op. cit., 272-73; Report
of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 39, 329-30 (1875).
115. Reeve, op. cit., 273.
26 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
to settlement New Mexico Territory, Arizona Territory,
Utah Territory, and Colorado Territory. In 1874, the first
barbed wire went on sale. Now the huge buffalo herds, di-
vided by the completion of the Union Pacific Railroad, were
nearing their end. Although buffalo hunting had been one
of the chief industries of the southwestern plains from 1870
to 1874, the southern herd had passed out of existence by
1875. The opening of the Northern Pacific Railroad was to
cause the extermination of the northern herd by 1880.116
With terrifying suddenness, the economic basis of Mescalero
society was being destroyed. With the extinction of the buf-
falo herds and the coming of fenced cattle ranches, the old
life of wild game hunting and wild plant gathering was no
longer possible.
An executive order of October 20, 1875, once again re-
defined the reservation boundaries, including this time cer-
tain grasslands in the White Mountains.117 F. C. Godfrey,
who had succeeded Crothers as agent, found the Mescalero
"courageous" yet "tractable" and "susceptible of kindness."
He noted that they nearly all spoke Spanish in addition to
their native tongue and that several chiefs, "fully alive to
the importance of the subject," had requested that a school
be opened.118
Trouble with the surrounding citizens continued, and the
Mescalero lost more horses, some of which were recovered
from a band of horse thieves at Puerta de Luna.119 Some
feuds with the Chiricahua Apache at Hot Springs also took
place.120
In August, a band of Mescalero arrived from Mexico and
brought word of another group which had left the agency
in June. From later reports, it seems likely that the bands
which had deserted the agency were those of Natsile and
Pinoli. A new method to assure their return was tried. One,
J. A. Lucero, was to be paid $1.50 per man and $1.00 per
woman or child to bring them back to the agency. Lucero
116. Webb, op. cit., 230, 413 ; Nevins, op. cit., 113-14.
117. Kappler, op. cit., I, 872 ; Reeve, op. cit., 269.
118. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 106, 107 (1876).
119. Ibid., 108-9.
120. Bancroft, XII, 743.
MESCALERO APACHE 27
was quite successful on this mission and brought in 147
persons, many of whom were in a destitute condition.121
In January, 1877, a school was started at the Mescalero
Agency, now located at South Fork, New Mexico,
pox epidemic greatly reduced the number of pupils
the next three months and caused much suffering.
Though the Indians were now staying quietly on the res-
ervation and were engaging in more agricultural activities
than in times past, they were not to be left to follow such
pursuits undisturbed. A band of invaders, described as
"Texans" in the agency report, raided the Indian camps in
July and again in August, stealing horses each time. The
military pursued them without success.122
Peaceful life on the reserve was further menaced by the
outbreak in 1878 of the Lincoln County War between two
factions of settlers. The agent was favorable to the faction
headed by Murphy and Dolan and, after many accusations,
was discharged. His successor was so much alarmed by the
stories of conditions in Lincoln County that he never got
nearer the agency than Santa Fe, and S. A. Russell was sent
to take over the post. That the danger of working at the
Mescalero Agency had not been greatly exaggerated was
soon evident. The agency clerk, Bernstein, attempting to
keep the Indians' stock from being stolen, was killed by
Billy the Kid, who belonged to one of the warring factions.123
The Jicarilla Apache had agreed to join the Mescalero at
Fort Stanton, but only thirty-two arrived. The rest were
too much alarmed by news of the war in Lincoln County to
venture into that part of the country. Their objections
seemed so reasonable that no effort was made to force them
to go there. Indeed, the Mescalero themselves felt far from
safe on their reserve, and many fled to the mountains. Es-
trella's and Peso's bands visited the agency only when they
were very hungry and needy.124
121. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 155-56 (1877) ; 288 (1900) ;
Twitchell, op. cit., Ill, 439 ; Reeve, op. cit., 274.
122. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 156-57 (1877).
123. Reeve, op. cit., 274, 276 ; George P. Hammond and Thomas C. Donnelly, The
Story of New Mexico, 125-26 ("University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1936) ;
Twitchell, op. cit., II, 423.
124. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, xl-xli, 107 (1878).
28 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Attempts had been made in the past two years to abolish
the reservation that had been set aside for the Chiricahua
bands and to remove the Indians living upon them to San
Carlos, Arizona. These forced removals met with great re-
sistance, and the Indians who refused to cooperate were
termed renegades. Pursued by the military, they would be
captured and taken to San Carlos only to break out and flee
again to the mountains. It was finally decided to remove one
of these renegade bands under Victorio to the Mescalero
reserve, but Victorio was not willing to come.
However, in June of 1879, Victorio and his men did come
to the reservation and began arranging to have their wives
and children brought from San Carlos. In July, Victorio
was indicted for horse stealing and murder. When, a few
days later, a judge and a prosecuting attorney visited the
reservation, presumably on a hunting trip, Victorio believed
that he and his band would shortly be arrested. Accordingly,
the band left the reservation immediately. During the next
few months, they were successful in a good many skirmishes
with the troops who had been sent after them. Russell re-
ported that by April of 1880 two hundred or more Mescalero
had joined Victorio and added that the fifty or sixty men
involved "were of course of the worst Indians belonging to
this agency."125
Now, to the great alarm of the Mescalero, who thought
that perhaps they too were to be sent to San Carlos, Colonel
Hatch arrived with 1,000 troops and Indian scouts. The In-
dians were induced to come together, and Colonel Hatch had
a talk with Chief Natsile on the evening of April 12, 1880.
Afterward, he informed the agent that he intended to dis-
arm the Mescalero and seize their stock. Since the Indians
had assembled in good faith, Russell protested, but Colonel
Hatch was acting under orders from General Pope and was
not to be dissuaded.
The next morning, over two hundred horses belonging to
the Mescalero were seized, and men, women, and children,
after being searched, were confined in a corral where the
125. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, xxxviii-xl (1878) ; 114 (1879) ;
129 (1880).
MESCALERO APACHE 29
old manure was three to five inches deep. In all, fourteen
persons were shot and of those who were killed, one was the
father of Natsile. These events were doubly tragic in that
they occurred after the agent "had repeatedly assured them
that those who remained faithful and did as requested would
be well treated, and their horses put in my hands." For the
next four months the Mescalero were under guard and were
treated as prisoners. During that time, they constantly ques-
tioned their agent as to why they were held, how long they
would be confined, and whether they would be paid for their
horses.126
Meanwhile, Victorious band had been further reinforced
by about one hundred renegade Comanche and was making
raids throughout the southern part of New Mexico. It is in-
teresting to note that General Pope, himself, considered that
the sole cause of this outbreak was the determination of the
Department of the Interior to remove the band to San Carlos.
He pointed out that they had given no trouble so long as
they were allowed to live at the Warm Springs Agency. Dunn
quotes Pope as follows: "Both Victorio and his band are
resolved to die rather than go to the San Carlos Agency, and
there is no doubt, it will be necessary to kill or capture the
whole tribe before present military operations can be closed
successfully. The capture is not very probable, but the kill-
ing (cruel as it will be) can, I suppose, be done in time. I am
trying to separate the Mescaleros from Victorio, and yet
hope to do so, but there is not the slightest prospect that
Victorio or his band will ever surrender under any circum-
stances."127
Apparently, nothing came of General Pope's efforts to
disentangle the Mescalero elements from Victorio's band.
But it was the Mexican troops who finally defeated Victorio
in 1883, in the Tres Costillos Mountains. Victorio and eighty-
six of his warriors were killed ; Chief Nana and some fifty
warriors escaped; eighty-nine women and children were
126. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 130 (1880) ; 289 (1900) ;
Reeve, op. cit., 278 ; Twitchell, op. cit., Ill, 440.
127. Op. cit., 741-42.
30 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
captured and were later exhibited in Mexico City, where
most of them died.128
The three hundred or so Mescalero who were confined
as prisoners of war on their reservation were allowed, in
September, 1880, freedom of movement within a radius of
eight miles of the agency. Others were brought in through
military pressure and through promises that they would be
protected and would be given arms for hunting and stock.
Individuals who objected too strongly to these plans were
threatened with confinement at Leavenworth.129
In spite of the strict surveillance kept over the Mescalero,
violent episodes occurred from time to time. In one instance,
in revenge for the murder of one of their number, some
Mescalero burned a wagon train belonging to a Mexican.130
In 1881, Major H. H. Llewellyn came as agent to the
Mescalero. He reported that Chief Roman Tcikito, who was
friendly to the government, had been falsely accused by the
Santa Fe newspapers of being out with a war party. In this
year, an Indian police force was organized, consisting of
fifteen members.131
Though conditions were far from quiet in Lincoln Coun-
ty, which was still over-run with outlaws and mining pros-
pectors, other influences were at work in the Territory. In
January of 1881, the Albuquerque Indian School was opened,
"intended especially for Pueblos and Mescalero Apaches."
A few children were sent to this school from the Mescalero
Reservation the next year. Since these were the first Mes-
calero children ever to leave the tribe to be sent away to
school, it was with some difficulty that the agent persuaded
the chiefs to let them go.132
Again in 1882, the reservation boundaries were some-
what changed, an area on the north and west being thrown
open and an area added on the east. According to Llewellyn,
this change was made to satisfy the white population of the
128. Crimmins, op. cit., 142 ; Twitchell, op. cit., II, 439-40.
129. Reeve, op. cit., 278.
130. Twitchell, op. cit., Ill, 439.
131. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 136 (1881).
132. Lillie G. McKinney, "History of the Albuquerque Indian School," NEW MEX-
ICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, XX, 120 (April, 1945) ; Report of the Commissioner of Indian
Affairs, 124 (1882).
MESCALERO APACHE 31
Nogal mining district where gold had been discovered. In
this year also, the Mescalero and Jicarilla agencies were con-
solidated with headquarters at Mescalero, a plan to remove
the Mescalero to the Jicarilla Reservation having been con-
sidered, but rejected.133
The new Indian police force proved its value when a
small group of renegades arrived with stolen stock. In at-
tempting to arrest them, the police killed three of the party
and saved the lives of the agent, the physician, and the clerk
by their prompt action. Llewellyn was wounded twice in
the arm, in this affair.
As the presence of the agency physician indicates, the
Mescalero were now not entirely dependent upon their own
ceremonies and cures for medical care. The diseases report-
ed to be prevalent among them were measles, digestive ail-
ments, tuberculosis, other pulmonary ailments, and some
malaria. Five hundred and eighty were vaccinated against
smallpox.134
An executive order of March 24, 1883, made some further
changes in the boundary of the reservation.135 Now the
Jicarilla Apache arrived after traveling a distance of 502
miles in forty-seven days from Amargo. Their trip had been
saddened by the loss of six persons who died of smallpox on
the way. The two Apache groups seemed to be on good
terms, but the Three Rivers band of Mescalero had to be
restrained from forcibly evicting some white settlers from
their lands. The next year, it was decided that the Indians
were entitled to these lands.136
Fifty of the Apache, including the chief San Juan, went
to Santa Fe in July to attend the tertio-millenial celebration.
There, San Juan is said to have made a speech complaining
of the treatment accorded the Mescalero by the government.
But the helpful white man who claimed to know Apache
and offered to interpret for San Juan, instead of translating
133. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Ixvii, 123 (1882) ; Kappler,
op. cit., 872-73.
134. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 124, 125-26 ( 1882 ) .
135. Kappler, op, cit., I, 873 ; Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
LXIV (1883).
136. Ibid., LXV, 116 (1883) ; 132 (1884).
32 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
the chief's remarks, delivered an address he had himself
prepared. However, San Juan must have found other inter-
preters, for President Ladd of the University of New Mex-
ico, who was interested in the Indian Industrial School De-
partment of the university, attributed the specific impulse
to found such a school to a plea made by San Juan at this
same celebration.137
The day school on the reservation was still operating,
and there were plans for a boarding school to accommodate
thirty pupils. The boarding school opened in the following
year with 15 students, 1 teacher, a matron, and a cook. Now
white influence penetrated further with the arrival of the
first missionary. Padre Sombrano of Lincoln County visited
the agency and baptised 173 of the Indians.138
Apache beliefs were not, however, weakening, and one
of the agent's problems was to keep his wards from burning
those accused of witchcraft. Llewellyn kept his head quite
well in these situations. He was a man with some sense of
history and remarked wryly in his reports that the Indians
were only a little over a century behind the Puritans in this
matter, so that it should not seem too strange a custom.139
In 1885, a court of Indian Offenses was functioning on
the reservation with two Mescalero and one Jicarilla con-
ducting the hearings. It is, perhaps, surprising that the
numbers should not have been reversed, since there were 721
Jicarilla and only 462 Mescalero residents on the reserve.140
By now, as we have seen, the Mescalero were completely
subdued. Their warfare with the Americans, their raids,
their attempts to return to the old life, were over. However,
this was not true of the Chiricahua Apache, for this was
the period when Geronimo and his followers were being pur-
sued first by General Crook and later by General Nelson A.
Miles. A few of the Mescalero became involved in these dis-
137. /bid., 116 (1883) ; Henry O. Flipper, "Early History of El Paso," Old
Santa Fe, II, 95 (1914) ; Frank D. Reeve, "The Old University of New Mexico," NEW
MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, VIII, 206 (July, 1933).
138. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 117 (1883) ; 133 (1884).
139. Ibid., 118 (1883).
140. Ibid., 149, 152 (1885).
*»
T; 33
turbances, some with Geronimo, but many more as scouts
helping the army to bring him in.141
Upon the surrender of Geronimo, General Miles treated
all concerned with a harshness and injustice which have to
this day never been forgotten nor forgiven by the Chiricahua
and the Mescalero Apache. He not only sent Geronimo and
his followers to captivity in Florida, but in addition, he
rounded up all the Chiricahua men, women, and children
who had remained at peace and sent them also to Florida
as prisoners. Included with these blameless ones were the
Chiricahua and Mescalero scouts who had done more than
anyone else to capture and bring in Geronimo and his band
of hostiles. The men who had enlisted as scouts and who
had so recently undergone the hardships of desert warfare
side by side with American soldiers, found themselves pris-
oners of war at Fort Marion, St. Augustine, Florida. In
1888, renegades, peaceful Apache, and scouts were all re-
moved to Mount Vernon Barracks near Mobile, Alabama,
still as prisoners of war.142
The relatives, at Mescalero, New Mexico, of the scouts
who were thus unjustly held, did what they could to get them
released. In 1888, four or five of these men with their fami-
lies were allowed to return. In 1889, the agent reported that
about fourteen Mescalero were still held in confinement in
Alabama and urged their release.143 Over the years they re-
turned, a few at a time, to the reservation.
In 1887, the Jicarilla Apache, who had never become
completely adjusted to living with the Mescalero, began to
leave the reserve in groups. About two hundred of them
camped in a starving condition near San Ildefonso Pueblo.
Since there was fear of serious trouble if any attempt was
made to return them to the Mescalero Reservation, a reser-
vation was set aside for them in the northern part of New
Mexico. The Mescalero expressed no regret at their de-
141. Ibid., 40 (1886) ; 289 (1900).
142. Schmitt, op. cit., 265-91.
143. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 255 (1889).
34 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
parture but entertained some fear that they might sometime
be, themselves, removed.144
Whether the attitude of the new agent toward the In-
dians had anything to do with the decision of the Jicarilla
to leave cannot be said for sure, but his handling of the
school situation certainly antagonized the Mescalero. Find-
ing that the boarding school was not well attended, and
being unable to persuade the chiefs to send in any more chil-
dren, Agent Cowart sent detachments of the police to visit
the camps unexpectedly and seize children of school age. He
thus describes the results of this policy : "The unusual pro-
ceeding created quite an outcry. The men were sullen and
muttering, the women loud in their lamentations, and the
children almost out of their wits with fright." Feeling that
the "civilization" of the Indian, "like that of the Negro and
the other inferior races," could be kept up only by constant
contact with Caucasions, he disapproved of allowing the
children to return to their camps even in the summer.145
The next agent was a good deal more lenient and did not
appear to be infected with his predecessor's notions of su-
perior and inferior races. He showed some trust in the
people, allowing them to have iron buckets which had been
denied them formerly for fear they might use them to make
corn beer.146
And so things were to go on for many years, with some
agents forcing what they considered to be "civilization"
upon the Mescalero, others trusting the Mescalero to make
their own adjustments, but all of them steadily trying to
destroy the culture of the Mescalero and to replace it by
customs and modes known and approved in white American
society. The most determined of the "civilizers" was un-
doubtedly V. E. Stottler, who forced the men to cut their
hair and clothe themselves like white men, repressed the
making of corn beer, allowed no Indian dances to be held,
abolished the Court of Indian Offenses, and kept the children
in the boarding school over the summers where they were
144. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Ixxii-lxxiii, 167 (1887) ; Kap-
pler, op. cit., I, 875.
146. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 199-200 (1886).
146. Ibid., 254 (1889).
MESCALERO APACHE 35
"put at industrial work." He got the men working at a saw-
mill and encouraged the building of wooden houses. He gave
the job of hauling supplies from Las Cruces to the Indians
and was satisfied with their performance. He kept the po-
lice busy herding cattle, returning run-away school pupils,
clearing ditches, working at the sawmill, and acting in gen-
eral as examples of industry and order. At this time, the
Mescalero population was 450, and they had 500 acres of
fenced land under cultivation. Stottler urged the govern-
ment to extinguish the claims of certain settlers who had
managed to get land within the reserve, so that 400 more
acres might be added. Five thousand sheep were purchased
and issued, and Stottler even brought in a few expert Nava-
ho blanket weavers to instruct the Mescalero in carding,
spinning, dyeing, and weaving.147
During this long and trying period, the peyote cult, which
had diffused northward from the Indians of Mexico, flour-
ished among the Mescalero, and the fears, frustrations, and
aggressions of individuals flared in charges of witchcraft
and power theft revealed in the visions induced by peyote.148
In 1899, the Mescalero became self -sustaining to the point
where rations and annuities were cut off except to old or in-
capacitated persons. Marriages and divorces were handled
and recorded by the agency office. School attendance was
compulsory for children, and a number of adults were even
reported to have attended a night school. The baseball nine
had won several games. An attempt was made to substitute
picnics and Fourth of July, Thanksgiving, and Christmas
celebrations for Indian dances.149 But this is not the bright
picture that it may have seemed in the eyes of ambitious
agents of the government. It must be remembered that all
of this was achieved against great resistance, under duress,
and without any faith or confidence on the part of the har-
rassed Mescalero population. The new way of life was not,
as yet, flourishing enough to give hope. The first field matron
147. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 209-12 (1896) ; 193 (1897).
148. Macleod, op. cit., 529 ; Morris Edward Opler, "The Influence of Aboriginal
Pattern and White Contact on a Recently Introduced Ceremony, the Mescalero Peyote
Rite," Journal of American Folklore (1936).
149. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 291 (1900) ; 281-83 (1901).
36 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
to visit the Mescalero found them "miserably poor," living
with few rations on tiny farms and preserving themselves
from starvation by the sale of curios.150 In addition, tuber-
culosis was prevalent, and the mortality rate from this cause
was unusually high.151
The Chiricahua Apache had been removed from Alabama
to Fort Sill, Oklahoma. In 1913, with the approval of the
Mescalero, the Chiricahua were transferred from Oklahoma
to the Mescalero Reservation. The Mescalero felt that the
addition of over two hundred Apache would help them to
hold their entire reserve and prevent it from being opened
to settlers.152
The major events in the history of the Mescalero Apache
since that date have roughly paralleled modern American
history. Their men went with our men to the first World
War. As a people, they suffered in the ensuing influenza
epidemic. They were overwhelmed by the depression of the
30's and worked under the relief programs that were set up.
Their young men fought beside our other young men in
World War II. The first experimental atomic bomb was ex-
ploded in the desert not far from their homes. They have
lived their past bravely and will meet the years to come with
a philosophy often differing from that of white Americans,
but with its own profundities and resources.
150. Ibid.. 283 (1901).
161. Ibid., 253 (1902) ; 216 (1903).
152. Annual Report, Board of Directors, Indian Rights Association, 19-20 (1918).
Frederick E. Phelps
FREDERICK E. PHELPS: A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS
Edited by FRANK D. REEVE
Introduction
According to "the old leather bound Bible," Frederick E.
Phelps was born in Saint Mary's, Ohio, on October 8, 1847.
His grandfather had been an eminent lawyer and supreme
court judge in Connecticut. His father, Edward Marshall
Phelps, secured his education by working his way through
Kenyon College, Ohio. Language teacher, lawyer and farmer,
Edward Phelps was never financially successful. Lucinda
Phelps, Frederick's mother, graduated from the University
at Norwalk, Ohio. Her son wrote that she was a person of
great moral strength and intelligence, and guided the house-
hold so cleverly that the family was scarcely aware of her
control.
Captain Phelps' childhood and youth were spent in Saint
Mary's or on one of his father's farms nearby the village. He
retained many pleasant memories of the days spent swim-
ming, fishing, hunting, and ice skating in the ponds and
woods so easily accessible. Hunting was his favorite sport
and one in which he excelled. Because of his skill he was
able to earn some of the money he needed to go to West
Point and later, in New Mexico and Texas, to supplement
the army diet which, at best, was limited.
In the summer of 1865, he left home for the first time.
It was difficult, but he would not have missed the opportun-
ity for anything. Fortune had provided him with a relative,
Frank C. Le Blond who, as a member of Congress, secured
an appointment to West Point for him, thus fulfilling a
childhood ambition for the young man.
Phelps was a soldier through and through. His reminis-
cences of West Point reveal his respect for the dignity of
that institution, even when telling his escapades. His demo-
cratic ideals are best indicated by his approval of the "haz-
ing" of first year students. This activity, he said, tended to
"level," because one was subjected to it without consideration
37
38 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
for family position. He participated in, and enjoyed, the
pranks of yearlings and plebes. He remembers standing
sentry duty at his first encampment. It was common practice
to annoy the sentry, if possible. At this particular time,
someone was throwing a pillow at him. He threatened to
bayonet the pillow the next time it was thrown — and did.
After ripping it open and scattering the feathers far and
wide, he learned that it was his own pillow ! As punishment
for such unseemly conduct, he spent every free moment for
the next month picking up feathers on the camp grounds.
He was conscientious, too, studying hard and late, maintain-
ing a soldierly attitude and being proud of his accomplish-
ments. Through Secretary of War Edward M. Stanton, who
had been his father's roommate at Kenyon College, he was
reappointed to the Academy after having failed in mathe-
matics during his first year. This failure was a great disap-
pointment to him, but unavoidable, since the subject was
difficult and he had not been well prepared. He finally gradu-
ated on June 15, 1870, thirty-seventh in a class of fifty-eight.
This standing, he wrote, was in part the result of having the
maximum number of demerits allowed fourth year men.
At Christmas of 1863, Phelps met Maria L. Patrick of
Urbana, Illinois, when she was visiting her cousin in Saint
Mary's. Though he didn't see her from that time until his
graduation, they corresponded regularly and were married
in the summer of 1870. As soon as he was located in New
Mexico, he sent for his bride. She journeyed to her army-
post home only to be buried there a few years later.
In the spring of 1888, when the 8th Cavalry made its
famous march from Texas to Dakota Territory, Phelps left
the Southwest. Then his health and that of Mary's (sister
to Maria), his second wife, made it necessary for them to
leave Fort Yates, Dakota Territory, for the East to consult
doctors. As a result of the physical examination which
found him unfit for active duty, he was retired April 20,
1891. Mrs. Phelps died in February, 1892.
Captain Phelps married Anna Louise Rawlings and set-
tled down in Saint Mary's. Time lay heavily on his hands
with nothing to do and with no special interest other than
FREDERICK E. PHELPS : A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 39
the Army. After several business ventures, which were
unsuccessful, he accepted a position as Instructor in Mili-
tary Tactics and Science at the Agricultural and Mechanical
College of North Carolina at West Raleigh. From this col-
lege his oldest son, Fred, graduated in 1904. Unable to ob-
tain an appointment to West Point, young Fred enlisted and
won his commission through the ranks, which pleased his
father very much.
Because of Mrs. Phelps' health the family returned to
Ohio for awhile. In 1907, after requesting duty with the
Army, Captain Phelps was placed in charge of the recruiting
office in Pittsburg, and two years later was appointed Quar-
termaster. He thus rounded out his last years in the service
that he loved, the United States Army.
During his tour of duty in Pittsburg, he dictated his
memoirs to his secretary incorporating in them material
composed at an earlier time. Five copies were made, one for
each member of his family. The copy here printed was se-
cured from his daughter, Mrs. S. H. Eyler, El Paso, Texas.
The early part of the manuscript, dealing with his boyhood
days, is not printed, nor the part relating to his life after
leaving Texas. The picture that he presents of army life on
the Southwestern frontier covers those years when the con-
flict with the Indians was running its final course, a time
now fading from the living memory but recorded for future
generations in such writings as the memoirs of Captain
Phelps.
Preparing a text for publication is a tedious task, but in
this case much helpful assistance has been received from
Miss Caroline Brentari, a graduate student in the Depart-
ment of History, University of New Mexico.
ON the 19th of July, 1870, I was married to Maria L.
Patrick in her old home at Urbana [Illinois], and we
spent the summer at Urbana, Saint Mary's, and Celina,
where my sister Mollie lived. In August I received notice
from the War Department that I was promoted from cadet
to Second Lieutenant, 8th Cavalry, to date from June 15,
1870, the day of my graduation, and that I was assigned
40 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
to Troop A. Before we graduated, we were allowed to send
in a request for the branch of service we desired, and our
choice of regiments in that branch. I had read a book about
New Mexico, and knowing that the 8th Cavalry was sta-
tioned there, I asked for that regiment. I soon found that
my troop was stationed at Fort Craig,1 New Mexico, and my
order directed me to report on or before October 1st at
my station. I could not find out, or at least did not find out,
whether there were any quarters there or not. So in Sep-
tember I left my wife behind me and went to Louisville,
Kentucky, where I met my classmates, who were assigned
to the same regiment, Wood, Godwin, Williams, Cox, Cobb,
and Fountain, and also met there Kerr,2, who was assigned
to the 6th Cavalry, now a retired Brigadier General, and
Hodgson,3 who was assigned to the 7th, and was killed in
the Custer massacre. Wood and Godwin had also been mar-
ried and had their wives with them. We proceeded to Fort
1. Fort Craig was established in April, 1854, about ten miles north of Fray Cristo-
bal, near the beginning of the dangerous and dry route of travel known as the Jornada
del Muerto. It was on the right bank of the Rio Grande in townships 7 and 8 south,
ranges 2 and 3 west. General John Pope recommended in 1870 that it be abandoned,
but it was not until March 3, 1885, that the War Department relinquished control of
the site by transferring it to the Department of the Interior.
2. Edward Edgar Wood was born in Pennsylvania. He served with the rank of
sergeant in the Pennsylvania Cavalry from September 8, 1862, to July 22, 1864, and
was mustered out with the rank of Lieutenant, August 7, 1865.
Edward Allison Godwin was born in Virginia. He served in the West Virginia
Cavalry from February 13 to July 8, 1865.
Richard Algernon Williams was born in Pennsylvania.
Robert Edward Coxe was born in Alabama. He resigned from the Army September
3, 1874.
Edmund Monroe Cobb was born in Massachusetts.
Samuel Warren Fountain was born in Virginia. He served in the Ohio Infantry
during the Civil War was May 2 to September 3, 1864.
The above five soldiers were classmates of Phelps, graduating from the United
States Military Academy and receiving commissions as 2nd Lieutenants, 8th Cavalry,
June 15, 1870.
John Brown Kerr was born in Kentucky. He graduated from the United States
Military Academy and was commissioned 2nd Lieutenant, 6th Cavalry, June 15, 1870.
He received the medal of honor for action against Sioux Indians, January 1, 1891.
3. Benjamin Hubert Hodgson, friend and classmate of Captain Phelps, was born
in Pennsylvania and graduated from the United States Military Academy. He was
commissioned 2nd Lieutenant, 7 Cavalry, June 15, 1870, and was killed in the battle
of the Little Big Horn, June 25, 1876.
During one phase of the battle, Major Reno ordered a retreat, making it necessary
to ford the nearby river in order to reach the opposite hilL "Lieutenant Hodgson's
mount was hit and sank. He grasped a trooper's stirrup and was pulled through but
as he gained the farmer shore, an Indian bullet killed him." Fairfax Downey, Indian-
Fighting Army, p. 205 (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1941).
FREDERICK E. PHELPS I A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 41
Leavenworth to report to the Department commander,
Major General John Pope,4 and in a few days we took the
train for Kit Carson,5 Colorado, from which place we were
to go down into New Mexico by coach, but on arriving at
Kit Carson, we found encamped there two hundred recruits
under a Captain Keller6 enroute for New Mexico. The next
day Wood and his wife, Godwin and his wife, and Cobb took
the coach for Fort Union,7 New Mexico, and the rest of us
were to follow the next day, but Captain Keller telephoned
to Fort Leavenworth8 and asked that we be assigned to duty
with the recruits to march down. This suited us exactly.
He started with his men the next morning before we had
received a reply, but during the day the telegram came di-
recting us to report to him for duty and assigning for our
use a six-mule team and wagon. There was an officer on
duty at Kit Carson, as Commissary, and from him we pur-
chased a supply of canned stuff; about four o'clock in the
afternoon we started out to over-take the command. We
had no arms, except Williams, who had a little four-barreled
revolver, carrying a twenty-two cartridge, and I had an army
4. John Pope was born in Kentucky, March 16, 1822. He graduated from the
United States Military Academy in 1842 and was commissioned Brevet 2nd Lieutenant,
Topographical Engineers. He distinguished himself in the War with Mexico and in
the Civil War ; he attained the rank of Major General, October 26, 1884. General Pope
directed the work of Army engineers in drilling for water in the arid Southwest. He
commanded the Department of the Missouri 1870 to 1884 and retired from active service
two years later. He is sketched in Appletons' Cyclopedia of American Biography (New
York: D. Appleton and Company, 1888).
5. Kit Carson is located in Eastern Colorado. It was the railroad terminus for
travelers to New Mexico when Phelps was there.
6. Jacob William Keller was born in Prussia. He volunteered for service in the
Union Army during the Civil War and was mustered out with the rank of Captain,
January 26, 1864. He re-enlisted as 2nd Lieutenant, July 28, 1866, and retired with
the rank of Captain, December 15, 1870.
7. Fort Union was established in 1851, either in late July or early August, by
Colonel E. V. Sumner, in a more suitable location than Santa Fe for headquarters and
a supply depot. It was located on the Santa Fe trail by way of Raton pass, about ten
miles north and west of the junction of the Sapello and Cebolla creeks which unite
to form the Mora river, and on the west side of Turkey mountain, Latitude 35° 54'
and Longitude 105° 9'. The post and timber reserve covered 66,880 acres. In Phelp's
term of service in the Southwest, the Fort was headquarters for the 8th Cavalry. For
an early description see Secretary of War, Report, 1852, p. 75. 32 cong., 2 sess., Ben.
ex. doc. 1, pt. 2 (659) ; Ass't Surgeon J. Letterman, Sanitary Report, October, 1856,
pp. 221f. 36 cong., 1 sess., sen. ex. doc. 52 (1035).
8. Fort Leavenworth was established in 1827 on the Arkansas river for the
protection of travelers on the Santa Fe trail. It was abandoned after the Civil War.
A brief description can be found in The Southwest Historical Series, ed., Ralph P.
Bieber, II, 101 and III, 122 (The Arthur H. Clark Co.: Glendale Calif., 1932 and 1935).
42 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
revolver, which an officer there asked me to take down to
my Post and turn it over to the commanding officer there,
it having been taking away from a deserter. At that time
the Comanches were on the war-path, but I don't suppose
it occurred to any of us that we were taking big chances.
Darkness soon came, but the driver knew the road ; we had
gotten out about ten miles when we saw the flash of a gun
off to our right and three shots followed in succession. We
did not know what to make of them, but in a few moments
heard an undoubtedly Irish voice yelling for us to stop. We
accordingly halted and called to him ; in a few moments one
of the recruits, a wild Irishman named McCarthy, joined
us, scared nearly out of his senses. Some way he had wan-
dered away from the command and was lost and seemed
exceedingly glad to join us. We arrived at the encampment
about nine o'clock and reported to Captain Keller. Not one
of us had a blanket or buffalo robe, and we had no tents,
but we were young, vigorous, full of life, and managed to
get through the night. There was a contract doctor with the
command; and he had in some way lost his blankets and
invited me to sleep with him in the ambulance. We shivered
all night long in the keen October air, and the next morning,
to our disgust, found four woolen blankets under the seat,
of which we knew nothing. The recruits marched over the
old overland trail,9 making from twelve to twenty miles per
day, according to the supply of water. Captain Keller ap-
pointed Cox as Adjutant and gave him a pony to ride, while
the rest of us, except one, who marched with the troops,
rode in the wagon. Captain Keller had an ambulance of his
own for himself and family, for he brought his wife and
two children with him. He was a plain, blunt soldier, and
a good one, but completely under his wife's thumb. She
never addressed him by name, but always spoke to and of
him as "Commanding Officer," and it used to amuse us im-
mensely to hear her call out to him, "Commanding Officer,
supper is ready." He also had with him a Second Lieuten-
ant of Infantry, named Cottell.10 We had formed our own
9. They were following a route southward from the Smoky Hill route to Denver
to connect with the old Santa Fe trail as Fort Lyon.
10. Hampden Samuel Cottell was born in Maine. He enlisted in the 15th Illinois
FREDERICK E. PHELPS : A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 43
mess and invited him to join it. We found a soldier who
was willing to cook what little we had to cook, and we got
along all right. When we arrived at Fort Lyon,11 Colorado,
we at once bought blankets and soldier over-coats, and drew
two wall tents for our use. While at this Post I was going
up one night from out camp to call upon some officers and,
in attempting to jump an irrigation ditch, severely sprained
my right ankle which completely disabled me for three or
four weeks. I had brought a shot gun with me; there was
plenty of game, prairie chickens, ducks, and snipe, but I
could not walk and none of the other officers cared for hunt-
ing, so we lived on ham, potatoes, coffee and soggy bread,
for our cook could not make good light bread. However,
this bothered us but very little, and we gladly marched on
and in due time arrived at Fort Union, New Mexico. Here
Captain Keller turned back and Lieutenant Cottell was as-
signed to the command of about one hundred of the recruits,
who were to go on down to southern New Mexico to the
various posts. Godwin and his wife here joined us. Our party
then consisted of Godwin and his wife, Williams, Cox, and
myself; Cobb, Wood, and Fountain had joined their troops
at Fort Union. We had splendid weather. Cottell was easy
to get along with and we had a pleasant march to Fort Craig.
Here I joined my troop. I found thatmy Captain was A. B.
Wells.12 My First Lieutenant was named Hunter,13 but he
Infantry, May 24, 1861, and was mustered out with the rank of Captai^, June 3, 1864.
He re-enlisted for the third time, June 18, 1867, with the rank of 2nd L'fejSfca&ant. He
was assigned to the 15th Infantry, August 3, 1870, and retired from acti¥f service,
February 29, 1876.
11. William Bent built New Fort Bent in 1854 and sold it to the Federal govern-
ment in 1859. It was renamed Fort Wise in honor of Governor Henry Wise of Virginia.
After the secession of Virginia, the Fort was renamed Lyon in honor of General
Nathaniel Lyon of Civil War fame. Undermined by floods from the Arkansas river,
it was moved to a new site about six miles northeast of Las Animas. The Reservation
embraced 5,874 acres. It was turned over to the Department of the Interior December
2, 1889.
Biographical sketches of General Lyon are in The National Cyclopaedia of Ameri-
can Biography and the Dictionary of American Biography (hereafter referred to as
DAB).
12. Almond Brown Wells was born in New York. He joined the Nevada Cavalry
with the rank of 1st Lieutenant, July 13, 1863. Mustered out after the War, he re-
enlisted as 2nd Lieutenant in the 8th Cavalary and attained the rank of Colonel, 1st
Cavalry, February 2, 1901.
13. Pendleton Hunter was born in Michigan. He was commissioned 2nd Lieuten-
ant, 8th Cavalry, October 12, 1867, and promoted to 1st Lieutenant, May 1, 1870. He
was mustered out, January 1, 1871.
44 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
was absent on a scout. Captain Wells informed me that he
was to go away at once on a board to purchase horses, and
that I would have command of the troop until one of them
returned. I was assigned for quarters to one-half of an adobe
building consisting of three rooms with mud roof and mud
floor and not a stick of furniture. I had never been in com-
mand of a company, of course, but was lucky in having
an excellent first sergeant. I frankly told him that I knew
little or nothing about company papers and that he must
guide me in these matters; under his instructions, I soon
became proficient in making out company papers. Lieuten-
ant Hunter had part of the troop with him, but there were
about eighty men held there ; two days after my arrival, the
first sergeant informed me that there had been no drill for
sometime and the men were getting rusty in mounted drill.
I immediately informed him that we would have mounted
drill the next morning at ten o'clock. Cavalry officers in
those days had to purchase their own horses, but as I had
not as yet had an opportunity to do so, I told the sergeant
to send one of the troop horses up to my quarters, which
I would use until I could find one that would suit me. The
next morning I came out of my quarters in undress uniform
and found an orderly trumpeter holding his horse and mine.
I noted that the horse was what is called "wall-eyed," that
is, nearly the whole of the eyeball was white, and I knew
from my experience at West Point that a white-eyed horse
generally had a bad temper; so I carefully examined the
cinch, the bridle, and all the equipment. Stepping up along
side of the horse to mount I noticed that he cast one eye
back toward me, and I knew at once that if I mounted in
the usual manner by placing the left foot in the stirrup he
would try to throw me off before I could get fairly seated
in the saddle ; but my West Point drill came to my aid and,
without touching the stirrup, I made one bound and landed
squarely in the saddle. Before he could recover from his
astonishment I had both feet in the stirrups and was ready
for him. He immediately commenced to buck, that is, he
would arch his back like a bow, spring up into the air two
or three feet and come down with all four of his feet together,
FREDERICK E. PHELPS I A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 45
stiff legged, which, if the rider is not prepared, generally
throws him off the horse, but after bucking around for a few
minutes, he found that he could not unseat me and immedi-
ately bolted. Fort Craig was then one of the most desolate
posts on the frontier. It was situated on the edge of a plain,
twelve or fifteen miles wide, and almost perfectly level, cov-
ered with gravel and scarcely a bush. The Post consisted,
like all frontier Posts at that time, of a number of buildings
scattered around a square, and these buildings were con-
nected by an adobe wall perhaps three feet high, not as a
defense, but to keep stray cattle out of the parade ground.
The first sergeant had marched the troop out on the plain
and it was waiting for me, perhaps a mile away. I noticed a
grin on the face of the trumpeter, a little devil named Young,
but one of the best soldiers in the troop, and I soon found
that the horse was not headed for the gate, but straight for
this adobe wall, and I suppose that Young expected to see
me thrown off, but as we approached the wall, I "gathered"
my horse, and he took the wall with a flying leap, followed
closely by Young and his horse. We went skimming across
the plain toward the troop. As I approached the troop I
saw a broad smile on the face of every man. When within
about one hundred feet I drew sharply on the reins, the
heavy bit stopping the horse almost instantly ; sliding on all
four feet, he came to a dead stop just about the regulation
distance in front of the troop. The first sergeant saluted
and reported the troop "all present," so drawing saber I
commenced drilling them. I saw at once that some kind of
a job had been put up on me and if ever a troop got a good
grinding drill, A Troop did that day.
It was a very hot day and for two hours I never gave
them a moment's rest; by the time the drill was over, they
were heartily sick of it and anxious to get back. Marching
them to within one hundred yards of the Post, I directed the
first sergeant to march them to the stable and dismiss them ;
motioning to the trumpeter to follow me, I put my horse
straight at that same adobe wall, cantered across the parade
ground to my quarters and dismounted. The next morning,
when the first sergeant brought me the morning report, I
46 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
asked him who rode that horse, for in a cavalry troop each
man has a horse assigned to him, and no one else rides him.
He told me that it was an extra horse and not assigned to
anyone. I asked him why he selected that particular horse
for me; looking a little embarrassed, he informed me that
the troop had insisted that he should assign that horse to
me to see if I could ride. New officers joining were generally
called "Johnny come lately" by the men, of course, in pri-
vate; officially they were addressed as "Lieutenant." He
was considerably embarrassed and finally told me that there
was only one man in the troop who could ride that horse with
any comfort, but that he guessed that the men had discov-
ered that "the Lieutenant could ride as well as any of them,"
and volunteered the information that I had "made good," as
he called it.
I told him that I would keep the horse until I purchased
one of my own, and I rode him a good share of the time for
the next six or seven years, in fact, as long as I was with
the troop. I purchased a horse of my own shortly, but for
drill and scouting I used this troop horse and I never rode a
better one. I got along very well with the troop and in about
a month Lieutenant Hunter returned from his scout. I found
him a pleasant, jovial, red-headed little man who bore a fine
reputation as a scouter and Indian fighter. Unfortunately
for him, he was a very hard drinker and left the troop to
my care ; we got along very nicely, but he did not last long.
The Army had been reduced from forty-five regiments of
infantry to twenty-five; on the first day of January, 1871,
all vacancies in the cavalry were filled by transfer from the
unassigned list, and an order was issued to get rid of worth-
less officers. The commanding officer of each regiment had
been directed to send in the names of those officers who ought
to go out ; Hunter was one of them, and on that day he was
mustered out of the Army with one year's pay. I never saw
him again but once. Four years afterward, I was at Las
Animas14 and entered a barroom of a hotel to purchase a
cigar; there, behind the bar, as a barkeeper, stood my old
14. Las Animas is located in southwestern Colorado on the south side of tne
Arkansas river.
FREDERICK E. PHELPS I A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 47
First Lieutenant. I spoke to him, but he looked me straight
in the eye and told me that I was mistaken, that his name
was not Hunter, and that he had never seen me before. I
knew, of course, that it was him, and that he was evidently
"down at the heel," but still had pride enough not to wish
to be recognized, so I said nothing, and have never seen or
heard of him since. *^/C /
Captain Wells was at that time a comparatively young
man, not yet thirty, who had served in the Nevada Volunteer
Cavalry during the war, had been appointed First Lieutenant
in the 8th Cavalry when the regiment was organized in 1866,
and had just been promoted to Captain when I joined. He
was not married at that time, but inside of a year married
a lady at Santa Fe, the daughter of a Surveyor General15 of
the territory of New Mexico, a sweet motherly woman to
whom I was always much attached, and whom I have not
seen since 1888. He was a man of good education, but had
a peculiarity that made it hard to serve with him at times,
and that was his exceeding jealousy of the officers of his
troop. He expected us to obey his orders absolutely and, of
course, that was right ; but the slightest variation or exceed-
ing of an order, the doing of anything however slight with-
out first consulting him, made him savage in a moment, and
this peculiarity made him a hard man to get along with. He
was a magnificent drill master, very proud of his troop, but
knew little how to manage money matters and the troop fund
was always indebted to him for, to do him justice, he never
hesitated to advance his own money to purchase anything in
the shape of provisions, vegetables, etc., if needed in addi-
tion to the ration. The ration, in those days, was not what it
is now. Fresh beef was furnished seven days out of ten,
but was poor and tough. Vegetables were absolutely un-
known in New Mexico at that time; from 1870 to 1874, I
do not remember ever seeing an Irish potato, and sweet
potatoes only once. Besides the beef, the men had bacon
three days out of ten, salt fish, bread baked daily, which was
15. Probably the daughter of T. Rush Spencer, Surveyor General of New Mexico
in 1870 and very likely in 1871. James K. Proudfit took the office in early October,
1872. I have no direct reference for the year 1871.
48 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
good, and now and then a little canned stuff, and that was
all. It was hard living, and yet we were in no way to blame
for the nearest railroad was nearly five hundred miles away
at Kit Carson. The country around was a desert and it was
impossible apparently to raise anything, at least we never
succeeded in doing so. In November, I was ordered back to
Fort Union in command of a number of teamsters, with
empty wagons, and an escort of four or five men. I immedi-
ately wrote to my wife to join me there by Christmas. On
arrival at Albuquerque I met Fountain, who had come down
from Fort Wingate16 with another train from there, and we
went on to Fort Union together. New Mexico is elevated so
high that the winters are very severe and from Albuquerque,
for nearly a week, we plodded through snow perhaps a foot
deep. I had an ambulance that the Quartermaster of Fort
Craig had furnished me to bring my wife down, and Foun-
tain, of course, rode with me. We arrived at Fort Union the
day before Christmas, but I found no wife, only a letter
stating that she could not start until the end of the month,
when she came by coach, I meeting her some fifty miles north
of the Post. She had come from Kit Carson, the only pas-
senger in the coach, and had been alone with the conductor
and driver for two days and two nights, but the conductor
had been exceedingly kind and courteous to her and she got
along very well. I immediately started back to my own post
and arrived there about the first of March, but had not been
there more than ten days when I was ordered to take com-
mand of an escort to take convicts up to Fort Union; of
course, I had to leave my wife at Fort Craig alone, and when
16. There were two Fort Wingates in New Mexico. Old Fort Wingate was
located southwest of Mt. Taylor on the Gallo, a short stream flowing northward into
the Rio San Jose. The site was selected by Colonel Canby in the summer of 1862 and
the Fort was probably established by Lieut.-Colonel J. Francisco Chaves, late in that
year, in preparation for Colonel Carson's campaign against the Navahos the following
year.
New Fort Wingate was located at Ojo del Oso, or Bear springs, on the north end
of the Zufii mountains, near the headwaters of the Rio Puerco of the West, in Latitude
35° 29', Longitude 108° 32'. (Old Fort Lyon was located there in 1860-1861). A
reservation of 100 square miles was set aside by Executive Order February 18, 1870,
and establishment of the post was authorized that same year.
For a description of New Fort Wingate in 1880, see Joe Wasson in NEW MEXICO
HISTORICAL REVIEW, V, 279 (July 1930). Also Secretary of War, Report, p. 526. 63
cong., 2 sess., vol. 1 (Washington, 1893).
FREDERICK E. P HELPS : A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 49
I had almost arrived at Fort Union, I received orders to
return to Santa Fe with my prisoners and to proceed to Fort
Wingate with them, one hundred miles west of Santa Fe.
When I got back back to my Post on the third day of July, I
found my troop had been transferred to Fort Bayard,17 New
Mexico, and she had gone with the Captain and Mrs. Wells.
I followed as soon as possible, and one boiling hot day in
July rode into old Fort Bayard, which was to be my station
for the next five years. When Lieutenant Hunter was mus-
tered out, his place was taken by William Stephenson.18 He
was a thin, spare man over six feet in height, had been in
the army a number of years as a soldier, and was promoted
from the ranks. He was one of the finest rifle shots I ever
saw, and possessed an almost uncanny success in fishing.
They used to say that he could catch more fish in a stream
where no one else could ever get a bite than we could use,
and I never saw as successful an angler.
When I arrived at Fort Bayard, it was certainly a deso-
late looking place. No building in the post was more than
one story, most of them built of adobe and scattered in an
irregular square, around a square, the officers then being on
the west side. Officers are given quarters according to rank,
and I soon found that I was the junior officer at the Post;
if it had not been for Stephenson, who gave me his quarters,
I would have had to go into a tent. To be sure the quarters
did not amount to much, but he cheerfully gave me what
he had and went into a tent himself, and for this courtesy we
never forgot him. I had only two rooms, but we put up two
tents in the rear for a dining room and a kitchen, and, hav-
ing youth and health with us, we were very happy. A
description of the Post I afterwards wrote in an article
which will be found in the next chapter.
17. Fort Bayard, named in honor of Captain George D. Bayard who died in service
during the Civil War, was established, August 21, 1866, to protect miners in the Pinos
Altos district against Apache Indians. It was located about nine miles northeast of
Silver City, southwestern New Mexico, Latitude 32° 48' and Longitude 108° 9'. The
reservation was established by Executive Order, April 19, 1869, and embraced an area
of 8,840 acres. The last garrison was withdrawn, January 2, 1900, and the plant has
been used as a Government hospital since then.
18. William Stephenson was born in England. He enlisted as a private in the
Union Army during the Civil War. He attained the rank of 1st Lieutenant, December
2, 1868, and retired from active service, April 23, 1879.
50 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
From 1871 to 1876 I was stationed at Fort Bayard, a
lonely, isolated post in the extreme southwest corner of New
Mexico, one hundred miles west of La Mesilla,19 on the Rio
Grande. Nestled at the upper end of a beautiful valley, it
was on the north protected from the winter blasts by the
towering peaks of the Sierra Diablo, and on the east by the
broken crags of Santa Rita, in which lie the famous Spanish
copper mines.20 On the south, a long, narrow valley term-
inates in a winding canon leading out into the open plain,
a canon dangerous at all times (for the trail of the Apaches
from the Rio Negro21 to the Gila led through it), and on
the west it is bounded by rolling hills covered with the beau-
tiful crow foot grama grass.22
The locality was all that could be desired ; the Post every-
thing undesirable. Huts of logs and round stones, with flat
dirt roofs that in summer leaked and brought down rivulets
of liquid mud : in winter the hiding place of the tarantula and
the centipede, with ceilings of "condemned" canvas ; windows
of four and six panes, swinging, door-like, on hinges (the
walls were not high enough to allow them to slide upward) :
low, dark and uncomfortable. Six hundred miles from the
railroad at Kit Carson, Colorado, with nothing to eat but
the government rations — beef, bacon, coffee, sugar, rice,
pepper, salt, and vinegar, — together with a few cans of
vegetables divided pro rata, old Fort Bayard was the "final
19. The Dona Ana Bend colony was established in the Mesilla valley by Jose Maria
Costales in 1843. After the United States annexed New Mexico in 1848, settlers at
Dona Ana who preferred to retain their Mexican citizenship moved across the Rio
Grande and founded the town of Mesilla. P. M. Baldwin, "A Short History of the
Mesilla Valley," NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, XIII, 314-324 (July, 1938). For a
description of the town in 1880, see Joe Wasson, op. eit.
20. The famous Santa Rita copper mine is located in the southern part of the
Pinos Altos mountain, southwestern New Mexico. It was worked at least as early
as 1804 by the Spanish. For an early description see J. R. Bartlett, Personal Narrative
... I, 178f, 227f (New York, 1854) ; and S. W. Cozzens, The Marvellous Country.
p. 51 (Boston, 1891). Its history is told in John M. Sully, "The Story of the Santa
Rita Copper Mine," Old Santa Fe, III, 133-149 (1916).
21. Phelps must mean the Rio Miembres, or perhaps the Rio Grande. The Rio
Negro is too far west to fit this description.
22. Crow foot grama grass is a perennial which affords good pasturage for
stock in the arid Southwest. For a discussion of the various grama grasses see
Leslie N. Goodding, Notes on Native and Exotic Plants in Region 8, p. 17 (Albuquerque,
New Mexico : United States Department of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service,
Region 8, 1938).
FREDERICK E. PHELPS I A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 51
jumping off place" sure enough, I thought, as I first rode into
it in the summer of 1871.
My house consisted of one room and a kitchen, the front
room twelve feet by ten. One wall was built of stones picked
up on the adjacent hillside, one was of adobe (sun dried
brick) , one of pine logs, set on end, and the fourth of slabs
from a sawmill. The floor was of rough boards, a foot wide ;
the ceiling of canvas, the roof of mud, the front door of two
boards on wooden hinges with a wooden latch, one window,
with four panes of glass, the sash immovable — this was the
parlor.
Back of this, and connecting with it by a doorway with-
out a door, was a smaller room with no window and a floor
of hard, smooth mud. To tell the truth, the whole thing was
originally built for a stable. Poor as these rooms were, they
were a Godsend to me ! Quarters in a garrison are assigned
according to rank, and being the junior officer at the Post,
I would have had to go into a tent had not a bachelor officer,
with that gallantry so characteristic of the military profes-
sion, insisted upon my taking these two rooms, while he
went into canvas. But putting up two tents, one for a dining-
room and one for a kitchen, we made ourselves quite cosy
and comfortable.
When Troop A of the 8th Cavalry was ordered to Bayard
from Fort Craig in the spring of 1871 23 for field service,
the Captain brought with him his newly-won bride, a woman
of women, whose sweet face and gracious manner had en-
deared her to the regiment, whose presence she has graced
for all these years ; and the young, slender, blond-whiskered
Second Lieutenant brought with him the bride of his youth,
who had given up home and friends in the far-distant Ohio
and bravely followed her husband to that lonely station
which she was destined never to leave, for from that desolate
place her pure soul took its flight to the God who gave it.
The First Lieutenant was a veteran, rising from the
ranks of the old 13th Infantry, and transferred to the 8th
23. The settlers in southwestern New Mexico were much disturbed over Indian
affairs at this time. For a brief discussion see the NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW,
XIII, 289ff (July, 1938).
52 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Cavalry in the general shake up of January, 1871. He stood
six feet two in his stockings, as slender as a telegraph pole,
with long blonde moustache and thin gray locks of hair, al-
ways carefully brushed to cover that bald spot that would
show ; he was a deadly shot with a rifle, and had an almost
uncanny skill in coaxing fish to bite; slow of speech, and
more afraid of ladies than anything under the sun, he walked
with that peculiar sway that betrays the man who has lived
in the saddle, for though he had long been in the infantry
he had served all his military life on the frontier, and had
always owned his saddle horse. In the Post an omnivorous
reader and smoker, in the field a pushing, energetic scouter
and fighter, such was the commander under whom I was to
make my first scout, "old Pard" Stephenson.
In the summer of 1872, General Thomas C. Devin,24
Lieutenant Colonel 8th Cavalry, was in command of the
Post. He was a grizzled, gray and iron-willed old man, one
of Sheridan's Hard Hitters. In July he sent for Stephenson,
who was in command of the troop, the Captain being at
Santa Fe as a member of a big general court martial, and
gave him his orders for a scout to beat up the country to
the west and southwest, to see if there were any Apaches off
their reservation,25 and, if we found any, to "clean 'em out"
if we could.
We were to carry fifteen day's rations, and for that pur-
pose five or six pack mules were furnished us, or rather five
or six mules from the Post Quartermaster's herd, for if one
of them had ever been "packed" he had forgotten all about
the pleasure of it, and retained all his native tricks and man-
ners. However, we got off at four P. M., and so did most of
the packs by four-thirty, but by means of much pulling, tying
24. Thomas Casimer Devin was born in New York. He began service in the
Union Army with the rank of Captain, New York Cavalry, July 19, 1861, and was
mustered out January 15, 1866, with the rank of Major General. He re-enlisted that
same year in the regular Army as a Lieutenant Colonel in the Cavalry. He attained
the rank of Colonel and died April 4, 1878. He is listed in Appletons' Cyclopedia of
American Biography and H erring shaw's Encyclopedia of American Biography.
25. The Apache reservation at this time was located at Canada Alamosa, north-
west of present day Hot Springs, New Mexico. The people in southwestern New
Mexico accused the Indians of depredating and retreating to the security of the
reservation. The story is told in the NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, XIII, 261ff
(July, 1938).
FREDERICK E. P HELPS I A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 53
and some cussing, we made them stick on somehow for the
first twelve miles when we went into camp, or rather bivouac,
for we carried no tents.
That night, after we had eaten our frugal supper of cold
bacon and bread, and had swallowed a quart of black coffee
"strong enough to float an egg," we lay on our blankets,
smoking our fragrant pipes, and Stephenson was telling me
his plans, when suddenly there was a crash in a neighboring
thicket; a snort of fear, a trampling of hoofs, and in a
second every man was on his feet, for we all knew what
was up — a stampede of our horses. Something in the bushes,
maybe a frightened deer or skulking coyote, had startled one
of the horses picketed to a bush; with one strong pull up
came the bush by the roots, and tearing through the herd,
scattered here and there where they could pick grass all
night, the bush swinging at the end of his lariat like a flail,
he soon stampeded the whole crowd. Lariats broke, bushes
came up root and branch, and in a second away they went
(except four or five, which, having had reputations for just
such work, had been securely tied to trees, and whose lariats
tied about their necks, being new and stout, held them fast) ,
rushing through the brush like a hurricane, leaving us para-
lyzed with disgust, and worse still, afoot.
There was nothing to be done until daylight; no man
could follow in that rough country in such a dark night, arid
we knew they would go straight back to Bayard. At the first
peep of day I was after them with all the men we could
mount, and picked them up along the trail, for as they
became separated in the darkness some had stopped and
finally gone to grazing, but most of them we found as we
expected, in their own corral at Bayard. Sneaking in the
back way we drove them out quietly, hoping no one would
see us, but as we turned the corner of the corral there was
"old Tommy." What under the sun ever did escape those
piercing blue eyes? With ears tingling with shame under
the cruel, rasping sneer he flung as I rode past him. "Well
young man, you have made a FINE start for a cavalryman,"
I hurried out of the Post and away to the awaiting troop.
Sarcastic, biting as was his tongue, savage as was his
54 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
manner, we loved the old campaigner and feared him as, I
opine, we did not fear the Almighty, yet gloried in him;
when the eyes that rested kindly and proudly on him who
did his duty and glared like a tiger at the dead beat and
shyster had closed in the last long sleep, his regiment
mourned as they have never mourned since, and the memory
of "old Tommy" will always abide with the "8th Horse."
Nobody was to blame for our stampede, but all the same
"Pard" and I had both learned a lesson we never forgot;
every night after that one of us personally inspected the
horses and saw that the side lines were on. The ordinary
cavalryman hates to put them on his horse, but after he
is left afoot once he changes his mind, and neither of us
ever again had a stampede.
As soon as we could get a bite to eat we were off and
marched to and down Bear Creek26 to Walnut springs, and
the next day to the muddy Gila where the crumbling chim-
neys marked the site of old Fort West.27 From here we
marched across to the Frisco [San Francisco]28 river, and
so on down through the Stein Peaks Range,29 a desolate re-
gion, where we struck the first "sign." This was a single
pony track, several days old, for the edges of the depression
made by the hoof were crumbling, and in places were almost
filled with sand. To the uninitiated there was nothing to
show that it was not some wandering miner's or hunter's
pony that had made that faint trail, but to the eager eyes
of Jim Bullard,30 our civilian, but not civil guide (he was
26. Bear Creek is a tributary of the Gila near its headwaters and flows in a
northwesterly direction.
27. Fort Floyd, probably named in honor of the Secretary of War, was established
by Colonel Bonneville as headquarters and a supply depot for his campaign against
the Apaches in 1857. It was located on the east side of the Gila near the junction of
that stream with Bear Creek. Part of the troops located on the west side of the
Gila in "Camp Union."
This same location was probably the site of Fort West, established in January,
1863, when General Carleton ordered another foray against the Apache.
For an account of the Bonneville campaign see Frank D. Reeve, ed., "Puritan and
Apache: a Diary," NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, XXIII, No. 4 (October, 1948) and
XXIV, No. 1, (January, 1949).
28. The San Francisco river rises in the extreme west-central New Mexico and
flows southwestward into the Gila river.
29. The Stein Peak range is in southwestern New Mexico close to the Arizona
boundary.
30. John and James Bullard came from Missouri in 1866 to mine and farm in
FREDERICK E. PHELPS : A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 55
about as morose, insolent and foul-mouthed a brute as I
ever saw) , and to Sergeant Foster, our oldest soldier, they
told a different tale. Foster was a slender, wiry man, an
excellent shot, an experienced plainsman, and worth two
Bullards.
There was no mark of a horseshoe, and in that country
no white man used an unshod horse, so it was an Indian
pony. No danger of a Mexican roaming alone in the Apache
region. It had rained heavily all over this country a week
before. We had now been out ten days, and if these tracks
had been made before that time they would have been oblit-
erated. Following them a few miles, the guide suddenly
sprang off his horse and picked up what I, in my greenness,
supposed was an old chew of tobacco; and I was right in
one sense, it was Apache tobacco, so to speak, a mouthful
of roasted mescal root.31 This is a favorite article of diet
among the Mescalero Apaches, and when this gentlemanly
"ward of the nation" threw away his chew after he had
exhausted its sweetness, he little thought that eager Ameri-
can eyes would see it and thus know that a thieving reserva-
tion Indian had been there, where he had no business to be,
a hundred miles away from his reservation.
All that day we patiently followed that single track, our
guide tracing the pony's trail over hill and plain, through
sand and rocks, like a bloodhound; his rough, evil face set
and dark with revengeful thoughts, for his brother had
fallen the year before by the hand of an Apache in Kelly's32
fight that avenged the brutal murder of Mrs. Keerl, whose —
"but that is another story," as Kipling would say.
Late that night we halted at a hole half filled with dirty
the Pinos Altos mountain. They were conspicuous in the history of that section. John
was killed in pursuit of Apaches, February 28, 1871. Bullard Peak, about 20 miles
north of Clifton, Arizona, was named in his honor. Conrad Naegle, The History of
Silver City, New Mexico, 1870-1886, p. 71. Ms. University of New Mexico, 1943 (Master
of Arts thesis in History).
31. Mescal root is from the Huachuca century plant, an important item in the
diet of the Apaches. The Mescalero Apaches are supposed to be named after this
food. For a discussion of Apache foods see Edward F. Castetter and M. E. Opler,
Ethnobiological Studies in the American Southwest, III, 35ff, 52 (Biological Series,
University of New Mexico, 1936. IV, no. 5).
32. Major William Kelly led a cavalry detachment from Fort Bayard on the same
campaign against Apaches that resulted in the death of John Bullard, but did not
participate in the engagement when Bullard lost his life. Naegle, op. cit., p. 74.
56 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
water, but welcome, for we had not had a drop for twenty-
four hours, and we were half way across the San Simon
valley.33 Twenty miles to the west of us towered the crags
of Mount Graham,34 then the favorite haunt of the Apaches,
and the trail headed straight for it.
The early dawn found us again on the move, plodding
over the heavy sand while the pitiless sun blazed over our
heads. The heat reflected a hundred fold from the white
sand drifts, with the cloudless sky bending over us, glowing
like a sheet of brass. About noon we entered the foot-hills,
passed through them, and about 3 P. M. halted at the foot
of a steep hill over which the trail led, crowned with prickly
pear and stunted bushes. Bullard, Foster, and three or four
men proceeded cautiously to the top, and there was the object
of our search — an Apache village of eighteen wickiyups, or
huts. This was on a steep, rocky hill, with a flat top ; at the
foot, in the narrow canon separating the two hills, flowed
a bright, sparkling stream, and scattered along this were a
number of Indian women busy making their tiswin, or In-
dian whiskey, the fermented juice of the mescal plant.
Quickly, in obedience to a sign, Stephenson went to the
top, crept behind a clump of bushes, and swept the ground
with his field glasses. No chance for a surprise here. The
only way was to go over the hill, down into the valley, and
then up the opposite side in the face of the Indians, and
the rascals had made a rude fortification of rocks by piling
them along the crest behind which they could lie in perfect
security while the advancing force must come up over open
ground. Deliberately rising to his feet, his tall form looming
like a flagstaff against the sky, he signalled us to come on.
The instant he was seen a pandemonium of yells and shrill
shrieks went up, and every squaw rushed up the hill, sending
down the loose gravel and shale in a rattling shower. Quietly
we climbed the hill, down the other side, halted at the little
stream and quickly arranged the plan of attack.
(To be continued)
83. San Simon valley lies between the Peloncillo range (including the Stein Peak
range) and the Chiricahua in southeastern Arizona.
34. Mount Graham is a prominent landmark in the Pinaleno range, southeastern
Arizona ; altitude 10,713 feet.
CHECKLIST OF NEW MEXICO PUBLICATIONS
By WILMA LOY SHELTON
(Continued)
Dry cleaning board.
Established in 1941 ; supervises and regulates the clean-
ing, dyeing and pressing industry of the state.
Annual report
July 29, 1941-July 1, 1942. 15p. (A. J. Coats) mimeo.
Report and certificate of proceedings before the New Mexico dry
cleaning board, v.p. 1941-1942.
Rules and regulations . . . chap. 198, Laws of 1941, otherwise known
as sections 51-2101 to 2116, inclusive, N. M. statutes 1941, an-
notated. Santa Fe (1941), 33p.
Contents : Rule No. 1 — A rule to provide definitions. Rule No. 2 —
A rule for collecting original registration fees and for classifying
and collecting license fees. Rule No. 3 — Rules under which new
businesses may be established, existing business may move to new
locations, remodel, enlarge, re-equip. Rule No. 4 — (Unfair meth-
ods of competition). Rule No. 5 — (Itinerant or transient dry
cleaner license fees). Rule No. 6 — A rule to establish procedure
for hearings. Rule No. 7 — A group of rules to provide operating
safe practices for the dry cleaning industry. Regulation No. 8 —
(Housekeeping and sanitation). Regulation No. 9 — Minimum op-
erating standards below which a cleaning establishment forfeits
its right to a license. Rule No. 10 — A group of rules to guide the
Board and Board employees.
Rule No. 11 — A rule to define dry cleaning schools and to prescribe
regulations for the licensing and operation thereof. Effective Sept.
15, 1948. n.p.n.d. 1 leaf mimeo.
Rules and regulations; amend rule 2 by adding paragraph 6. n.p.n.d.
1 leaf mimeo.
Educational plans and policies commission.
Appointed in 1937 by the State superintendent of public
instruction to gather data and shape policies which would
guide the schools in evolving a program to meet the needs.
Reports of trends in financial support of public schools in New Mexico.
Prepared by the Educational plans and policies commission. Sub-
57
58 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
mitted by the New Mexico state Department of education. H. R.
Rodgers, state superintendent of public instruction. (Artesia, N.
M., Advocate print, 1938.) 8p.
Educational survey board.
Established in 1947 to survey the educational needs and
facilities of the state and to study all problems concerning
the educational program and problems and to report to the
19th legislature concerning their findings and recommenda-
tions; dissolved in 1949.
Public education in New Mexico. Nashville, Tenn., Division of Surveys
and Field Services, George Peabody College for Teachers (1948),
420p.
Public education in New Mexico; digest of the report of the New
Mexico Educational Survey Board. Nashville, Tenn., Division of
Surveys and Field Services, George Peabody College for Teachers
(19,48), 78p.
Electrical administration board of New Mexico.
Created in 1939; employes inspectors, makes rules and
regulations adopted from the National Electrical code.
Directory of electrical contractors . . . Albuquerque, 1948 —
Jan. 1, 1948 8p.
Jan. 1, 1949 8p.
Electrical law, pub. under authority of chap. 192 and chap. 201, New
Mexico Laws of 1939 and 1941 . . . (Albuquerque) 1946, 19p.
Electrical law . . . (Albuquerque) 1946 —
1946 360p. (Bound with National electrical code)
1946 9p.
1947 8p.
on cover: Electrical code.
Elephant Butte irrigation district.
Organized Aug. 1917 ; operating under Irrigation district
code passed by the 1919 legislature chap. 20 as amended
by chap. 39, session laws of 1921.
Annual report for the calendar year . . . Las Cruces, 1920 —
1920 167p. v. 1 (H. H. Brook)
CHECKLIST 59
1922 83p. v. 2 (H. H. Brook)
Handbook of information of Elephant Butte irrigation district. Re-
port of the president, H. H. Brook, for the calendar year 1920.
Las Cruces, Printed by Rio Grande republic (1921?) 166 (i.e.
167p.) (1st report)
International aspects of the Rio Grande project; H. H. Brook. Las
Cruces, 1922. 108p.
Employer relations institute.
Proceedings, v. 1. April 19-22, 1948. Albuquerque, Employment se-
curity commission of New Mexico, New Mexico state employment
service, affiliated with the U. S. Employment service, Albuquerque,
1948. 95p. mimeo.
Held in cooperation with the University of New Mexico.
Employment security commission.
Created in 1936 ; administers the unemployment compen-
sation law and serves as a free state employment service.
Annual report
1937 31p. v. 1 (C.P.Anderson)
1938 39p. v. 2 (R.L. Cook)
1939 49p. v. 3 (R. L. Cook)
1940 35p. v. 4 (R. L. Cook)
1941 40p. v. 5 (B. D. Luchini)
1942 31p. v. 6 (B. D. Luchini)
1943 34p. v. 7 (B. D. Luchini)
1944 46p. v. 8 (B.D. Luchini)
1945 46p. v. 9 (B. D. Luchini)
1946 38p. v.10 (B. D. Luchini)
1947 42p. v.ll (B. D. Luchini)
1948 46p. v.12 (B. D. Luchini)
The report is for the calendar year.
1937 has title : Report.
Farm placement in New Mexico. Albuquerque, State employment
service, 1949. 12, (21) p. (affiliated with U.S. Employment serv-
ice.)
The guaranteed annual wage. (Albuquerque, 1945) 7 numb, leaves
processed. Reprint from the April-May, 1945, issue of the N. M.
Employment security review.
Hombres y trabajos "Men and jobs." N. M. state employment service,
affiliated with U. S. Employment service, v.l no.l Jan./Mar., 1939.
Albuquerque, 1939) 35 leaves.
60 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Reproduced from typewritten copy.
No more published.
Monthly bulletin, v.l-date. Albuquerque, June, 1938-date.
Typed: June 1938-June 1941; mimeo. July 1941-date.
Title varies: Statistical report, 1938-1946; Monthly bulletin, 1947.
Unemployment compensation commission of New Mexico . . . unem-
ployment compensation law, adopted by the New Mexico legisla-
tive, special session of 1936 as amended by chap. 129 Laws of 1937;
and as amended by chap. 175, Laws of 1939. (Santa Fe, 1939)
n.p.n.d. 79p.
Unemployment compensation law passed by the 12th legislature of
the state of New Mexico in special session, n.p. 1936. 32p.
Unemployment compensation law of New Mexico including amend-
ments by the 1943 New Mexico legislature . . . Rules and regula-
tions of the Employment security commission of New Mexico,
n.p.n.d. 90p.
Unemployment compensation law of New Mexico, including amend-
ments by the 1947 New Mexico legislature; administered by the
Employment security commission of New Mexico. Rules and regu-
lations of the Employment security commission; related federal
laws. (Albuquerque, 1947) 116p.
Unemployment law of New Mexico, including amendments by the
1947 New Mexico legislature . . . Rules and regulations of the
Employment security commission; related federal laws. (Albu-
querque, 1949) 120p.
Engineer department.
Established in 1905 to conserve, regulate the use and
distribution of the waters of the state.
Report of the territorial engineer to the governor of N. M. for the
year ending June 30, 1907, and the irrigation law of 1907. Santa
Fe, 1907. 43p.
First biennial report of the Territorial engineer . . . including water
supply; 1907-08. Albuquerque, Albuquerque morning journal,
1908. 67, 38p.
Includes Bulletin no. 3 "Records of New Mexico water supply to
October, 1908. 38p.
Second biennial report of the Territorial engineer . . . including irri-
gation, water supply, good roads, Carey act; 1909-1910. Santa Fe,
New Mexican printing company, 1910. 188, 69p.
Includes Water supply records from September 1908 to October
1910. V. L. Sullivan. Territorial engineer.
No report printed for 1910/12.
CHECKLIST 61
Bulletin
no. 1
no. 2 Articles on irrigation in competition for trophy cup offered
by Vernon L. Sullivan. (Santa Fe) 19,08. 46p.
no. 3 Records of New Mexico water supply to October, 1908.
(Albuquerque) 1908. 38p. (in 1st Biennial report.)
no. 4 Water supply records from Sept. 1908 to Oct. 1910 (in 2nd
Biennial report) 69p.
no. 5 Morgan, A. M. Geology and shallow water resources of the
Roswell artesian basin. Santa Fe, 1938. 95p. Reprinted from
1934/38 Report p.155-249.
Biennial Report
*July 12, 1912-Dec. 1, 1914 120p. v.l ( J. A. French) 1-2 fiscal yrs.
Dec. 1, 1914-Nov. 30, 1916 103p. v.2 (J. A. French) 3-4 fiscal yrs.
Dec. 1, 19,16-Nov. 30, 1918 175p. v.3 ( J. A. French) 5-6th fiscal yrs.
Dec. 1, 1918-Nov. 30, 1920 108p. v.4 (L. A. Gillett) 7-8th fiscal yrs.
Dec. 1, 1920-Nov. 30, 1922 77p. v.5 (C. A. May) 9-10th fiscal yrs.
Dec. 1, 1922-Nov. 30, 1924 214p. v.6 (J. A. French) 11-12 fiscal yrs.
Dec. 1, 1924-June 30, 1926 155p. v.7 (G. M. Neel) 13-14th fiscal yrs.
July 1, 1926-June 30, 1928 343p. v.8 (H. W. Yeo) 15-16th fiscal yrs.
July 1, 1928-June 30, 1930 423p. v.9 (H. W. Yeo) 17-18th fiscal yrs.
July 1, 1930-June 30, 1932 351p. v.10 (G. M. Neel) 19-20th fiscal yrs.
July 1, 1932-June 30, 1934 270p. v.ll (T.M.McClure) 21-22 fiscal yrs.
July 1, 1934-June 30, 1938 295p. v.12-13 (T. M. McClure) 23-26th
fiscal yrs.
July 1, 1938-June 30, 1942 v.14-15 (T. M. McClure) 27-31st fiscal
yrs. in press.
Manual of rules and regulations for proceedings before the State en-
gineer under the laws affecting surface waters of the state of
New Mexico; revised April, 1941. Santa Fe, n.d. 35p.
Manual of revised rules, regulations and requirements for filing claims
to water rights under laws of 1907 as amended, James A. French,
state engineer. In force after June 14, 1913. Santa Fe, (19,13).
15p.
Manual of revised rules, regulations and requirements for filing claims
to water rights under laws of 1907 as amended ... in force April
14, 1915. Santa Fe, (1915), 15p.
Manual of revised rules, regulations, requirements and instructions
under laws affecting public waters. In effect May 1, 1918. Albu-
querque, n.d. 6, 28p.
Report on drainage investigation, Middle Rio Grande valley, New
Mexico. Albuquerque, n.d. 23p.
*The first report, covering the period from July 12, 1912, to Dec. 1, 1914, relates
to the supervision of the work delegated to the State highway commission from the
time it superseded the Territorial road commission, Sept. 8, 1912, as well as the work
of the state engineer. Continuation of the territorial reports.
62 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Report on the possibilities of irrigation and power development on
the Gila and San Francisco rivers in New Mexico. Herbert W.
Yeo, state engineer. 1927. v.p. (mimeo.)
Surface water supply of New Mexico. 1911-12 — 1930-31. Albuquerque,
1913-1932. 14v.
1911-12 246p. (J. A. French)
1913 216p. (J. A. French)
1914 151p. (J.A.French)
1915 149p. (J.A.French)
1916 146p. (J. A. French)
1917 153p. (J. A. French)
1918 149,p. (J.A.French)
Jan. 1, 1919-Sept. 30, 1920 184p. (L. A. Gillett)
Oct. 1, 1921-Sept. 30, 1922 172p. (C. A. May)
Jan. 1. 1923-Dec. 31. 1924 p.39-214 (J. A. French) in 6th Biennial Re-
port
Jan. 1, 1926-Dec. 31, 1927 248p. (H. W. Yeo)
Jan. 1, 1928-Dec. 31, 1929 248p. (H. W. Yeo)
Jan. 1, 1930-Dec. 31, 1931 251p. (G. M. Neel)
A report of hydrographic work carried on in cooperation with the
Water resources branch of the U. S. Geological survey.
Not published since 1931 since the data is now included in the
Water supply papers of the U. S. Geological survey.
In addition to the above series, the first and second biennial re-
ports of the Territorial engineer contain the result for the years
1907-1908 and 1909-1910.
Title varies: 1911-12-1913, Report on the surface water supply of
New Mexico.
Rio Grande compact. Santa Fe (1939) 30p.
Road laws of New Mexico. 1914. 47p. (E. & S.)
Rules, regulations, requirements and instructions. In effect July 1st,
1927. Herbert W. Yeo, state engineer. Santa Fe, 1927. 23p.
Supplementary rules and regulations approved by the state engineer
and Board of commissioners of Pecos valley Artesian conservancy
district regarding enforcement of certain laws now in existence,
pertaining to regulation of wells in Pecos valley Artesian con-
servancy district, n.p.n.d. Ip. (mimeo)
Surface water supply of New Mexico, 1888-1917. James A. French,
state engineer. (Albuquerque, Albright & Anderson, 1918?) 227p.
Printed and edited under the direction of Robt. L. Cooper.
Surface water supply of New Mexico, 1888-1925. Geo. M. Neel, state
engineer. (Santa Fe, 1926) 373p.
Chap. 126 of the Session laws of 1941; fifteenth State legislature of
N. M. amending, revising and repealing certain sections of chap.
CHECKLIST 63
151, N. M. statutes, 1929 compilation, being the general law re-
garding the appropriation of surface waters of the State of N. M.
Santa Fe, n.d. 13p.
Federal music project. New Mexico.
Spanish American dance tunes of New Mexico. Washington, Federal
works agency, Works progress administration, 1942. 36p. (unit
no. 4) mimeo.
Spanish American folk songs of New Mexico. Washington, Federal
works agency, Works progress administration, 1936, 1940. 3v.
mimeo. With music.
No. 3 has title: Spanish American singing games; rev. 1940. 27p.
Federal writers' project. New Mexico.
Calendar of annual events in New Mexico; comp. and written by Fed-
eral writers project; illus. by Federal art project of New Mexico,
1937, W.P.A., sponsored by Santa Fe civic league and Chamber
of commerce. (Santa Fe, 1937) 32p. (American guide series)
Over the Turquoise trail ; comp. by the workers of the Federal writers'
project of the W.P.A. of New Mexico, v.l no. 1 Santa Fe (1937)
40p. (American guide series)
Historical records survey. New Mexico.
The work of this project consisted of locating, arrang-
ing and cataloging historical records, of preparing and pub-
lishing inventories and of transcribing, photographing or
otherwise preserving records of special historical value.
Directory of churches and religious organizations in New Mexico,
1940. University of New Mexico, sponsor. Albuquerque, N. M.
Historical records survey, 1940. 385p.
Guide to public vital statistics records in New Mexico. Prepared by
the N. M. Historical records survey, Division of community serv-
ice programs, Works projects administration. Sponsored by the
University of New Mexico. Albuquerque, N. M. Historical records
survey, 1942, v.p.
Index to Final report of investigations among the Indians of the South-
western United States, by A. F. Bandelier . . . Albuquerque, New
Mexico, historical records survey, 1942. 86p.
Inventory of the county archives of New Mexico. Prepared by the His-
torical records survey, Division of Women's and professional proj-
64 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
ects, Works progress administration. Albuquerque, The Historical
records survey, 1937-1942.
no. 1 Bernalillo county. Albuquerque, 1938. 255p.
no. 4 Colfax county. Albuquerque, 1937. 94p.
no. 7 Dona Ana county. Albuquerque, 1940. 261p.
no. 8 Eddy county. Albuquerque, 1939. 213p.
no. 9 Grant county. Albuquerque, 1941. 344p.
no. 12 Hidalgo county. Albuquerque, 1941. 192p.
no. 15 Luna county. Albuquerque, 1942. 306p.
no. 17 Mora county. Albuquerque, 1941. 282p.
no. 18 Otero county. Albuquerque, 1939. 202p.
no. 23 Sandoval county. Albuquerque, 1939. 180p.
no. 24 San Miguel county. Albuquerque, 1941. 267p.
no. 26 Sierra county. Albuquerque, 1942. 272p.
no. 29 Torrance county. Albuquerque, 1939. 181p.
no. 30 Union county. Albuquerque, 1940. 202p.
no. 31 Valencia county. Albuquerque, 1940. 236p.
Inventory of federal archives in the states. Prepared by the Federal
archives unit of the New Mexico Historical records survey. Division
of professional and service projects. Works project administration.
University of New Mexico, sponsor. The National archives co-
operating sponsor. Albuquerque, Historical records survey, 1940-
41.
Ser. I The farm credit administration no. 30
Ser. II The federal courts no. 30 1941 14p.
Ser. Ill The department of the treasury no. 30 1941 41p.
Ser. IV The department of war no. 30 1940 13p.
Ser. V The department of justice no. 30 1940 18p.
Ser. VII The department of navy no. 30 1940 7p.
Ser. XII Veterans administration no. 30 1940 40p.
Ser. XIII Civil works administration no. 30 1940 lOp.
Insurance department.
Created in 1905; previous reports were issued by the
Insurance department of the Auditor's office. The first in-
surance law was passed in 1882. Under art. 11 of the con-
stitution of New Mexico, the State corporation commission
had full power and authority over insurance companies ; in
1921 the legislature repealed the established Insurance de-
partment and placed all the powers and duties prescribed
by the 1905 law in the State bank examiner; in 1925 the
legislature created a Department of insurance within the
Corporation commission ; in 1947 the legislature created the
CHECKLIST 65
State insurance board. The superintendent of insurance is
charged with the execution of laws affecting the regulation
and supervision of insurance companies authorized to trans-
act insurance within the state.
Report showing the New Mexico business of all insurance companies
transacting business in New Mexico during the year .... Santa
Fe, 1888-1906.
1888
1889 p.43-44 Auditor's report
1890 1 leaf
1891 1 leaf (Demetrio Perez)
1892 1 lear (Demetrio Perez)
1893 1 leaf (Demetrio Perez)
1894 1 leaf (Marcelino Garcia)
1895 (4)p. (Marcelino Garcia)
1896 (4) p. (Marcelino Garcia)
1897 (4)p. (Marcelino Garcia)
1898
1899 (4) p. (L. M. Ortiz)
1900 (4) p. (L.M.Ortiz)
19,01 (4) p. (W.G.Sargent)
1902 (4)p. (W.G.Sargent)
1903 (6) p. (W.G.Sargent)
1904 (4) p. (Pedro Perea)
1905 (6) p. (J.H.Sloan)
1906 (6) p. (Jacobo Chavez)
Title varies: 1888-1894, Statement showing the business done in
New Mexico by life and miscellaneous insurance companies.
Report of the superintendent of insurance. . . Santa Fe, 1906-1911.
1906 16p. (J. H. Sloan)
in message of H. J. Hagerman to the 37th legislative assembly
Jan. 21, 1907. 16p. Exhibit 12
*1907 22p. v.3 (Jacobo Chavez)
1908-09 27p. v.4-5 (Jacobo Chavez)
1910 25p. v.6 (Jacobo Chavez)
1909-11 16p. (Jacobo Chavez)
**1911 24 (5) p. (Jacobo Chavez)
Annual report of the insurance department of the State corporation
commission . . . Santa Fe, 1913 —
1912 69p. (Jacobo Chavez)
1913 77p. (Jacobo Chavez)
1914 69p. (Jacobo Chavez)
* 1907 has title : Third annual report showing business transacted by all insurance
companies authorized to transact business in New Mexico during the year.
**Includes reports for 1909, 1910, 1911.
66 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
1915 86p. (JacoKo Chavez)
1916 76p. (Jacobo Chavez)
1917 (8) p. (Cleofes Romero)
1918 (8) p. (Cleofes Romero)
1919 (16)p. (Remigio Mirabal)
1920 (18)p. (Remigio Mirabal)
1921 (15) p. (P. J. Lineau)
1922 (23) p. (P. J. Lineau)
1923 (27) p. (W.B.Wagner)
1924 (36) p. (W.B.Wagner)
1925 (32)p. (W.B.Wagner)
1926 (34) p. (W.B.Wagner)
1927 (38)p. (H. H. Delgado)
1928 (39) p. (J. H. Vaughn)
1929 39p. (J. H. Vaughn)
1930 39p. (J. H. Vaughn)
1931 37p. (Max Fernandez)
1932 39p. (Alfonso Alguilar)
1933 39p. (Alfonso Alguilar)
1934 39p. (G. M. Biel)
1935 86p. (G. M. Biel)
1936-37 88, (2) p. v.12-13 (G. M. Biel)
1938 59, (2) p. v.14 (G. M. Biel)
1939-40 61p. v.15-16 (R. F. Apodaca)
1941 51p. v.17 (R. F. Apodaca)
1942 54p. v.18 (R. F. Apodaca)
1943 63p. v.19 (R. F. Apodaca)
1944 69p. v.20 (A. F. Apodaca)
Title varies slightly: 1912-1926 called Report.
Bulletin
no.1-7 not found
no. 8 Fire prevention day Oct. 9, 1911; proclamation by governor
dated Oct. 3, 1911. (3) p.
Fire prevention and forest protection in New Mexico. (Santa Fe) n.d.
15p.
Group insurance for employees of the state of New Mexico. . . n.p.n.d.
Insurance laws of the territory of N. M. passed at the 25th session of
the Legislative assembly, 1882. Approved Feb. 18, 1882. Santa Fe,
Greene, 1882. 18p.
Insurance laws of the territory of New Mexico passed at the 25th and
26th session of the Legislative assembly, 1882 and 1884. Topeka,
Kansas, Crane, 1884. 18p.
Insurance laws of the territory of New Mexico. Santa Fe, New Mex-
ican printing co., 1897. 19p.
Insurance laws of the territory of New Mexico . . . Santa Fe, 1903.
CHECKLIST 67
Insurance laws of the territory of New Mexico; comp. March 20, 1905,
under the direction of J. H. Sloan . . . Santa Fe, New Mexican
printing co., 1906. 32p.
Insurance laws of the territory of New Mexico; comp. 1909, Jacob
Chavez, superintendent of insurance. Santa Fe, New Mexican
printing co., 1909. 45p.
Insurance laws of New Mexico, containing all the enactments to date,
together with extracts from the opinion of the attorney general,
specifying the duties of the State corporation commission there-
under. April, 1913 . . . (Santa Fe, 1913) 54p.
Insurance laws of the state of New Mexico; containing all of the en-
actments to date; Cleofes Romero, superintendent of insurance.
Santa Fe, State record print, 1918. 70p.
Insurance laws of the State of New Mexico; containing all of the en-
actments to date; published by the State bank examiner, Insur-
ance department. Santa Fe, 1921. 91p.
Insurance laws of the state of New Mexico, containing all the enact-
ments to date. . . Dec. 1923. Aztec (1923) 95p.
Insurance laws of the state of New Mexico. Santa Fe, 1925. 86p.
Insurance laws of the state of New Mexico passed by the 6th regular
session of the Legislature of New Mexico. . . (Santa Fe, 1923)
(8)p.
Insurance laws of the state of New Mexico; pub. by the State cor-
poration commission, Insurance department. Santa Fe, 1927. 67p.
Insurance laws of the state of New Mexico; pub. by the State cor-
poration commission, Insurance department. Santa Fe, 1931. 62p.
Insurance laws of the state of New Mexico ; pub. by the State corpora-
tion commission, Insurance department. Santa Fe, 1934. 69p.
Insurance laws of the state of New Mexico, including Session laws
of 1941. State corporation commission, Don R. Casados, chairman.
. . R. F. Apodaca, superintendent of insurance. (Santa Fe) 1941.
HOp.
New Mexico insurance laws regulating agents. . . Albuquerque, n.d. 4p.
A study of insurance rates and practices of insurance companies and
state control of insurance rates, including legislative proposals.
Santa Fe, 1947. 69p.
Interstate oil compact commission. New Mexico.
Act was passed in 1935 authorizing an interstate agree-
ment to conserve oil and gas.
Report of the New Mexico representative, Hiram H. Dow, Roswell,
1938. 41p.
68 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Transcript of proceedings. July 12-13, 1937. 57p. mimeo.
Irrigation engineer.
Created 1897 to promote irrigation development and
conserve the waters of the state ; abolished in 1907.
Condicion presente de irrigacion y abastecimiento de
Agua en Nuevo Mejico. Informe a la comision de irrigacion
y derechos de Agua de Nuevo Mejico por P. E. Harroun,
Ingeniero civil, Albuquerque, 1898. p. 23-80.
At head of title : Informe del ingeniero.
Bound with Informe de la comision de irrigacion.
^
Report
1897 — Dec. 15, 1898 (Antonio Joseph, pres. J. E. Saint, sec.) in
Council and House Journal, 1899. "Exhibit D" p. 111-180. in
Message of M. A. Otero to the 33d Legislative assembly. Jan.
16, 1899. "Exhibit D" p. 111-180.
1899-Dec. 15, 1900 (G. A. Richardson, pres., L. A. Hughes, sec.)
in Message of M. A. Otero to the 34th Legislative assembly. Jan.
21, 1901. Exhibit "E" p. 141-145.
1901-Nov. 30, 1902 (G. A. Richardson, pres., G. W. Knaebel, sec.)
in Message of M. A. Otero to the 35th Legislative assembly.
Jan. 19, 1903. Exhibit "G" 7p.
Dec. 20, 1902-Nov. 30, 1904 (Arthur Seligman, sec.)
in Message of M. A. Otero to the 36th Legislative assembly.
Jan. 16, 1905. Exhibit "G" 6p.
April 18, 1905-Jan. 1, 1907 (D. M. White)
in Message of H. J. Hagerman to the 37th Legislative assembly.
Jan. 21, 1907. 13p. Exhibit 13.
Corporate entry varies :
1899 Commission of irrigation and water rights.
1900 Commission of irrigation.
1902-04 Irrigation commission.
1905-07 Irrigation engineer.
Informe de la comision de irrigacion y derechos de agua Diciembre 15,
1898. Santa Fe, Compania impresora del Nuevo Mexicano, 1899.
80p.
Labor and industrial commission.
Established in 1931 to enforce the labor laws.
Annual report
July 1, 1939-June 30, 1940 unp. (v.10) (V. J. Jaeger) mimeo.
CHECKLIST 69
July 1, 1940-June 30, 1941 39p. (v.ll) (V. J. Jaeger) mimeo.
July 1, 1941-June 30, 1942 8p. (v.12) (R. J. Doughtie) mimeo.
July 1, 1942-June 30, 1943 unp. (v.13) (R. J. Doughtie) mimeo.
July 1, 1943-June 30, 1944 26p. v.14 (R. J. Doughtie)
July 1, 1944-June 30, 1945 28p. v.15 (A. E. Joiner)
July 1, 1945-June 30, 1946 29p. v.16 (A. E. Joiner)
July 1, 1946-June 30, 1947 31p. v.17 (A. E. Joiner)
July 1, 19,47-June 30, 1948 31p. v.18 (A. E. Joiner)
An act providing for compensation of workmen, n.p.n.d. unp.
(Session laws of 1917. chap. 83)
Constitution and by-laws . . . 1938-39. Santa Fe (1938?) 19p.
Labor laws and other miscellaneous legislation relating to the State
labor and industrial commission; comp. and pub. under the super-
vision of F. Charles Davis, state labor commissioner. Santa Fe,
1938. 70p.
Labor and miscellaneous legislation relating to the State labor and
industrial commission; pub. under the supervision of Robert J.
Doughtie, state labor commissioner. Santa Fe, 1944. 96p.
Labor laws and miscellaneous legislation relating to the State labor
and industrial commission ; pub. under the supervision of Ebenezer
Jones, assistant labor commissioner, approved by Alda E. Joiner,
labor commissioner. (Santa Fe) 1945. 135p.
Labor laws; Workmen's compensation act and other miscellaneous
legislation relating to the State labor and industrial commission;
comp. and pub. under the supervision of Ralph E. Davy, state
labor commissioner. Santa Fe, 1934. 92p.
Labor laws ; Workmen's compensation act and other miscellaneous leg-
islation relating to the State labor and industrial commission;
comp. and pub. under the supervision of F. Charles Davis, state
labor commissioner. Santa Fe, 1936. 82p.
New Mexico labor laws; Workmen's compensation act, Occupational
disease disablement law, Labor commissioner act and miscellan-
eous legislation relating to the State labor and industrial commis-
sion; pub. under the supervision of Ebenezer Jones, assistant la-
bor commissioner, approved by Alda E. Joiner, labor commis-
sioner. (Santa Fe) 1949. 130p.
Special labor laws and miscellaneous legislation relating to the State
labor and industrial commission. Santa Fe (1931?) 112p.
Workmen's compensation act . . . pub. under supervision of Ralph E.
Davy, state labor commissioner. Santa Fe, 1934. 27p.
Workmen's compensation act and labor commissioner act . . . pub-
lished under the supervision of F. Charles Davis, state labor com-
missioner. Santa Fe, 1937. 40p.
Workmen's compensation act and labor commissioner act . . . pub-
70 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
lished under the supervision of Robert J. Doughtie, state labor
commissioner. Santa Fe, 1943. 40p.
Workmen's compensation act; occupational disease disablement law
and labor commissioner act . . . pub. under the supervision of
Ebenezer Jones, assistant labor commissioner; approved by Alda
E. Joiner, labor commissioner. Santa Fe, 1945. 66p.
Workmen's compensation act; Occupational disease disablement law
and labor commissioner act . . . published under the supervision
of Ebenezer Jones, assistant labor commissioner, approved by
Alda E. Joiner. Santa Fe, 1947. 63p.
Workmen's compensation laws . . . Santa Fe, 1927. 24p.
Workmen's compensation laws . . . Santa Fe, 1929. 31p.
Law Library.
Established in 1851, had its origin in a Congressional
appropriation of $5,000 in Sept. 1850. The first books were
bought in Washington, brought over the Santa Fe trail to
Santa Fe in 1851. In the beginning the territorial secretary
was the first territorial librarian ; the second legislative as-
sembly, 1852-53, separated the library from the secretary's
office and provided for the appointment of a territorial li-
brarian ; office was vacant from 1857-69. In 1912 Gov. Mc-
Donald appointed W. T. Thornton as librarian claiming at
the time that no woman could hold a state office. Court pro-
ceedings were brought and the decision was against the
Governor's ruling; now under the control of the Supreme
court.
Report
1882-83 (Samuel Ellison) (E&S)
in Informes Officiales, 1882/83 p. 29-57.
1887-88. 5p. (Samuel Ellison)
1897-98 (Jose Segura)
in Message of M. A. Otero to the 33d Legislative Assembly
Jan. 16, 1899. Exhibit "G" p. 192-194.
in Council and House Journals, 1899. Exhibit "G" p. 192-194.
1899-1900. (L. Emmett)
in Message of M. A. Otero to the 34th Legislative Assembly
Jan. 21, 1901. Exhibit "I" p. 277-282.
1901-Nov. 30, 1902 (L. Emmett)
in Message of M. A. Otero to the 35th Legislative Assembly
Jan. 19, 1903. Exhibit "L" 4p.
CHECKLIST 71
1903-Dec. 31, 1904. (L. Emmett)
in Message of M. A. Otero to the 36th Legislative Assembly
Jan. 16, 1905. Exhibit "L" 6p.
1905-Dec. 31, 1906. (Anita J. Chapman)
in Message of H. J. Hagerman to the 37th Legislative Assembly
Jan. 21, 1907. Exhibit 17. 8p.
Reporte bienal de el librero territorial de Nuevo Mexico; por los anos
1887 y 1888. Santa Fe, New Mexican printing co., 1890. 5p.
Legislative reference bureau.
Created in 1937 to provide impartial and accurate infor-
mation, reports and digests showing practices of other states
and nations, to furnish expert bill drafting service and ade-
quate staff facilities ; discontinued in 1941.
First report to the 14th legislature. (Judge T. W. Neal, director)
Merit system council.
Created in 1940 in accordance with provisions of the
Federal social security act as amended in 1939. The agencies
participating in the Merit system are : N. M. Department of
public welfare, N. M. Department of public health and the
Employment security commission ; the major duties are the
preparation and administration of examinations, the cer-
tification of eligibles from appropriate registers when
vacancies arise, the review of payrolls to determine that ap-
pointments are made in accordance with the regulations, and
recruitment to interest qualified persons.
Annual report
1942 17p. (T. S. Muir) mimeo.
1943 14p. (T. S. Muir) mimeo.
1944 23p. (C. L. Rose) mimeo.
1945 2 (21) p. (E. K. Berchtold) mimeo.
1946 3 (29) p. (E. K. Berchtold) mimeo.
1947 4 (26) p. (E. K. Berchtold) mimeo.
1948 (19,) 3p. (E. K. Berchtold) mimeo.
Report is for the calendar year.
On cover, 1942-1945: N. M. Merit system council representing
N. M. Department of public welfare, N. M. Department of public
health and Employment security commission of New Mexico.
Classification plan for the public service of the state of New Mexico
72 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
and the political subdivisions thereof. Albuquerque, 1940. 178p.
mimeo.
Merit system in New Mexico. (Santa Fe, 1945) 15p.
The merit system in New Mexico. (Santa Fe, 1949) lOp.
The New Mexico civil service merit system plan for federal aid agen-
cies under the authority of the Merit system council . . . Albuquer-
que, n.d. 8p.
The New Mexico merit system . . . (Santa Fe, n.d.) 6p.
(To be continued)
Book Reviews
The Indians of the Southwest: A Century of Development
Under the United States. Edward Everett Dale. Norman :
University of Oklahoma Press. 1949. Pp. xvi, 283. $4.00.
The colorful Indians of the great Southwest at last have
their historian — a recognized authority, Dr. Edward Ever-
ett Dale of the University of Oklahoma. Dr. Dale began an
intimate study of the Southwestern tribes in 1926, when he
served as a member of the Meriam Commission of the Insti-
tute for Government Research. His further study of these
tribes, intensified by a grant from the Henry E. Huntington
Library in 1944, has resulted in a "broad general survey of
the more important aspects of one hundred years of Indian
administration in the Southwest." The tribes studied are
limited to those who live in the present states of New Mexico,
Colorado, Utah, Nevada, California and Arizona, essen-
tially the territory of the "Mexican Cession" of 1848.
Dr. Dale sets an extraordinarily formidable task for
himself in attempting a synthesis of the federal relations
with the Indians of the Southwest. In his preface, after
stating that he plans to give "special emphasis" to activities
of "permanent value," he further informs us that his "chief
purpose ... is to give to the general reader a better under-
standing of the Southwestern tribes as they are today by
tracing briefly the story of the events which have helped to
create present conditions." He also hopes to give scholars a
background of information "for the preparation of more
detailed studies touching the Indians of this area." Even
with the aid of only a few such needed studies he has suc-
ceeded well. A great part of this study, it should be noted,
is based on original research in primary sources.
In the first chapter of the book he discusses succinctly and
brilliantly the general problem of Indian administration and
its historical background. The second chapter is mainly a
discussion of ethnological and geographic factors, sufficiently
thorough to establish the immensity of the problem of In-
dian management in the vast Southwest.
73
74 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Chapters 3-10 are largely chronological in nature, and
in them he traces the story of federal relations from 1848
to early in the present century. In these chapters he pene-
trates deeply into the bedrock of the problems of Indian
administration, and makes clear the almost insuperable diffi-
culties caused by the diversity of tribes, the bureaucratic
conflicts between the military and civilian officers, the
chronic lack of funds and efficient personnel, the impos-
sibility of effective transportation and communication, the
hatreds and selfishness of the frontier white population and
the general cussedness of the Indians themselves. In this
tangled web of human and physical complexities he threads
his way through the story with unusual skill, and arrives
at conclusions particularly dispassionate for a student of
Indian affairs.
The last part of the book, chapters 11-15, is essentially
topical. The reviewer is of the opinion that Dr. Dale is at
his best in these chapters; they show more originality, a
greater personal interest and a heartening optimism for
the future of the Indians. By an adequate discussion and
an analysis of the agent and his work, the education of the
Indians, their health and hygiene, and the current problems
of Indian administration he effectively brings the subject
up to the present time.
The merits of this book are many ; the shortcomings are
few. However, in having to deal with so many tribes and
reservations and such a multiplicity of officials, the general
mosaic naturally assumes in some instances a slight monot-
ony. But there is no question that both the specialist and
the general reader will find the book highly interesting
throughout.
Mistakes are few in number. On page 70, it is implied
that Arizona in 1857 existed as a territory with a territorial
governor who acted as the superintendent of Indian affairs.
Although its name was in common use, Arizona was not
constituted a territory until 1863. Also, on page 98, Arizona
is credited as being a state in 1871. Statehood, however,
was not attained until 1912. Agent John P. Clum is given
credit on page 104 for what appears to be a complete removal
BOOK REVIEWS 75
in 1875 of all the Indians at the Fort Apache, while on page
127 the same removal is correctly stated to be incomplete.
There was no organization such as the Arizona National
Guard in 1877, as given on page 106. H. Bennett, referred
to on page 126, was meant to be Dr. Herman Bendell. And
in the case of General Crook's name, written George F. Crook
on page 63, there was neither a middle name nor an initial.
Obviously, errors such as the ones cited are trivial and
might well remain unmentioned.
The limitations of the book, few as they are, are not
due to dereliction on the part of the author. They are inher-
ent in so vast a panorama. In the opinion of this reviewer
his book will long stand as the authority in its field.
In conclusion, attention must be called to the valuable
photographs, the generous bibliography, the excellent in-
dex, the useful maps and the attractive format of the book.
All of these factors greatly enhance the value of this splen-
did volume. It is indeed a worthy addition to the University
of Oklahoma Press's great Civilization of the American
Indian Series.
R. H. OGLE
Phoenix Union High Schools
and Phoenix College
Oil! Titan of the Southwest. Carl Coke Rister. Norman:
University of Oklahoma Press, 1949. Pp. xxiii, 467. $5.00.
Professor Rister's thesis is all-embracing: Oil is the
life-blood of the nation, and, as of 1947, the Southwest has
been producing 70% of the nation's oil. Still, although the
value of Southwestern "petroleum and petroleum products
during 1948 alone . . [was] greater than all the gold and
silver mined in the United States since early colonial days,"
historians have neglected the oil industry's rise in the South-
west. This volume goes far to balance the historical de-
ficiency, for it is the saga of Southwestern oil from cope
the Spanish discovered on Gulf coast inlets to the mammoth
refineries of present-day Port Arthur.
Research needs for such an ambitious project were
76 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
prodigious; the author travelled no less than thirty-five
thousand miles to gather his sources. His investigations in
the National Archives (especially in the records of the
Bureau of Mines, the United States Geological Survey, the
Office of Indian Affairs, the Federal Oil Conservation Board,
the United States Fuel Administration, and the Petroleum
Administration for War) might be cited as a model use of
collections in our great national depository. State and county
documents searched include everything from statutes to
deeds. Trade journals and newspaper files received a thor-
ough combing, as did the technological literature of oil
geology and engineering. Of unique value are the manu-
script letters and monographs from private collections. Per-
sonal interviews with oil men filled in the interstices.
Standard Oil Company of New Jersey underwrote the ex-
penses by a research grant to the University of Oklahoma
Foundation.
Most of the book is a scholarly description of the suc-
cessively developing Southwestern oil fields: the early
Nacogdoches operations, "Choctaw-Chickasaw" operations,
the Bartlesville well (1897), the Paola oil springs, the
Neodesha field, Corsicana, Spindletop, Jennings, Red Fork,
Caddo, Burkburnett, Gushing, Ranger, Desdemona, Mexia,
Burbank, Smackover, Humble, Oklahoma City, Permian
Basin, Panhandle, East Texas, Hobbs, and many others.
The discovery, production, transportation, leasing, and
storage problems of each have been examined with monot-
onous attention to detail. Flashes of colorful writing, how-
ever, do appear, as, for example, a description of the Greater
Seminole boom towns.
Anyone but the technically informed will have difficulty
with the oilfield jargon : rotary mud, cable tool rigs, Arbuckle
formation, Simpson zone, Baume gravity measurements,
chokes, control heads, to mention but a few terms. A glos-
sary offers some aid in this respect. Also there are tables
of production for the various fields, and by years. A folding
map locates the fields. One of the most interesting chapters
discusses the role played by American oil in World War II,
BOOK REVIEWS 77
with notice given to the construction of "big inch" and
"little inch" pipe lines.
In such a thoroughgoing treatment of oil in the Amer-
ican economy it is difficult to find omissions either of details
or essentials. Nevertheless one would perhaps expect to
find more on the tidelands controversy. There also is a ten-
dency to minimize the great oil corporations' financing and
"interior" organization. To be sure these are considered,
but only in footnotes, and in such a manner as to leave
certain statements unexplained in the text. (See especially,
pp. 40-41)
This work is dedicated to the "early-day oilman, Amer-
ica's greatest industrial pioneer." There is indeed a lusty
appreciation of the courage, persistence, and daring of the
pioneer adventurers in oil. But Professor Rister is pri-
marily impressed with the progress of the industry from
chaos to order. "The petroleum industry," he concludes,
"has climbed out of early-day over-production, low markets,
and oil-field chaos and waste, into a well-organized and
scientifically equipped business." Eugene Holman, presi-
dent of the Standard Oil Company of New Jersey, receives
a notable tribute for his "progressive industrial ideas and
his forthright expressions of a belief that business execu-
tives should administer their responsibilities with the broad
public interests constantly in view." A comparison of the
wasteful features — overproduction, offset drilling, devastat-
ing fires, escaping gas, sloppy storage in earthen tanks —
that plagued the oil pioneers of early days with the con-
structive influences wrought by oil promotion in more recent
times is explicit in this interpretation. The author contends
that oil dividends have been moderate, that oil income stays
largely in the producing States, and he elucidates his state-
ments with specific illustrations ranging from the University
of Texas to the Shamrock Hotel.
Conservation measures, Professor Rister admits, have
been influenced by State laws, courts, and administration;
but federal conservation received scant praise from him.
Rather, he gives most credit for orderly development to
78 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
"reasonably circumspect corporate ethics . . ." in the oil
industry. Descriptions (in the last chapters) of highly
specialized laboratories, labyrinthine refineries of great
scale, the increased cost of bringing in deep wells, "heavy
equipment investments," block leasing, expensive marine
operations on the Gulf coast, and other characteristics of
oil operations in the present Southwest, all would seem to
point in the direction of control by a limited number of
large corporations. At least these features of recent de-
velopment cast doubt upon Professor Rister's prophecy that
it is unlikely such an industry "can become monopolistic,
as was forecast in Theodore Roosevelt's day."
GEORGE WINSTON SMITH
University of New Mexico
William Blackmore. Herbert Oliver Brayer. Vol. I: The
Spanish-Mexican Land Grants. Pp. 381. Vol II: Early
Financing of the Denver & Rio Grande Railway. Pp. 333.
Illustrated. Denver, Colorado : Bradford-Robinson, 1949.
A little written-about phase of New Mexico-Colorado his-
tory in the 1870's is given exhaustive treatment by the author
after he had spent eight years in research in archives, li-
braries and family papers in this country and in Europe.
It is a scholarly piece of writing centered around William
Blackmore, British entrepreneur, counsellor, anthropologist,
whose far-flung financial operations punctuated by a tragic
end, make a fascinating international chronicle. The ex-
tensive Blackmore Collection of documents, lodged in the
Library of the New Mexico Historial Society as a gift of
Frank Stevens, nephew of William Blackmore and curator
of the Blackmore Salisbury & South Wilts Museum, ob-
tained through the intervention of Brayer, and classified
and catalogued by him, form the basis for this "Case Study
in the economic development of the West." Mrs. Garnet
M. Brayer, wife of the author, spent the better part of a
year transcribing the Blackmore diaries, portions of which
are in an obscure and archaic shorthand.
In his introductory chapter, Brayer outlines the eco-
BOOK REVIEWS 79
nomics of the Rio Grande valley and its tributaries in the
sixties and seventies of the last century as shaped by the
Spanish-American settlers and at that time differing but
slightly from the days of the change in sovereignty from
Mexico to the United States. He tells how a coterie of at-
torneys, most of them in Santa Fe, had obtained control
and even ownership of Spanish land grants, these having
become the medium for the payment of legal services. How-
ever, the native "remained essentially a subsistence farmer,
utilizing centuries-old agricultural methods and imple-
ments." It was this condition which led Blackmore to under-
take in southern Colorado and northern New Mexico his
most important operations. Incidentally, he left a perma-
nent mark on American ethnological studies with his col-
lection of Ohio Mound artifacts and other archaeological
and anthropological specimens, now in the Blackmore Mu-
seum in Salisbury and in the British Museum. He assisted
financially the Hayden expedition to the Yellowstone in 1872,
supplied part of the funds to equip William H. Jackson,
noted pioneer photographer, and Thomas Moran, famous
painter of the Grand Canyon. The hundreds of photographs
of American Indians collected by Blackmore formed the
foundation of the Smithsonian Institution's wealth of west-
ern pictures of the days before the railroads had crossed
the Rockies. Hayden reported : "The greater portion of the
collection is derived from the magnificent liberality of Wil-
liam Blackmore, Esq., of London, England, the eminent an-
thropologist who has for years studied closely the history,
habits, and manners of the North American Indians." Black-
more also was instrumental in aiding George Catlin to pre-
serve his invaluable collection of Indian paintings.
British and Dutch capital was attracted by promoters,
such as Blackmore, who had visions of development of min-
eral, agricultural and livestock resources, and of profit in
railroad construction and the laying out of townsites. How-
ever, according to Brayer, "Blackmore and his cohorts failed
to realize the basic immobility of the country itself ... It
was not an area that could be greatly altered by capital.
After a hundred years of exploitation the land grant area
80 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
in northern New Mexico and southern Colorado is intrin-
sically the same as it was when General Kearny seized it
from Mexico."
Blackmore was merely 37 years of age on his first visit
to the United States early in 1864, when he proposed to the
government in Washington, which was hard put financing
the Civil War, that he would place in Europe half a billion
dollars of five per cent bonds secured by public lands, an
acre for each dollar of the issue. The proposal was rejected
although at first favorably received. It is on this first visit
that Blackmore formed friendships with eminent statesmen,
legislators, financiers and military men, some of whom be-
came associated later in his far-flung enterprises.
Blackmore's second visit to the United States occurred
in 1868 when he joined an official party inspecting the Union
Pacific as far as it had been built in Wyoming. From there,
he proceeded to the Mormon capital and studied the unique
economy developed by the Church. Before returning to
England he made several investments in railroads, lands
and mines in the East and "established important contacts
in political, financial and industrial circles in America." He
had engaged Dr. Ferdinand V. Hayden to make a survey of
the Sangre de Cristo Grant, a domain of vast extent in
southern Colorado and northern New Mexico, which had
been owned by Carlos Beaubien and confirmed to him by
Congress in 1860. Lucien Maxwell and his wife, Luz Beau-
bien, Joseph Pley and James H. Quinn, acquired a three-
sixth interest in the Grant. Pley's one-sixth was sold to
Ceran St. Vrain for $1,000, the latter selling for $20,000 to
Col. William Gilpin, who had been governor of Colorado.
The Maxwells sold their interest to Gilpin for $6,000. Beau-
bien's widow and other heirs received $15,000 for their por-
tion, so that Gilpin became owner of the Grant, excepting
the minor interest of James Quinn, whom he could not lo-
cate, for something like four cents an acre. Maxwell, two
years later, made a much better bargain in disposing of the
Maxwell Grant, the story of which is told by W. A. Keleher
in his recently published interesting book, "Maxwell Land
Grant."
BOOK REVIEWS 81
It was the sale of the Sangre de Cristo Grant to Euro-
pean capital which Blackmore undertook upon his return
to England late in 1868. The Colorado Freehold Land and
Emigration Company was incorporated in London to pur-
chase the northern half of the Grant designated as the
Trinchera Estate, the southern half being named the Cos-
tilla Estate, which was conveyed to the United States Free-
hold and Emigration Company.
Though deeply involved also in floating the bonds of the
Denver & Rio Grande Railway in 1871, Blackmore, never-
theless, embarked upon other land and financial enterprises
in which purchase and development of the Cebolla, Los
Luceros, Mora, Sebastian Martin, Ocate, Agua Negra, Rio
Grande, Rio Colorado, Conejos, Ojo del Navajo, Tierra
Amarilla, Preston Beck, Cieneguilla, Canyon de Chama and
other land grants, covering millions of acres, were promoted.
He visited Santa Fe and Taos repeatedly, contacting im-
portant political figures such as Elkins, Catron, Holly, Jo-
seph, Brevoort, Clever, Spiegelberg, Houghton, Watts, Wad-
dingham. Blackmore later entertained Elkins and his bride
in England, Elkins at that time being president of the First
National Bank of Santa Fe, in which Catron, Holly and
Watts were also financially interested.
Brayer describes vividly the astounding manipula-
tions, machinations, the multiplication of corporations, the
colorful propaganda to dispose of securities and lands to
English, Dutch and French investors and colonists, at
the same time planning a great educational institution in
the Rocky Mountain region which was to engage in scien-
tific research and archaeological exploration. Blackmore's
endeavor to find an "intelligent young Englishman" to take
over the management of the Sangre de Cristo Grant and
other properties, resulted in the selection of his young
brother-in-law, Arthur Boyle, who had spent several years
as a sheep operator in Australia and had also served as sec-
retary to Sir Charles Johnson Brooks, second white Rajah
of Sarawak. Boyle's salary was set at three hundred pounds
sterling annually. The youthful manager and his wife ar-
rived in the United States in 1877 and settled on the Sangre
82 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
de Cristo Grant east of the San Luis Valley. Blackmore's
financial difficulties and entanglements on three continents
by that time had become embarrassing. His health broke
and on April 12, 1878, when Blackmore was only 51 years,
Blackmore's assistant in England reported that he had
found ' 'Blackmore slumped over his desk with a bullet in
his head." Boyle, deeming his task hopeless, soon there-
after took up his residence in Santa Fe where he gained
prominence. There Brayer was given access to Boyle's let-
ters, ledgers, bills and miscellaneous materials by the late
R. Veer Boyle, son of Arthur Boyle.
Appendix, bibliography and index add to the importance
of Volume 1 as a source for historical study. The illustra-
tions from old photographs, some of them of Santa Fe, add
to the interest of the book.
In Volume II, Brayer traces the inception in 1870 of the
Denver & Rio Grande Railway which was planned to link
Denver and Santa Fe and thence to be built to El Paso into
Mexico, Brayer's narrative covering the period to 1878, the
year of Blackmore's death. The first papers of incorpora-
tion were filed in Santa Fe, providing for capitalization of
$20,000,000. The incorporators included Governor Pile,
Joseph G. Palen, Stephen B. Elkins, Thomas B. Catron, John
Pratt, General Asa B. Carey, the moving spirit of the enter-
prise being General William Jackson Palmer, son of Quaker
parents. Although only 34 years of age, he had already
achieved prominence. Several years before, he had directed
a survey of a feasible route from the Rio Grande to the
Pacific along the 35th parallel by way of Albuquerque.
In seeking to follow up the various ramifications of these
early years of railroad building, Brayer was given "free
and complete access to the corporate records of the Denver
and Rio Grande Western Railroad Company," the only con-
dition made by Henry Swan and Judge Wilson McCarthy,
co-trustees of the railroad, being to "tell the truth — all of it."
And what a story of financial prestidigitation it discloses of
those pioneer days when companies were organized under
various names to finance the building of links of the road,
BOOK REVIEWS 83
when townsites were surveyed and bonded, including such
eventually successful sites as present day Colorado Springs
and Pueblo! In addition to the main line, seven branch
routes were planned. The chief problem, of course, was one
of finance and the solution had to be sought abroad. The
Maxwell Grant, of which General Palmer was president,
became the first instrumentality to furnish a credit basis.
Wilson Waddingham, one of the then owners of the Grant,
subscribed $50,000 cash and authorized Palmer to sell his
Grant stock abroad, for a quarter million or so.
A Colorado corporation, the Denver and Rio Grande
Railroad, was now chartered with capital stock of $2,500,000.
It was proposed to create a $6,500,000 thirty year 7% gold
bond issue secured by a mortgage on "a non-existant rail-
road with non-existant rolling stock and a non-existant right
of way" as the author puts it, although the values were
later to be realized by the creation of a construction com-
pany "pool." Denver, at the head of the proposed line, had
a population of 4,759, and Santa Fe, its proposed first ter-
minus 4,765, according to the 1870 census. "Between these
contemplated terminals there were some 10,000 widely
scattered persons." To lessen the cost of construction and
operation it was decided to make the railroad narrow gauge.
General Palmer and his bride in England entrusted to Wil-
liam Blackmore the task of placing the bond issue. Black-
more's success in marketing Union Pacific securities and
his disposing of a million dollars of bonds of the Costilla
Estate to Dutch capitalists had marked him as a financial
wizard who would be especially motivated to sell the Denver
& Rio Grande bonds by the fact that the proposed narrow
gauge road would pass over his land grant holdings and
prospects in Colorado and New Mexico. The Union Contract
Company was given the contract to build the entire line,
875 miles, from Denver to El Paso, for which it was to re-
ceive $14,000,000 first mortgage 1% gold bonds, $14,000,000
in capital stock, plus such municipal, county, state and U. S.
bonds as might be received in aid of construction, together
with lands acquired by the railroad not needed for its fi-
84 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
nancing and maintenance. Construction got under way
promptly and the site of the future Colorado Springs was
reached in what seemed record time, on October 27, 1871.
The vicissitudes met, the difficulties overcome, the coloni-
zation systems pioneered, the financing put over, as told by
Brayer, make fantastic reading in this day and age. Black-
more kept in close touch with developments including plans
for working coal deposits and settlement of the Arkansas
Valley. Lands were transferred from one syndicate to an-
other, and various land improvement companies were or-
ganized and financed. Pueblo became a boom town in which
"building is going on with a rapidity never before known
here, and 80 and 100 acre additions are extending the cor-
porate limits," says one newspaper item. Promotion pam-
phlets described in glowing terms the resources of the coun-
try tributary to the railroad and its branches.
Then financial depression struck. A three year grass-
hopper plague destroyed crops and brought on a complete
lack of demand for farm lands. Travel and immigration
was curtailed. "When the railway company on April 30,
1877, announced that it was necessary to default the interest
due on its bonds on May 1," subsidiary corporations also
felt the strain. Blackmore and his associates demanded an
accounting, Blackmore's tragic death in 1878 providing
only a temporary truce. It was not until 1902, that "thirty
years of financial discord and contention" were brought
to successful conclusion.
The final chapter under the heading "The End Justifies
the Means," reviews the phenomenal growth and develop-
ment that came to Colorado from 1870 to 1880 and later
years. It also speculates on what might have been had
the British bondholders gone along with the enterprise to
its probable eventual success, instead of forcing it into
receivership which for the time being stopped most ex-
pansion and development planned by the original builders.
Today, the growth and prosperity of the cities, towns and
country tributary to the railroad and its branches in Colo-
rado from Denver to the San Luis valley, are a justification
of the faith, persistence and daring of the courageous men
BOOK REVIEWS 85
who had envisioned the present results of their enterprise
three quarters of a century ago, even though some of their
desperate methods to achieve their end might not meet
with the approval of present day financial ethics, laws and
regulations.
As in Volume I, appendices, bibliography and index
attest to the workmanlike talents of the author. The two
volumes printed in a limited and numbered edition of 500,
are attractively bound. As source material on the eco-
nomics and history of the Southwest they are indispensable
to the present day student of the history of the Rocky Moun-
tain region. P. A. F. W.
Marshal of the Last Frontier: Life and Services of William
Matthew (Bill) Tilghman — for 50 years one of the great-
est peace officers of the West. Zoe A. Tilghman. Glendale,
California. Arthur H. Clark Co., 1949. Pp. 406. $7.50.
Early New England preachers frequently warned their
congregations against migrating to the West. They predicted
that such a move would have a disastrous effect on the chil-
dren of the emigrants. The fallacy of such reasoning is
shown by the story of Bill Tilghman's career.
Bill spent his early years in Iowa and Kansas, but his
parents emigrated from the East — from Maryland. At the
age of eight, he became "the man of the family" when his
father left the Kansas farm to fight for the Union. At home
the boy learned to do the daily tasks, to forgive those who
had wronged him, and to control himself. He developed into
a man of powerful build and exceptional courage, but was
generous and kindly and fond of children. Something in his
family history warned him against liquor, and a quiet re-
solve on his part led him to become known later as "the man
who refused a million drinks."
Having taken a profitable part in the slaughter of the
buffalo, the experienced young plainsman found himself in
the early seventies in southwestern Kansas. Dodge City was
just getting started as a gay town where the cowboys turned
their charges over to the railroad and went on a spree.
86 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Half the population were gamblers or prostitutes. In such
a region where there was little respect for law, Bill might
have become a daring outlaw. Balzac, whose knowledge of
human nature is said to have been second only to that of
Shakespeare, has said that "a crime, in the first instance,
is a defect in reasoning power." If the great French novel-
ist was right in this, it seems likely that Tilghman could
think as straight as he could shoot. His home life had given
him a high standard of personal conduct, while a chance
encounter with "Wild Bill" Hickok gave him a hero of whom
he talked for weeks. Constant practice in shooting from his
hip perfected a quick flick of the wrist and a coordination
that made him a dangerous man with a gun.
There was something in his eyes that made wrong-doers
pause. Again and again society turned to him as the man
to reduce a wild town or region to law and order. He was
recognized not only as a picturesque character, but as one
of the most noted peace officers of the Southwest. He served
two Kansas counties as under-sheriff , then became marshal
of Dodge City. When Oklahoma was opened up in the spring
of 1889, Bill took part in the spectacular rush of settlers, and
staked out a claim at Chandler, where he was soon raising
thoroughbred horses. However, the chance to sell liquor
to the Indians made the region an attractive one to outlaws,
so Bill was soon pressed into government service. As deputy
United States marshal, he helped to break up various gangs
which overran the new territory.
As Zoe Tilghman was Bill's second wife, it is not sur-
prising to find that the biography is laudatory rather than
critical. In all probability Mrs. Tilghman drew her husband
a few shades more perfect than he was in actual life. While
she claims to have made "extensive studies in the collections
of the historical societies of Kansas and Oklahoma," she
adds that the greater portion of her book is based on her
husband's note-books and manuscripts. The book has an
index, but no bibliography and few foot-notes. It is well-
written, and will find readers wherever people are inter-
ested in the spectacle of a strong man fighting for the right.
University of New Mexico MARION DARGAN
CONSTITUTION
OF THE
HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF NEW MEXICO
(As amended Nov. 25, 1941)
Article 1. Name. This Society shall be called the Historical Society
of New Mexico.
Article 2. Objects and Operation. The objects of the Society shall
be, in general, the promotion of historical studies; and in particular,
the discovery, collection, preservation, and publication of historical
material especially such as relates to New Mexico.
Article 3. Membership. The Society shall consist of Members, Fel-
lows, Life Members and Honorary Life Members.
(a) Members. Persons recommended by the Executive Council
and elected by the Society may become members.
(b) Fellows. Members who show, by published work, special
aptitude for historical investigation may become Fellows. Immedi-
ately following the adoption of this Constitution, the Executive
Council shall elect five Fellows, and the body thus created may there-
after elect additional Fellows on the nomination of the Executive
Council. The number of Fellows shall never exceed twenty-five.
(c) Life Members. In addition to life members of the Historical
Society of New Mexico at the date of the adoption hereof, such other
benefactors of the Society as shall pay into its treasury at one time
the sum of fifty dollars, or shall present to the Society an equivalent
in books, manuscripts, portraits, or other acceptable material of an
historic nature, may upon recommendation by the Executive Council
and election by the Society, be classed as Life Members.
(d) Honorary Life Members. Persons who have rendered emi-
nent service to New Mexico and others who have, by published work,
contributed to the historical literature of New Mexico or the South-
west, may become Honorary Life Members upon being recommended
by the Executive Council and elected by the Society.
Article 4. Officers. The elective officers of the Society shall be a
president, a vice-president, a corresponding secretary, a treasurer, and
a recording secretary; and these five officers shall constitute the
Executive Council with full administrative powers.
Officers shall qualify on January 1st following their election, and
shall hold office for the term of two years and until their successors
shall have been elected and qualified.
87
Article 5. Elections. At the October meeting of each odd-numbered
year, a nominating committee shall be named by the president of the
Society and such committee shall make its report to the Society at
the November meeting. Nominations may be made from the floor
and the Society shall, in open meeting, proceed to elect its officers by
ballot, those nominees receiving a majority of the votes cast for the
respective offices to be declared elected.
Article 6. Dues. Dues shall be $3.00 for each calendar year, and
shall entitle members to receive bulletins as published and also the
Historical Review.
Article 7. Publications. All publications of the Society and the selec-
tion and editing of matter for publication shall be under the direction
and control of the Executive Council.
Article 8. Meetings. Monthly meetings of the Society shall be held
at the rooms of the Society on the third Tuesday of each month at
eight P. M. The Executive Council shall meet at any time upon call
of the President or of three of its members.
Article 9. Quorums. Seven members of the Society and three mem-
bers of the Executive Council, shall constitute quorums.
Article 10. Amendments. Amendments to this constitution shall be-
come operative after being recommended by the Executive Council
and approved by two-thirds of the members present and voting at
any regular monthly meeting; provided, that notice of the proposed
amendments shall have been given at a regular meeting of the Society,
at least four weeks prior to the meeting when such proposed amend-
ment is passed upon by the Society.
88
Historical Itgview
-,
City
Palace of the Governors, Santa Fe
April, 1950
Editors
FRANK D. REEVE PAUL A. F. WALTER
Associates
PERCY M. BALDWIN GEORGE P. HAMMOND
FRANCE V. SCHOLES THEODOSIUS MEYER, O.F.M.
ARTHUR J. 0. ANDERSON
VOL. XXV APRIL, 1950 No. 2
CONTENTS
Page
The Cowboy — Sinner or Saint
Clifford P. Westermeier 89
Frederick E. Phelps: a Soldiers Memoirs (continued)
Frank D. Reeve, editor 109
Checklist of New Mexico Publications (continued)
Wilma Loy Shelton 136
Notes and Documents 162
Book Reviews 165
THE NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW is published jointly by the Historical Society
of New Mexico and the University of New Mexico. Subscription to the quarterly is
$3.00 a year in advance; single numbers, except those which have become scarce, are
$1.00 each.
Business communications should be addressed to Mr. P. A. F. Walter, State
Museum, Santa Fe, N. M. ; manuscripts and editorial correspondence should be
addressed to Prof. Frank D. Reeve, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, N. M.
Entered as second-class matter at Santa Fe, New Mexico
UNIVERSITY PRESS, ALBUQUERQUE, N. M.
NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL
REVIEW
VOL. XXV APRIL, 1950 No. 2
THE COWBOY— SINNER OR SAINT!
By CLIFFORD P. WESTERMEIER*
THE COWBOY is the central figure in the story of the Amer-
ican cattle industry. He emerges as a romantic figure in
American history, a dominant and vital figure in frontier
life; his spirit is American and particularly western; thus,
his life unfolds in an epic around the greatest pastoral move-
ment in the history of the world. During the short span of
years, from 1866 to the end of the century, the cowboy left
an indelible mark upon American culture and the West from
which he cannot be separated. True, those who write about
him grace him with an aura of romance and sentimentality ;
true, he has been cast in a mould of courage, violence and
sudden death, of steadfastness and nobility, of blind devotion
and even of dark deeds, but he nevertheless remained the
guardian of the West. His story is one of struggle.
Sentimentalists mourn the passing of the Old West.
They mourn the passing of the Men on Horseback, those
Titans clad in buckskins, flopping hats and boots, and they
chant a dirge for the trail which has passed through the
sunset.
All has vanished ? So they say — but this is not true ! The
Old West has grown from infancy to boyhood and now to
manhood ; it did not die, nor did it disappear. The Old West
is still here as a part of the New West — a sturdier West in
new clothing, with a new vocabulary and new interests.
The migration was essentially from East to West —
* Dr. Westermeier is Associate Professor of History at Loretto Heights College,
Loretto, Colorado.
89
90 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
explorers, missionaries, hunters, traders, goldseekers, and
homesteaders. However, coming from the South, the cattle
and their cowboy drivers bisected, in their northward drive,
the westward march of American civilization and, more than
any other movement, imprinted on the West its character.
Out of this dramatic conflict developed the cattle industry.
Little is to be said of that drama, for this is an account of
the actors who played the important roles and how they
appeared to the spectators of that time.
In the course of years thick volumes have been published
which tell the story of the cowboy. The names of Siringo,
Santee, Adams, Hough, Rollins, James, Dobie, Coolidge, Lo-
max, and King are familiar. Other special studies about the
cattle industry, cattle wars, horses, bad men, vigilantes,
rustlers, desperadoes, Indian fighters, two-gun sheriffs,
buffalo hunters, the authors of which are too numerous to
mention, also included a character study of the cowboy, his
equipment, and his work. In addition, there are innumerable
autobiographical and reminiscent accounts of old-time cattle
men and cowboys who, in preserving their memoirs, have
made vital contributions to the character of the cowboy.
Of these old-time cowboys few are left who were in their
prime in the years between 1866 and 1895. Also, one must
not neglect that vast collection of cowboy literature — fiction
and nonfiction — the dime novels and western 'thrillers'
which are classified as sub-literary.
With the exception of the latter two, the dime novel and
the western 'thriller/ which appear shortly after the Civil
War, the preponderance of cowboy literature — historical,
autobiographical and fictional — is the product of the last
four decades. The great majority of these authors have mag-
nified the glamorous and romantic side of the cowboy's life
to such an extent that his real mission, and more often his
character, are lost under a welter of inaccuracies. To assume
that the whole truth about the cowboys has been completely
told is as inaccurate as to assume that there are no cowboys
today. This study is an attempt to portray the true picture
of the cowboy as found in the writings of contemporaries in
THE COWBOY 91
newspapers, diaries, letters, periodicals, and also in books
which, in most cases, were published before the turn of the
century.
Just when the term coivboy was applied to the men who
made a life work of tending cattle is a matter of conjecture.
However, during the American Revolution the name cowboy
was tagged to a group of American Tories who played havoc
with the stock of the Whigs and Loyalists by swooping into
their districts of occupation to steal cattle.1
In 1814 the cattle driven from certain districts in the
Southern states came in contact with and infected healthy
cattle. Later, in 1837, legislation was enacted in North Caro-
lina which prevented the driving of cattle from South Caro-
lina or Georgia to that state from the first day of April to
the first day of November. However, no mention is made of
the drivers or herders, but it may be assumed they were
cowboys.2
At first it appears that the cowboy was looked upon as
a curiosity. His arrival in a town invariably caused comment
in the next issue of the local paper, and often these items
were reprinted in newspapers of surrounding towns. The
comments usually concerned his skill in handling cattle, the
dangers involved, and occasionally his skill in riding was
mentioned. Notes of criticism of this 'stranger' crept into
some of the early writings.
An interesting letter, written over a hundred years ago,
mentions the cowboy, his work, and also the beginning of
his sport — the rodeo. It was written by Captain Mayne Reid
to Samuel Arnold of Drumnakelly, Seaforde, County Down,
Ireland. It was inscribed, "Santa Fe, 10th June, 1847." Cap-
tain Reid wrote :
The town from which I write is quaint; of the Spanish style of
building and reposes in a great land kissed by the southern sun. You
have cows in old Ireland, but you never saw cows. Yes, millions of
them here, I am sure, browsing on the sweet long grass of the ranges
1. Encyclopedia Americana (New York, 1937), 133. Webster's New International
Dictionary of the English Language, 2nd ed. unabridged (Springfield, Mass., 1945), 614.
2. "Texas Fever, Splenetic Fever, or Southern Cattle Fever," Yearbook of the
United States Department of Agriculture (1899), 124-125.
92 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
that roll from horizon to horizon. At this time of year the cowmen have
what is called the round-up, when the calves are branded and the fat
beasts selected to be driven to a fair hundreds of miles away.
The round-up is a great time for the cowhands, a Donneybrook
fair it is, indeed. They contest with each other for the best roping and
throwing, and there are horse races and whiskey and wines. At night
in the clear moonlight there is much dancing on the streets.3
As the cattle were driven out of Texas, fear of the cattle
fever swept over the areas through which they passed. The
Messenger, a newspaper of Hannibal, Missouri, on July 10,
1858, gives an account of the cattle stampedes and difficul-
ties encountered by the drivers in rounding them up. The
problem of the drivers, however, was not confined to the
herding of fine Texas cattle through the city streets and to
the quelling of stampedes. These men were opposed on all
sides by the farmers and settlers who feared that the disease
might spread to the domesticated cattle.4
In addition to human interference from both white and
red men, the trials inflicted by nature on the drives were
almost unbelievable. One of the most vivid accounts appears
in the diary of George C. Duffield. In the spring of 1866,
Duffield started the long drive from southern Texas to Chari-
ton, Iowa. This is probably one of the most interesting
diaries of a day-by-day account of a cattle drive. It is full of
woe and hardships and although it is the story of one
man, it is also the story of all men who followed this haz-
ardous occupation, the story of their courage, daring, and
resourcefulness.5
Not all the excitement which surrounded the cowboy took
place on the long drives. Upon arriving in the cowtowns at
the end of the drives, the 'boys* found themselves the center
8. Letter in the manuscript collection of Colin Johnston Robb, Drumharriff
Lodge, Loughgall, County Armagh, Ireland. See Westermeier, C. P., MAN, BEAST,
DUST: The Story of Rodeo (Denver, Colorado, 1947), 34. Evidently this type of
frivolity had been going on for some time. An article entitled "The Santa Fe Trade,"
appeared in the Missouri Republican deploring life in that gay southwestern city. It
says : "A majority of the Traders invest in the trade from $100 to $600 ; these
capitalists live cheaply upon buffalo, and improve their habits and morals among the —
in every way — vicious, and lascivious inhabitants of Santa Fe." Missouri Republican,
February 16, 1830.
4. Report of Missouri State Board of Agriculture ( 1866 ) , 20. Missouri Statesman
(Columbia), June 24, 1859. Laws of Missouri 24th G. A., 1st Sess. (1867), 128.
6. Annals of Iowa, 14, no. 4, (Des Moines, Iowa, 1924).
THE COWBOY 93
of attraction and confusion.6 The editor of the Cheyenne
Daily Leader comments cautiously ; perhaps even curiously :
It is a very entertaining sight to see a bull-whacker seated astride
of a broncho horse, that has but a limited acquaintance with his
rider, or the rough uses, that he is to be put to; and with Spanish
spurs roweling the life out of the poor brute, nearly, and making him
rear his ends in the air, alternately, while an idle crowd gather to wit-
ness and curse the exhibition made by both horse and rider.
We are induced to speak thus, in consequence of having witnessed
a display of such a horse and such a rider, on Tuesday evening, near
the corner of Seventeenth and Ferguson streets. There was quite a
crowd and some quiet swearing. But would not such exhibitions be in
better taste out on the prairie? Suppose one of these bronchos should
run up the side of a brick building to the roof, or up a telegraph pole
to the cross-bars and insulators, would the rider keep his seat? These
bronchos are liable to do these things ; we have known them to do worse
things.7
A decade later, the same newspaper tells of an unfortu-
nate cowboy who was attacked by a steer and badly dis-
figured, and owed his life to the fact that the widespread
long horns straddled his head as he lay prostrate on the
ground.8
In explaining the riding prowess of a cowboy, a news-
paper correspondent attempts to educate the reading public
of his paper with a vivid and lurid description of "How
Cowboys Ride" :
The cowboy is the real horseman. He keeps his seat under circum-
stances that would result in unhorsing any one not having much nerve
and constant practice. When a yearling steer held by a rope to the
pommel jerks the saddle half-way round the body, the cowboy must
stay on the pony or run the gauntlet of wild steers and scared pony.
When the half -tamed broncho, just caught from a "cavvy" of one or
two hundred horses, indulges in ten minutes' spell of bucking, the
cowboy must keep his seat or have a rebellious pony always on his
string. When the cowboy dashed after a running steer, and the steer
turns like a billiard ball, when it hits a cushion, the cowboy must
6. "A small army of cowboys filed into town yesterday afternoon. They were
direct from Texas, having come up with Driskill's herd. Later in the evening they left
for Sturgis, where they were paid. About $4,000 were distributed among them."
"Ranch, Range and Herds," Cheyenne Daily Leader, Thursday, August 31, 1882.
7. Tuesday, September 11, 1873.
8. "Cowboys and Texas Cattle in the Stock Yards," Cheyenne Daily Leader,
Wednesday, August 2, 1882.
94 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
turn with the pony, who THUS with the steer, and not shoot over his
head. When the pony stands on his hind legs "on a ten plate," and
paws the air with his fore feet, the cowboy must cling to him.9
Many actual stories arise from the daily work of the
cowboy. Early in the year of 1889, a graphic report of a
fight between sheepherders and cowboys in the mountains
near Albuquerque, New Mexico, states :
From a Mr. Edwards, a sheep-raiser in the mountains, it is learned
that a terrible hand-to-hand conflict, in which pistols and knives were
used, took place the other evening between the sheepherders from Sam
Lund's ranch and cowboys supposed to work for W. B. Slaughter. The
battle resulted in the killing of two and the wounding of four sheep-
herders. The sheriff has left for the scene with a posse heavily armed,
and it is predicted that more murders will be committed.10
Later in the year, an account from Folsom, New Mexico,
appears in the same newspaper. It speaks of a recent blizzard
which had swept over eastern Colorado and northern New
Mexico. On the night in question, Henry Miller, the range
foreman of Colonel R. G. Head, with several cowboys, had
camped near Sierra Grand with 1,800 beef cattle. About 4
o'clock the next morning the blizzard struck the camp and
drove the cattle toward the Panhandle of Texas. The cow-
boys were unable to hold the cattle and the snow was so
blinding in its intensity that it was impossible to see fifty
feet ahead. The cowboys attempted to bunch the cattle to
prevent them from wandering, but, in so doing, the men be-
came separated. Late the next day one cowboy finally reached
Head's ranch and told his story. A rescue party was sent
out and found the frozen bodies of Henry Miller, Joe Martin,
and Charlie Jolly not far from Folsom. The other men finally
succeeded in making their way back to camp before suc-
cumbing to the cold.11
While the blizzard was taking its toll in New Mexico, a
scene, less disastrous but no less exciting, took place in Kan-
sas City. It is described in a newspaper article, "Steers on
the Rampage," which states :
9. Cheyenne Daily Leader, Friday, June 29, 1883.
10. The Republic (St. Louis, Missouri), January 8, 1889.
11. "Cowboys Frozen," Ibid.. November 7, 1889.
THE COWBOY 95
A scene of frontier excitement occurred in this city today. It lasted
for five hours and during that time a herd of stampeded Texas steers
had possession of the thoroughfares in an area about two miles square.
A number of persons were tossed on the horns of the infuriated beasts
and before the herd was corralled again three of the number had been
killed.
This morning eight cowboys started with a drove of cattle from the
stockyards, bound for Clay County, across the Missouri River. The
steers refused to cross the bridge, and, upon being urged, stampeded.
Then the excitement began. The herd had proceeded down Bluff street
for two squares at a clattering pace, clearing all before it, when four
of the cowboys, with frontier foresight, cut around a block and
headed it off. Before the cattle were driven back and corralled at the
river's bank, eight of them had broken away from the herd and had
started on a tour of the city. At Broadway and Bluff street one of the
cowboys succeeded in lassoing one of the refractory animals but could
not control the animal. The steer started for the river, the cowboy still
on his pony and still holding the lasso. At the bluff, about 25 feet over
the river, the cowboy refused to go further, but the pony and steer
plunged over into the water below. Both swam ashore uninjured.12
The character studies of the cowboy by his contempo-
raries not only arouse great interest but are also very reveal-
ing. However, one must remember that in many cases these
are the opinions of individual persons. Thus, a pattern of
black or white is developed, that is, a pattern of the cowboy,
'sinner or saint' ; nevertheless, the circumstances surround-
ing these individual experiences with the men of the plains
condition their statements.
Charles W. Webber in his Tales of the Southern Border
writes :
The cowboys were, in short, considered as banditti before the revo-
lution, and have been properly considered so since. This term "Cowboy"
was even then — and still more emphatically, later — one name for many
crimes ; since those engaged in it were mostly outlaws confessedly, and
if not so at the beginning, were always driven into outlawry by the
harsh and stern contingencies of their pursuit. . . ,13
Following the 'sinner' theme, that is that all cowboys
were bad — outlaws and criminals,14 a writer for the Topeka
12. The Republic (St. Louis, Missouri), November 7, 1889.
13. (Philadelphia, 1853), 124.
14. "An unknown cowboy robbed the Turtle Mountain Bank at Dunsheith on
Friday and escaped to the mountains with $1,000. The robber shortly after returned
96 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Commonwealth expresses his opinion in "The Texas Cattle
Herder" :
The Texas cattle herder is a character, the like of which can be
found nowhere else on earth. Of course he is unlearned and illiterate,
with but few wants and meager ambitions. His diet is principally navy
plug and whiskey and the occupation dearest to his heart is gambling.
... He generally wears a revolver on each side of his person, which
he will use with as little hesitation on a man as on a wild animal.
Such a character is dangerous and desperate and each one has gen-
erally killed his man. . . . They drink, swear, and fight, and life with
them is a round of boisterous gayety and indulgence in sensual
pleasure.15
Joseph G. McCoy's character sketch of the cowboy is well
known. In his book Historic Sketches of the Cattle Trade of
the West and Southwest, he sums up, with delicate skill, the
man of the plains: The cowboy "loves tobacco, liquor, and
women better than any other trinity."16
McCoy also writes about the frontier town, the town at
the end of the cattle trails — at the rail heads. Here the cow-
boy finds himself after several lonely isolated months on the
range or cattle drive. In his comments, McCoy seems to feel
that the cowboys and the characters who swarm to these
centers are to blame for the deplorable conditions which exist
there. Men who had lived with dirt, danger, and death for
endless months found what gaiety they could in these oases
of civilization.17 The puritanical background of this author
comes to the fore in these critical accounts, yet he instigated
the movement to make Abilene, Kansas, the first cowtown !
His moral principles were confused.
Similar opinions are expressed in a short article appear-
ing in the Washington Star:
In the cow towns those nomads in regions remote from the restraint
of moral, civic, social, and law enforcing life, the Texas cattle drovers,
from the very tendencies of their situations the embodiment of way-
wardness and wantonness, and the journey with their herds, loiter
to town and attempted to rob a store, but a crowd gathered, ran him down and
killed him." Calgary Weekly Herald, Wednesday, June 21, 1893.
15. (Topeka, Kansas), August 15, 1871.
16. (Glendale, California, 1940), 85.
17. Ibid., 205-206, 209.
THE COWBOY 97
and dissipate, sometimes for months, and share the boughten dalli-
ances of fallen women.18
Another writer expresses himself about the cowboy in
the following terms :
As you mingle with these cowboys, you find them a strange mix-
ture of good nature and recklessness. You are as safe with them on the
plains as with any class of men, so long as you do not impose upon
them. They will even deny themselves for your comfort, and imperil
their lives for your safety. But impose upon them, or arouse their ire,
and your life is of no value in their esteem than that of a coyote.
Morally, as a class, they are toulemouthed, [sic] blasphemous, drunken,
lecherous, utterly corrupt. Usually harmless on the plains when sober,
they are dreaded in towns, for then liquor has the ascendency over
them. They are also as improvident as the veriest "Jack" of the sea.
Employed as cow-boys only six months in the year — from May till
November — their earnings are soon squandered in dissolutions, and
then they hunt, or get odd jobs, to support themselves until another
season begins. They are never cumbered with baggage. They never
own any interest in the stock they tend. This dark picture of the cow-
boys ought to be lightened by the statement that there is occasionally
a white sheep among the black. True and devoted Christians are found
in such company — men who kneel down regularly and offer their
prayers in the midst of their bawdy and cursing associates. They are
like Lot in Sodom.19
Probably one of the most interesting- items appears in
Alex M. Barley's book, The Passionists of the Southwest.
It is certainly not typical of the cowboy, that is the Anglo-
American, but it is so unusual that it should be included :
A prominent cattleman — Horton of Texas — sends the following to
the Sun of New York, and it is to be supposed that it occurred in Texas ;
though, if so, it is the only Texas case of which the author of this
book knows :
"They say the Mexican is disposed to flagellation, — that nothing
so prepossesses him, however grave can be his responsibilities.
18. "Social Influences in the West," Washington Star (Washington, D. C.),
January 1, 1878.
19. "The Cow-boys of the Western Plains and Their Horses," Cheyenne Daily
Leader, October 3, 1882.
Most of the cowboy's profanity is unprintable. You would get an entirely new
idea what profanity meant if you heard it. "The remotest, most obscure and unheard-of
conceptions from heaven, earth, and hell, are linked together in a sequence so original,
so gaudy, and so utterly blasphemous that you gasp and are stricken with the most
devoted admiration. It is genius. ... it would liberalize your education." White,
Stewart E., "The Mountains, XIX. — On Cowboys," Outlook, 78 (September 3, 1904), 84.
98 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
I have seen a herd of three thousand head scattered in all directions
in the midst of a storm, and enormous losses suffered because at the first
thunder-clap all the cow-boys, without exception, kneeled in order to
flagellate themselves till they made blood flow, invoking the divine
mercy.
"When the idea of giving himself to this exercise overcomes one of
these cow-boys, whether in the road or in the desert, he knows no one
nor anything, and the cries he utters as he strikes himself frighten
his flock, which flees at the gallop."20
Even the chief executive of our nation was concerned
about the conduct of the cowboy in the southwestern terri-
tories. Chester A. Arthur, shortly after assuming his duties
as president, gave expression to his worries of cowboy depre-
dations. His message to Congress dated December 6, 1881,
states :
The Acting Attorney-General also calls attention to the disturb-
ances of the public tranquility during the past year in the Territory of
Arizona. A band of armed desperadoes, known as "Cow Boys," prob-
ably numbering from fifty to one hundred men, have been engaged for
months in committing acts of lawlessness and brutality which the local
authorities have been unable to repress. The depredations of these
"Cow Boys" have also extended into Mexico which the marauders
reach from the Arizona frontier. With every disposition to meet the
exigencies of the case, I am embarrassed by lack of authority to deal
with them effectually.21
This is probably the blackest side of the 'sinner.' It is the
cowboy painted in dark and scarlet colors against the flaming
and lurid canvas of the frontier. His detractors are willing
to admit that their victim strode with titanic grandeur
across the stage — the desert, plains, plateaus, mountains,
and brush country — yet, the cowboy may not diverge one
iota from the conventional pattern of men. They forget that
the cattle kingdom was a world in itself and had a culture of
its own. During a span of thirty years this kingdom engraved
itself on the Great Plains and upon American culture, and
necessarily also upon the chief actor of the drama — the
cowboy.
20. The Passionists of the Southwest, or The Holy Brotherhood (Pueblo, Colo-
rado, 1893), 49.
21. Poore, Ben Perley, ed. Chester A. Arthur, Message from the President of the
United States to the Two Houses of Congress, December 6, 1881 (Washington, D. C.,
1881), 20.
THE COWBOY 99
The cowboy was different, not by choice but because of
his environment. He had been forged from the ore of the
frontier. His life was a logical one, and if romance and gla-
mor surround him, it is because those who created the
literary cowboy also created the halo. They failed to make
a distinction between work and play. They failed utterly
and completely to realize that the cowboy ever worked, for
the age was fabulous, the longhorns were spectacular, the
drives were romantic and dangerous, and the cowboys were
picturesque.
After the first amiable curiosity about the cowboy had
worn off, he apparently was looked upon with distrust and
suspicion and was often maligned by his contemporaries.
This attitude toward him changes during the latter part of
his day and especially when the cattle industry becomes a
big business, and attracts people from all over the world to
invest their money. Now one can find many statements in
praise of the cowboy which have a ring of sincerity and are
very refreshing.
General James S. Brisbin of the United States Army
urges youth to 'go West' :
The West! The Mighty West! That land where the buffalo still
roams and the wild savage dwells; where the broad rivers flow and
the boundless prairie stretches away for thousands of miles . . .
where the poor, young man finds honor and wealth. . . ,22
Another article written by Fred J. Stanton for the Chey-
enne Daily Leader is of a similar vein, but touches more di-
rectly on the cowboy :
I have met among these stockmen highly educated men, as herders,
whose essays on literature would throw into the deepening shade some
of the sentimental so-called aesthetic sickly nonsense which society calls
poetry.
If you wish to do so, you can find as highly educated and refined
gentlemen among the "old settlers" and "cowpunchers" of the many
years ago, of these arid plains, as they were formerly called, as you
can in those who come now in their Pullman cars, with Oscar Wilde
aesthetic manners, accompanied with Patchoulli, [sic] Essence de
Miilefleurs [sic] or seal skin sacques.
22. The Beef Bonanza; or, How to Get Rich on the Plains (Philadelphia, 1881),
13-14.
100 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Let me travel among these plains, and call at their cabins, the
dugouts or tents of these stockmen or "cowpunchers" as they familiarly
style themselves, and I find them, as a class, the soul of honor, punctili-
ously so, and you cannot insult them more than by an offer to pay for
a meal or a bed. Go to the east, and they charge you five cents for a
glass of milk. Whiskey I never met in a western "cowpunchers" camp
in more than one case in twenty.23
Another writer, Alfred Henry Lewis, seems to have a
concise and direct opinion about the man of the plains. In
his Wolfville Nights, he writes :
On the range the cowboy is quiet, just and peaceable. There are
neither women nor cards nor rum about the cow camps. The ranches
and the boys themselves banish the two latter; and the first won't
come. Women, cards and whiskey, the three war causes of the West, are
confined to the towns.24
Baron Walter von Richthofen makes a pertinent state-
ment: "Among cowboys are to be found the sons of the best
families, who enjoy this romantic, healthy, and free life on
the prairie."25
Nat Love, who disapproved of the manner in which
writers had portrayed him, gives his own opinion in his Life
and Adventures: "I was not the wild blood-thirsty savage
and all around bad man many writers have pictured me in
their romances, yet I was wild, reckless and free, afraid of
nothing, that is nothing I ever saw. . . ,26
The Reverend Cyrus Townsend Brady, writing of his
missionary experiences in the West, says :
I am very fond of the genuine cow-boy, now fast disappearing.
I've ridden and hunted with him, eaten and laughed with him, camped
and slept with him, wrestled and prayed with him, and I always found
him a rather good sort, fair, honorable, generous, kindly, loyal to his
friends, his own worst enemy. The impression he makes on civilization
when he rides through a town in a drunken revel, shooting miscel-
laneously at everything, is a deservedly bad one, I grant you; but
you should see him on the prairie in a round-up or before a stampede.
There he is a man and a hero ! 27
23. Thursday, May 25, 1882.
24. (New York, 1902), 11.
25. Cattle-Raising on the Plains (New York, 1885), 19.
26. The Life and Adventures of Nat Love (Los Angeles, California, 1907), 70.
27. Recollections of a Missionary in the Great West (New York, 1900), 62.
THE COWBOY 101
One of the pathetic experiences which Reverend Brady
relates is the story of the death of a young ranchman and
cowboy :
After one of the blizzards, a young ranchman who had gone into
the nearest town, some twenty miles away, to get some Christmas
things for his wife and little ones, was found frozen to death on
Christmas morning, his poor little packages of petty Christmas gifts
tightly clasped in his cold hands lying by his side. His horse was frozen,
too, and when they found it, hanging to the horn of the saddle was a
little piece of an evergreen-tree — you would throw it away in contempt
in the East, it was so puny. There it meant something. The love of
Christmas? It was there in his dead hands. The spirit of Christmas?
It showed itself in that bit of verdant pine over the lariat at the saddle-
bow of the poor bronco.
Do they have a Christmas out West? Well, they have it in their
hearts, if no place else, and, after all, that is the place above all others
where it should be.28
In Reminiscences of a Ranchman, Edgar Bronson draws
a vigorous picture of meal time around a chuck wagon. He
shows the cowboy as a hungry man after a hard day's work
and his word picture carries a sense of rugged reality :
. A merry fire blazed at the tail end of the chuck wagon. About it were
sitting sixteen punchers, feeding from tin plates and cups, gorging on
beans, beef, and baking powder biscuits, washed down with coffee
strong enough to float an egg; men with ferocious hunger of the wolf,
and the case-hardened stomach of the ostrich. They were of all ages
from sixteen to sixty, but most of them under thirty, all grimy with
dust, and several reeking with the blood of the day's work in corrals.
. . . While no life of greater privation and hardship than the cow-
boy's ever existed, unless that in the forecastle of a windjammer, no
merrier, jollier lot ever lived, always "joshing" each other, turning
a jest on every condition in life, from the cradle to grave, but one —
home and mammy, a subject on which tones always lowered, eyes
softened and sometimes grew misty.29
Bronson writes interestingly about the cowboy ; however,
at times he writes so glowingly and romantically that he pic-
tures the plainsman as a "knight of the Golden Fleece."30
Readers of Western Americana are well aware of Sister
28. Ibid., 184-185.
29. (New York, 1908), 30-31.
30. Ibid., 297.
102 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Blandina Segale's encounter with a cowboy on her way to
Trinidad, Colorado :
By descriptions I have read I knew he was a cowboy! With crushing
vividness — "No virtuous woman is safe near a cowboy" came to me.
I made an act of contrition — concentrated my thoughts on the presence
of God — thought of the Archbishop's blessing, "Angels guard your
steps," and moved to such position as would put my heart in range with
his revolver. I expected he would speak — I answer — he fire. The agony
endured cannot be written. The silence and suspense unimaginable.31
Will James gives us a wistful description of his counter-
part— the man he knows so well and about whom he has
written so often. A cowboy himself, James shows both sides
of his colleagues. Usually, he leaves the reader with a feeling
of good will toward the cowboy. He also offers an explana-
tion for a better understanding of the cowboy in emphasizing
the big-hearted, generous, kind-hearted and human qualities
of the cowboy, yet noting that he is subject to all human
frailties.32
James observed with keen insight one other important
clue to a more thorough understanding of the cowboy. He
makes no excuses for the cowboy, but at the same time he
points out that too often the renegade from the North and
East, who came in contact with the 'native cowboy,' gave him
a bad name.33
Major W. Shepherd observed that the greatest enemy of
the range cattle industry was the plough. The coming of the
farmer had turned parts of Kansas and Nebraska into culti-
vated areas; the stock withdrew and disappeared into the
mountains and rough country. Shepherd writes in 1885 :
Almost the whole of Wyoming, Montana, and Idaho are still unset-
tled, and in these territories the cattle business is still carried on
somewhat in the old style. Formerly the man who shouted loudest,
galloped hardest, and was quickest in drawing his "gun," was consid-
ered the most dashing cow-boy; if he had come up on the Texas trail,
31. Letter inscribed "Trinidad, Dec. 10, 1872." Segale, Sister Blandina, At the
End of the Santa Fe Trail (Milwaukee, 1948), 29. (The conversation which took place
between the nun and the cowboy is probably one of the most mirth-provoking on
record. )
32. James, W. S., Cow-Boy Life in Texas or 27 Years a Maverick (Chicago,
1893), 38.
33. Ibid.. 46.
THE COWBOY 103
and had failed to kill his man, he was held to have wasted his oppor-
tunities. But times are changing; it is only in the south, for instance
Arizona, where the term cow-boy is equivalent to desperado; in the
north the men on the ranges are as good as any class of Americans. The
increased value of the cattle has introduced more care and gentler
handling in their management.34
A newspaper correspondent of the Fort Worth Journal
spent a quiet Sunday at a ranch with the cowboys. During
the afternoon a game of cards was played, and the outcome
is humorously but effectively expressed in the evening service
in the following prayer :
Oh, Lord! we haven't got much to worry Thee about on this occa-
sion, as things are running pretty smooth in this part of Thy moral
range. The range is pretty good, water is not very scarce, the cattle are
looking fine and the calf crop is panning out amazingly, and we are not
the kind of boys to come begging to the throne of grace for little things
we can rustle for ourselves. We might state, oh, Lord! that it hasn't
rained here for some time, and that we are soon going to need some
moisture, but there is nobody hurt yet, and we suppose that the matter
will be duly looked after. Lord, if and according with Thy divine
pleasure and opinions of how a decent game should be conducted,
forgive Pitts Neal for stealing out that ace full which he wickedly
played against my flush, but if it so be that Thou art on to his many
sins and much iniquity as the rest of us are, and seest fit to give him
a little sample of Thy divine wrath, Lord, let it please Thee to place in
his hands a diamond flush and cause him to buck against Thy servant,
who shall be provided with a jack full. But, Lord, in this operation, it
will be necessary to exercise a good deal of care lest he steal out four
queens and scoop in the shekels of Thy servant, for verily he is mighty
to pilfer, and in that case Lord, there would be an uproar thereabout,
and crushed and broken bones, and moreover a great deal of faith would
be shaken and lost, and Thy servant would perhaps backslide the length
of many Sabbath journeys. So mote it be — Ahem.
After the devotional exercises were over Pitts Neal was heard to
remark that he'd be darned if he played in the game with Luther again.
He said he wasn't afraid that any one man could play dirt on him, but
that he wasn't going to play against the entire kingdom of Heaven
and all the boys too.35
During the Cattlemen's Conventions of 1884 and 1885 in
St. Louis, Missouri, the cowboy comes under close scrutiny
34. Shepherd, R. E.t Major W., Prairie Experiences in Handling Cattle and Sheep
(New York, 1885), 23, 25.
35. Cheyenne Daily Leader, Thursday, October 4, 1883.
104 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
of his contemporaries. Already there appears that softening
of expression about the cowboy which was mentioned earlier.
However, this opinion is not universal.
Many notables were in attendance at the Convention of
1884: Joseph G. McCoy, M. R. Lovell, Charles Goodnight,
B. H. Sandburn, C. C. Slaughter, George B. Loving, John
Clay, Granville Stuart, Colonel King, and Captain Pat Gar-
rett, who killed Billy the Kid.36
Among the famous guests was General Sherman who
gave a short speech and concluded with the words : "I, my-
self, have seen the cowboys of Arizona, New Mexico, and
Colorado and can say that they are a brave lot of fellows, a
little wild perhaps (laughter) but on the whole with the im-
pulses of generous and manly nature."37
There was a sincere appreciation of the change in the
status of the men who, less than two decades before, had
started out to conquer the plains and build from them a
mighty empire. In the Missouri Republican of November 18,
1884 this statement appears :
As a rule the delegates are fine specimens of manhood; erect and
broad shouldered with faces and hands browned by exposure to the
bracing atmosphere of the plains and muscles hardened by active exer-
cise. The great majority of the men have acquired wealth in the cattle
industry and many have risen from the comparatively humble position
of cowboy to millionaire. It is said that quite a considerable number
have commenced life in the Far West with almost nothing and risen
to prominent places through hard work and strict attention to business.
A finer body of men physically as well as mentally has never assembled
in the city.
During the Convention of 1884, questions arose concern-
ing the authenticity of the Cowboy Band, which was in much
demand for social functions and parades, and the costumes
worn by the members. There were arguments on both sides
regarding this point, and a delegate from Colorado finally
expressed his opinion :
We feel that the cowboy band is out of place as long as they persist
in making a parade of their leggings and revolvers. It is painfully true
that people in the East had been led to believe that a greater portion
36. Missouri Republican, November 16, 1884 ; November 17, 1884.
37. Ibid., November 18, 1884.
THE COWBOY 105
of cattlemen of Southwest and West are as a rule desperate characters;
and that we roam about over the prairies armed to the teeth with
knives and revolvers. We want to dispel this idea as it places us in a
false light before the world. Years ago when likely to meet a bunch
of Indians, we were required to go heavily armed when we followed
our cattle. Times have changed and the necessity for revolvers no
longer exists. On many ranches cowboys are not allowed to carry
revolvers. Today the average cowboy is as good an average American
citizen as can be found anywhere in America.38
In 1885, Mr. Lapham of Chicago, representing the Hide
and Leather Dealers, appeared before the Convention to
make an appeal for moderation in branding. His speech was
most indiscreet because of the type of men in his audience.
He told them that no where in the world was so little care
taken to save the hide from excessive branding as in the Far
West. He pleaded that they be at least as careful as the half-
civilized neighbors to the South and the uncivilized natives
of Asia and Africa. A little care would save them much
money each year.39
However, the following remark brought forth a vigorous
and vehement defense of the cowboy :
The public believes that the native cowboy, reared on the frontier,
is not possessed with the proper respect for the value of property or
respect for the law, much less with those fine instincts which are alive
to the keen sufferings of the brute world.40
Mr. Exall of Texas jumped to the defense of the cowboy
in his reply :
38. Missouri Republican, November 18, 1884.
The mystery of the cowboy band was solved when S. S. Prunty, the editor of the
Kansas Cowboy of Dodge City, stated that Western Kansas would take the responsibility
for the cowboy band. He said it was sent as a token of appreciation of St. Louis
hospitality and added that ". . . the attire of the members of the band is the regula-
tion dress of the plains cowboy. The spurs, pistol and leather leggings are seen every
day on the cowboy of the plains. The members, while mostly cowboys in jest, are
gentlemen and some represent thousands of head of bovine." Missouri Republican,
November 20, 1884.
39. During the preparations being made for the Convention of 1884, a St. Louis
tanner suggested calling a convention of the "Cattlemen's Cousins," the hide dealers,
tanners and leather merchants in order that some measures might be taken to lessen
the evils of branding. Sixty-five delegates arrived from New York, Boston, Pittsburgh,
Cincinnati, Louisville and other cities. They presented their case declaring that excessive
branding caused an annual loss of several million dollars ; in support of their state-
ment they produced a two pound brand scab. Missouri Republican, October 22, 1884 ;
November 16, 1884 ; November 19, 1884 ; November 28, 1885.
40. Ibid., November 28, 1885.
106 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
... he wanted to remind the gentleman who read or wrote the paper
that he was mistaken as to the lawlessness of the cowboy of the plains.
There are no other class of men from the Atlantic to the Pacific who
have more responsibility on their shoulders than the cowboys. Men
of irresponsible character would not be entrusted with such interests.
Men who owned large interests would not entrust them to men of law-
lessness ... he wanted to say that the men of the plains were the
equals and the peers of the men of the cities.41
Judge Wallace of Colorado protested :
. . . when I hear a motion to adopt as part of the proceedings of this
convention that which libels the cowboy of the West, I must be allowed
respectively to enter my protest. It amounts to charging the cowboy
with retrograding to a state of savagery. ... I have lived in the state
of Colorado for twelve years . . . and my life has been spent largely
in dealings with these men, the cowboys . . . with reference to their
character, to the large interests at stake of the men who own the herd,
and the amount of money involved, do you suppose that it would be
entrusted to murderers, cut- throats, and thieves? No, gentlemen, there
are violators of the law in the West as in the East, but I opine that
the percentage of business is quite equal to that of the East.42
In order to keep the situation under control, Mr. King
of Utah said that curt answers were uncalled for and ex-
pressed his opinion in the following statement :
... I have been a cowboy for many years until three years ago but
I cannot see in that report anything that particularly reflects upon
my honor, upon the honor of any cowboy here, or any gentlemen from
the West or those attending. You know too well gentlemen, that in
our most noble pursuit men sometimes go to extremes. We have had
what I consider a friendly voice asking that we do not go to extremes.
That is nothing that militates against the honor or integrity of the
cowboy. . . . Most of us are cowboys and I think the Eastern boys
appreciate us; I know that they do not look upon us as murderers,
ruffians, or cut-throats . . . but as honorable gentlemen, the free men
of the great plains which God has given to America.43
As early as 1858, some unknown newspaper writer at-
tempted to characterize the Westerner. "Traits of Western
People" is found in the Daily Missouri Democrat. The writer
says:
41. Ibid., November 28, 1885.
42. Missouri Republican, November 28, 1885.
43. Ibid.. November 28. 1885.
THE COWBOY 107
There is a certain universality in the type of the Western man, and
a certain freedom and electicism in his social life, which enable them
to reflect a partial likeness of the better traits and qualities, peculiar
to either section of the country, however much these sections may
differ in their standard of morals and manners. The extreme South-
erner, the Virginian, the Yankee, recognize each his own image in the
many-sided man of the West. They feel they have certain affinities for
him, though they have none for each other ; and he in return spontane-
ously fraternizes with them because he possesses a genial, catholic,
though, perhaps, less cultured nature. Climate, institutions and other
causes have moulded them into uniformity, and have given them
rigidity and angularity of character, but the plastic nature of the
Western people which the inflowing of new blood in a thousand rills
promises to preserve, forbids any irreconcilable antagonism, and
results in boundless variety and unity. The elements which enter into
the composition of character in this region are countless, and have not
yet formed into an insoluble concrete. The people are not recast by
artificial means. The reign of formulas was not yet begun, but nature
is left to her own sweet will. Greater physical activity, greater di-
versity of manners, and aspirations, and greater energy and boldness
of character are the results.44
Although no specific division of time or years can be
made, one may conclude from the foregoing statements that
there was an early period in which the cowboy appeared to
be a curiosity to the contemporaries of his time. They write
about his appearance in towns as the cattle are driven to the
rail heads, the difficulties in getting the cattle across bridges,
streams, through towns and so forth. They begin to take
notice of his riding ability, skill in horsemanship and the
dangers ever present in his occupation. Occasionally, a cow-
boy kept records of his trials on the drives. During this time,
farmers in the more settled portions of the country took
exception to the Texas cattle, and a just fear of the "fever"
was evident. Because the cowboys persisted in driving their
cattle through, the farmers and settlers became antagonistic.
The resultant clashes are probably the first steps in the
creation of the cowboy-badman.
A second period appears in the writings of the time.
Every phase of the cowboy's life is related ; particular stress
is given to his manners, dress, and his weaknesses of flesh —
44. Daily Missouri Democrat, (St. Louis, Missouri) Wednesday, September 8,
1858.
108 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
his general immorality. There is the beginning of the cow-
town with its dens of iniquity. There seems to be a puritani-
cal streak in the writings of the contemporaries of this
second period and the tone is high-flowing and moralistic.
The crusading spirit appears in the towns which were de-
pendent upon the cattle industry and the cowboy for their
birth and very existence. As the rail heads move westward,
attempts are made to salvage the towns from the 'ruffian'
of the plains.
The third period appears just as the range cattle industry
collapses before the ranch cattle industry. The writers of
this time take an entirely new attitude. In some cases they
are inclined to look upon the cowboy as crude, rough, but
essentially good — a sort of naughty-boy attitude to be over-
looked. In other cases it seems that they realized that many
of the wealthy cattlemen who had made a big business of
the cattle industry had started as cowboys. As more money
was invested in the industry, it seemed to grow in respecta-
bility, and the cowboy was caught up in this veneer. He
gained in stature and esteem, he became a respectable
citizen.
FREDERICK E. PHELPS: A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS*
Edited by FRANK D. REEVE
(Continued)
I HAVE been asked many times if I was scared at the first
sight of Indians, and this was my first experience. When
I got to the top of the hill it took me several minutes to
discover the village, so much were the wickiyups the color
of the rocks and bushes. I did not see an Indian for some
time, either, and when I did he was so far away I knew he
could not hit anything at that distance, so I was cool enough
and can honestly say I was not afraid. When we got to the
creek and Stephenson explained his plan, I will frankly
acknowledge I was mightily scared, and only hoped I did
not show it. Pride came to the rescue at once : the knowledge
that our men were looking to us for directions, the pride of
the commissioned officer, and, above all, the pride that makes
a man ashamed to show fear before his fellow-man.
I once heard an experienced soldier say, one whose record
during the war was only equalled by the one he made as an
Indian fighter, that "a man who says he is not afraid of
Indians either don't know anything about it or he is a liar,"
and from all I have heard others say, I imagine my experi-
ence was similar to theirs. I always thought that if Stephen-
son had known how horribly scared I was he would hardly
have spoken to me afterward so kindly as he did, so I guess
I succeeded in hiding it fairly well.
* In preparing the material for the January, 1950, issue of the New Mexico His-
torical Review, uncorrected galley proofs were returned to the printer, resulting in
certain errors in the Memoirs of Captain Phelps. The following should be read in con-
junction with the Introduction :
Captain Phelps was again recalled to service when the United States participated
in World War I. He was stationed at Detroit, Michigan, as recruiting officer, and then
transferred for duty at the Port of Embarkation, Hoboken, New Jersey. Once again
the veteran soldier retired to the more peaceful pursuits of civilian life, but with the
rank of Lieutenant Colonel. A few years later, in 1923, he passed away in Urbana, Ohio.
Since the Memoirs were not recorded from day to day, but were written in later
life, it was thought permissible to improve the composition, although no change has
been made in meaning.
* * *
The reader is asked to forgive certain typographical errors, especially on page 38,
where Urbana, Illinois, should read Urbana, Ohio. Ed.
109
110 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Ten men were to stay with horses and pack mules while
the rest of us, thirty-seven in all, were to go up that hill
and come down again, if we could. That's what scared me.
The rocks at the top were thick with howling Indians who
yelled Apache and Mexican epithets at us. Nearly all the
Mescalero Apaches understood, and many of them spoke, the
Mexican language, and they defiantly dared us to come on,
accompanied with gestures, grotesque, but not at all decent.
And now occurred a little scene that shows the man who
refuses to fight fisticuffs is not always a coward. Among the
men was one such named Zubrod. Shambling in his gait,
with a little weazened face, weak, colorless eyes, dirty in
person and in clothes as he dared to be, he was a butt for
every joke of his comrades, and had been bullied and whipped
by nearly every man in the troop; there was probably not
a man there who did not consider him a coward, and in some
way — I don't know how — I had gotten the same opinion.
When Stephenson directed me to pick out ten men to remain
with the animals, the first one I selected was Zubrod, and
when the others were selected Stephenson directed Foster to
take charge of them, a detail that surprised me; but I did
not know much then, and it did not occur to me that the
care of our animals and rations was no unimportant matter.
But Zubrod broke out: "Lieutenant, can't I go? Every man
in the troop says I am a coward! Let me go. I'll show
'em !" And he broke down, alternately crying and swearing.
Stephenson gave him a keen glance, and reading him better
than I, made a motion of assent, and Zubrod took his place
with the party.
Stephenson told me to take ten men and try to work around
to our right and, if possible, flank their position, for that
stone wall, as we may call it, looked ugly, and the hill was
so steep that the men would have to use both hands to cling
to rocks and bushes, and could do no firing. When I had
discovered a practicable way and had gone up as far as I
could without being resisted, I was to fire a pistol shot and
then make a rush, with as much noise and yelling as possible,
so as to make the Indians think it was another troop coming
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 111
in on them, while he, with twenty-seven others, would go
straight up, or try to.
All this time we were in plain sight and not more than
five hundred yards from the Indians' position. Why they
did not fire on us was a mystery; probably they had little
ammunition and wanted to save it for close quarters. In that
day the Apaches had few, if any, breech-loading guns, little
ammunition for the muzzle-loaders they did have, and were
poor shots. I went to our right, up stream, about three hun-
dred yards, and finding a kind of spur or nose that looked as
though it would be easy climbing, we worked up to within
five or six hundred yards of the Indian position, fired a shot,
and rushed on ; but we had not gone over half the distance
when we came to an immense deep canon that we could
neither cross nor get around and, worse still could not see the
place where our enemies were. But we kept up a devil of a
din, and if those Indians did not think the devil had broken
loose over there on their left, it was not our fault. All the
same we kept a sharp watch, hoping we would catch sight
of something, and we were not disappointed.
Looking off to our left we saw Stephenson and his men
leisurely climbing the hill, the carbines slung over their
backs by the sling belts, and Stephenson himself in the lead,
with his Winchester carried and used as a cane. Not a shot
was fired at them ; when half way up they came to a ledge of
rock and halted to get their breath for a minute. The day
was fearfully hot ; they had been on the go since three A. M. ;
the hill was covered with small stones and loose shale, which
slid back under the foot, and it was decidedly hard "getting
up stairs."
For a moment they rested, then Stephenson's calm delib-
erate voice quietly said, "Come on," and as they started, from
above came the ring of rifles, but too high. I saw Corporal
Cooney, a magnificent-looking blue-eyed man, stagger ; then
he laughed grimly as a glance showed the bullet had only
torn its way through his belt and shirt, just touching his
side. Poor devil! five years later they shot better and he
fell, fighting like a demon, alone and unaided, in a lonely
112 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
canon, the very next day after he had sold his mining claim
for a big sum and was going home to his sweetheart who
had waited all these years.35
Then Stephenson's voice rang out clear and strong, "Now,
men !" and with one whoop up they went, Stephenson's long,
lank form well ahead, swinging his Winchester over his
head by the muzzle, only speaking once more and then to
yell at Zubrod, — Zubrod the coward who would not fight, but
who was bounding ahead, his face as white as the sheeted
dead, his eyes glowing like coals, ten yards ahead of every-
body. "Zubrod! Zubrod! damn it, man, don't get ahead of
me ! Take it easy !"
Close behind Zubrod was Bullard, swinging something
over his head and yelling like a maniac. I could not then
imagine what he was swinging, but subsequently found it
was a long-handled frying-pan he had picked up on the hill
where a squaw had dropped it in her flight. He had lost his
own and did not propose to risk losing his prize by leaving
it behind.
Now they were almost to the crest, and then came another
scattered volley that also went high ; but the shooters were
rattled and, beside that, they were shooting down hill, and
a man almost invariably overshoots under such circum-
stances.
By this time the Indians concluded that the white man
was going to accept his invitation to "come up the hill,"
in fact, had already accepted it with a demoralizing unan-
imity, and instantly every head disappeared. As the men
swarmed over the hill, Stephenson, Bullard, and Zubrod well
in advance, there was no foe to meet them, but some hun-
35. "An incident which created intense excitement throughout the western part
of New Mexico in the spring of 1880 was the murder of James C. Cooney and a
number of other miners by a band of Apaches under Victorio. Cooney had been
Quartermaster Sergeant in the 8th U. S. cavalry, and while performing scouting duties
in the Mogollon mountains in western Socorro county discovered silver. After his dis-
charge from the army he organized the Cooney mining district and began development
of extensive properties in Socorro county. His brother, Captain Michael Cooney, hewed
from the solid rock, near the scene of the murder, a sepulcher for the body. The
door is sealed with cement and ores from the mine, and in these ores has been wrought
the design of a cross. His friends among the miners also hewed a cross of porphyry
which was placed upon the summit of the rock tomb." R. E. Twitchell, The Leading
Facts of New Mexican History, II, 439 note (Cedar Rapids, Iowa, 1912).
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 113
dreds of yards away were three or four Apaches just disap-
pearing over a ridge, and from there they fled like deer in
the labyrinth of canons on that side. Through the wickiups,
across the flat, to and beyond the canons for a mile the men
pantingly pursued, hoping for one fair shot, but they might
as well have pursued shadows. These were mountain Indians
and could run up or down hill with apparently the same ease.
But now my little party is to have a chance. Down a
side ravine, gliding over the ground like ghosts, came three
Indians into the main canon some four or five hundred yards
away, across and up the steep side of another hill, we firing
at them, but though we kicked up the gravel all around them,
we did not hit anything else.
In those days the cavalry were armed with the old
Sharp's carbine with an open back sight, and a thick, stubby,
front sight ; and with a trigger supposed to be seven pounds
pull, but near fourteen. Target practice was unknown prac-
tically, the allowance of ammunition being three shots per
man per year, and the longest range three hundred yards.
Think of sending out men to fight Indians who had had no
target drill at all and, to quote Chambers McKibben36 who,
with that moustache, the pride of the 15th Infantry, elevated
in the air, once declared, "could not hit a flock of haystacks
at ten yards rise."
If we had had a chance to learn to shoot we might have
killed more Indians, but as it was the almost universal rule
was to "rush in to close quarters, then shoot." Fortunately
the Indians were not as good shots as we were, poor as that
was, so we nearly always got the best of them.
Meantime these three Indians were making remarkable
time up the steep side of the mountain and two of them dis-
appeared over the crest. One, however, could not resist the
opportunity of showing his contempt for the white man and
the white man's shooting and, turning at the very edge of
the great canon, he shouted the most opprobrious epithets
in Mexican, accompanying them with gestures not at all
36. Chambers McKibbin was born in Pennsylvania. He volunteered as a private
in the Union Army during the Civil War. He was promoted to 2nd Lieutenant, Sep-
tember 22, 1862 ; Captain, July 28, 1866 ; and retired with the rank of Brigadier General,
October 3, 1902. He is listed in Appletona' Encyclopedia.
114 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
polite, but easy to comprehend. Corporal McNelly was stand-
ing near me, a pretty fair shot; kneeling down, he took
deliberate aim at this rampageous Apache and fired. I was
watching Mr. Indian through my glasses and saw him sud-
denly "hump" himself together, bound in the air like a ball,
and in the next instant shoot over the edge of the canon,
end over end, going down with a crash on the rocks hundreds
of feet below; one good Indian, anyhow. We found it im-
possible to get down to him, the walls of the canon being
two or three hundred feet high, and as straight up and
down, almost, as the sides of a house. So we left him to the
buzzards and the coyotes. By this time the men were re-
turning from the fruitless pursuit, and the work of destruc-
tion began.
The wickiups were built of sotol37 stocks, the lance-like
stock of a species of cactus, and brush covered with pieces
of canvas, hides and dirty, tattered blankets. Dozens of
bridles, lariats, saddles, &c., and the numerous tracks of
ponies and mules, showed that they had animals with them,
but probably they were away with part of the band on a
foray into Mexico at this time. One mule with a club foot
was captured, instantly named "Apache," and adopted into
the troop where he lived and flourished, being used as a
hunting party pack animal until a snooping Inspector saw
him and, lacking sense enough to know that there are times
when an Inspector ought to be blind, ordered him to be
turned into that capacious and rapacious receptable into
which so much goes and from which nothing ever comes out
— the Quartermaster's Department. The men readily offered
to buy him at any price if he could be sold, for they delighted
to taunt the other troop at the post when they would see
them going over to our Quartermaster's to borrow a pack
mule to go hunting: "Hello T troop, why don't you get a
mule of your own?"
Hanging to the limb of an oak tree was another mule,
87. Sotol was an important food for Apaches. The crowns of the plant were
roasted in pits, dried, crushed into flour and baked in small cakes. Willis H. Bell and
Edward F. Castetter, Ethnobiological Studies in the American Southwest, VII. 67f
(Biological Series, University of New Mexico, 1941. V, no. 5). Castetter and Opler,
op. eft.
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 115
freshly skinned and dressed, young, fat and tender, for
Stephenson and I had a steak off him that night for supper.
Our bacon was gone. It resembled coarse beef, rather red,
but was sweet and tender and tasted mighty good.
Large tin dish pans, tin cups, canteens and so on were
scattered everywhere, and finally a copy of a printed order
from the War Department — something about transporta-
tion— was found stuck up in one of the huts. These things
showed clearly enough that these Indians were Reservation
pets. An uncut bolt of calico, with Mexican trade marks on
the card, showed that they had recently been trading with
Mexicans or, what was more likely, had recently raided a
Mexican house or train. Besides these articles there were
thousands of pounds of prepared mescal, all of which, to-
gether with saddles and everything, was soon in flames, and
the work of destruction was thorough and complete. Going
down to and around the base of the hill, and along the little
stream, we soon found where the squaws had been making
tiswin.33 Some forty odd jars of earthenware, or ollas, were
standing there filled with the unf ermented liquor, and being
cool, palatable and, at that stage, not intoxicating, we par-
took of it freely, then all the jars were broken. Had the stuff
been fermented we would all have had the jimjams sure,
but as it was, no harm was done.
When we finally got back to where our horses were we
found Foster had captured another mule. While we were
ascending the hill his quick ear caught a sound of something
coming up the canon; slipping quietly behind a big rock,
some one hundred yards below the horses, he looked carefully
around and saw two Indians mounted, one behind the other,
on a mule, coming slowly up the trail and unconscious of
danger. Why they did not hear the yells of their friends
above I do not know ; perhaps the winding of the canon cut
38. "But the Apaches rivaled their pale-face brothers in the production of
'home-brew.' Their system was to bury grain on the sunny bank of a stream where
the warmth and moisture caused the cereal to germinate. Then they stewed it —
sprouts and all. The stew was then set aside and allowed to ferment. The Apaches
called this brew "tuh-le-pah," but to the pale-face it was known as 'tiz-win.' It had
a powerful 'kick' — particularly if the revelers fasted a day or two before imbibing."
John P. Clum, "Es-kim-in-zin," NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, III, 419 (October,
1928).
116 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
off the sound. Cocking his carbine and taking a dead rest
on the rock, he took deliberate aim at the foremost Indian
and pulled the trigger. He was our best shot, the distance
not over seventy-five yards, and he told me afterwards he
was chuckling over his "easy pot shot," as he called it, but
the cartridge missed fire. Just then one of the Indians caught
sight of him, gave a whoop, and both of them rolled off and
dashed into a side ravine and were out of sight in a second,
leaving Foster dancing with rage and the proud captor of
a sore-backed mule.
We camped that night on the little stream, and all night
long the Indians kept up their yells from the surrounding
cliffs ; but they did not venture near camp. At daybreak they
had disappeared, and we subsequently learned that they went
straight back to the Reservation to get rations and get ready
for another raid.
Two days after we rode into old Camp Bowie,39 Arizona,
situated at the eastern end of Apache Pass, a pass of which
nearly every rod has been the scene of a tragedy, for this
was a famous place for ambuscades. In the little cemetery
there at the time I counted twenty odd graves, and all but
two bore on the little head-boards, "killed by Indians."
It was raining in torrents when we rode into the Post,
and the first thing I got was an invitation to dine with the
commanding officer, a veteran Captain of the 5th Cavalry,
39. "Fort Bowie was located in Apache Pass, Chiricahua Mountains, on the road
from Tucson to Mesilla. . . . The establishment of a military post at this site dates
from July 28, 1862, when the 'California Column' under Brigadier General James H.
Carleton, on its way to Santa Fe, passed that way, and detached a company to guard
the spring at that point.
"Major T. A. Coult, Fifth California Volunteers, was assigned to command of
the post on July 27, 1862. Temporary huts were erected, and the post was called Fort
Bowie in honor of George F. Bowie, colonel of that regiment, then commanding the
District of Southern California.
"On May 3, 1866, the Volunteer garrisons were relieved by Company E, Four-
teenth U. S. Infantry, and from that date occupation of the post was continuous to
1894, when troops were withdrawn and the post abandoned. In 1894 the post was
turned over to the Secretary of the Interior." Post, Camps, and Stations, File, cited
in Martin F. Schmitt, ed., General George Crook: His Autobiography, pp. 163 (Univer-
sity of Oklahoma Press, 1946).
The Fort was located in Latitude 32° 10' and Longitude 109° 22'. The reservation
was declared by Executive Order March 30, 1870, and enlarged to 23,040 acres, Novem-
ber 27, 1877. See also William A. Bell, New Tracks in North America, p. 44 (London,
1869).
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 117
now a Lieutenant Colonel,40 whose good wife was then, and
is today, famous in the army for her generous hospitality
and her good dinners.
I wanted that dinner, wanted it bad. I had been living for
three days on mule meat, but how could I go? The only
pair of trousers I had were minus a seat and, as I was built
somewhat on the bean pole order, it was a problem where to
beg, borrow or steal a pair of unmentionables. Finally at
the Sutler's store, in exchange for seven dollars, I got a
pair I could wear; the color was cherry-red, but I wanted
that dinner. I heard they were going to have POTATOES,
canned, to be sure, but still POTATOES, and I had not seen
one for two years. At that time very few vegetables were
raised at all, and we had been unable to raise potatoes at
Bayard, so I was hungry for them, and go I did. If my
hostess did notice the warm color of my trousers, she re-
pressed her amusement and gave me that cordial welcome
that characterizes army hospitality. They say no lady ever
feels more highly complimented than when a man eats a
hearty meal at her table; when "Pard" and I got through
Mrs. S. S. Sumner must have been pleased, for we did our
duty.
At the same table sat the genial Post Adjutant,41 the
First Sergeant of A Company at the Point when I was a
First Classman, now the grave and dignified chief in charge
of the publication of the Records of the Rebellion. Only a
few weeks ago I saw him for the first time since that visit to
Bowie, nearly twenty-five years ago, and I had scarcely
entered his office in Washington when he asked, "Say, old
man, what has become of your sanguinary breeches?"
40. Edwin Vose Sumner was born in Pennsylvania. He served in the Union Army
during the Civil War, beginning as 2nd Lieutenant, 1st Cavalry, August 5, 1861. He
attained the rank of Brigadier General, March 23, 1899.
His father was the distinguished soldier, Edwin Vose Sumner, Sr., whose career
is discussed in the DAB and in Appletons' Cyclopedia.
41. George Breckenridge Davis was born in Massachusetts. He served in the
Civil War as sergeant, 1st Massachusetts Cavalry, from September 10, 1863, until June
16, 1865. He was commissioned 2nd Lieutenant, June 17, 1865, and was mustered out,
June 26th. Graduating from the United States Military Academy, he was commissioned
2nd Lieutenant, 5th Cavalry, June 12, 1871, and rose to the rank of Brigadier General,
Judge Advocate General, May 24, 1901. His name appears on the Records of Rebellion
as editor, serving from 1889 to 1895. See DAB.
118 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
We remained at Camp Bowie four or five days to let the
horses and the men rest, have the horses reshod, and to
arrange for the balance of our scout. The commanding offi-
cer of the Post appeared to be a good deal annoyed someway
that we had found Indians within twenty miles of his Post.
Years afterwards he told me that the very day before we
came into Camp Bowie he had reported to the Department
commander that there were no Indians within one hundred
miles of his Post, and here we found a gang of them within
twenty miles. He was in no way responsible, of course, as his
scouts had simply failed to find them.
We moved out early on the fifth day. Marching into the
San Simon valley, we turned short to the right and moved
south along the eastern edge of Chirrechua [Chiricahua]42
mountains. About twenty miles south we went into camp
where a beautiful mountain stream came roaring down the
rocks of Horseshoe canon.43 This canon we knew had fre-
quently been a lurking place for Apaches, and some years be-
fore a desperate fight between Apaches and Lafferty's44 troop
of our regiment had taken place in it. The canon was about
three miles long and gradually narrowed until it was not
more than one hundred yards in width, with rocks standing
straight for hundreds of feet on each side. While searching
the canon, Lafferty had been attacked from both sides and
only after a desperate fight, in which he lost several men
killed and wounded and had both his jaws shattered by an
Indian bullet, did he succeed in getting his men out.
Bullard and I determined to explore this canon in hopes
of getting a deer. When we drew rations at Camp Bowie, we
42. The Chiricahua mountains are in the southeastern corner of Arizona, ranging
north and south. The famous Apache pass is located in their northern reaches, guarded
at one time by Fort Bowie.
48. Horseshoe Canyon is on the east side of the Chiricahua mountains. W. H.
Carter, The Life of Lieutenant General Chaff ee, p. 79 (The University of Chicago
Press, 1917).
44. This fight occurred October 20, 1869, when a detachment of 60 men from
Fort Bowie under command of Colonel Barnard attacked the Apaches. Lieutenant
Lafferty was wounded. The Indians defeated the soldiers. For the details see T. E.
Farish, History of Arizona, VIII, 29f (State of Arizona, 1915).
John Lafferty was born in New York. He enlisted as 1st Lieutenant in the 1st
Battalion, California Cavalry, July 21, 1864, and was mustered out, March 15, 1866.
He re-enlisted the same year in the 8th Cavalry with the rank of 2nd Lieutenant and
retired, June 28, 1878, with the rank of Captain.
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 119
found that there was no bacon there and we had to take in
its place salt pork ; in the intense heat of August this pork
spoiled on our hands the first day, so we determined, if
possible, to get fresh meat. We proceeded cautiously up the
canon for about two miles, picking our way slowly through
the dense underbrush, seeing several deer, but not firing for
fear there might be Indians in the pass. Finally we came to
an open space several acres in extent at the very end of the
pass and, as we appeared through the brush, there were the
wickiups or huts of a large band of Indians within twenty
yards of us. Dropping quickly to the ground we watched
them for some time and finally came to the conclusion that
they were abandoned, and it was a lucky thing for us that
there were no Indians there, or we would never have gotten
out alive. Returning toward camp we killed a deer and got
back just at dark.
The next day we were marching leisurely down the west-
ern edge of the plain when we suddenly found in a little path,
running at right angles to our course, two or three handf uls
of Mexican beads and one or two pieces of porcupine or quill
work, which we knew immediately meant that an Indian had
passed that way and had dropped them. A close examination
of the ground showed the tracks of one Indian ; by the dis-
tance between foot steps we found that he had started to run
at full speed, and we had no doubt that he had caught sight
of us. The trail led up a broad valley ; we followed it rapidly
till we came to a high hill jutting two-thirds of the way
across the pass. Here we halted while Foster and Bullard and
two of the men crept to the top of the hill. They had scarcely
peeped over when one of the men came sliding down and said
that half a mile above, in the flat open valley, was an Indian
camp and, from the confusion in the camp, they thought they
were getting ready to escape. Bullard sent word that the flat
was level and smooth and that a mounted charge was
practicable.
Stephenson immediately directed me to take twenty men
and charge at full speed, he following close behind with the
balance, sending three or four men with the pack animals
back into the open plain. With the twenty men I took the
Library
120 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
trot, then the gallop and, as we turned the end of the hill,
I motioned to the men to spread out to the right and left.
We went up the valley at full speed for about fifty yards
when the village came in sight, but almost immediately we
found ourselves in a mass of broken rock and low brush
through which a horse could not possibly move faster than
a walk. I immediately dismounted the men, turned the
horses loose and started on a run for the village. Almost
at the same moment the three men at the top of the hill
opened a rapid fire, yelled and motioned to us to move more
to the right, which we did, and were soon in the village ; but,
of course, the Indians had escaped into the brush beyond,
and were rapidly moving up the hill. One Indian could
plainly be seen scrambling up a bare space of rock about
two hundred yards distant and Sergeant Foster dropped him
with a quick snap shot. We all saw him roll down, but im-
mediately two other Indians seized him and dragged him out
of sight. We hurried forward as rapidly as possible, but
found only blotches of blood and then a mule track showing
that they had some animals there, so they escaped with their
wounded companion.
Six months afterwards the Post Surgeon at Fort Tul-
erosa,45 which was at the Indian reservation, told me that the
Indians belonged to that reservation and that they brought
this wounded man there. He was well known as "Big Foot/'
a notorious scoundrel who had committed many murders. The
bullet had broken his leg just above the knee. As the sur-
geon at that time did not know that he had been away from
the reservation, he took him into the post hospital to treat
him, but knowing that he was a desperate and blood-thirsty
Indian, he took advantage of the opportunity and put a stop
to his raiding by amputating his right leg close up to the hip ;
he frankly acknowledged that it was entirely unnecessary,
45. Fort Tularosa was established in April, 1872, at the site of a new reservation
for Apache Indians who had been located for a time at Canada Alamosa which came
to be considered unsuitable. The Indians, however, did not like the new location and
were returned to Canada Alamosa in the summer of 1874. The Tularosa reservation
was located alone the Rio Tularosa and tributaries in west-central New Mexico. For
details see the NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, XIII, 296ff (July, 1938).
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 121
but as he explained it, he made a good Indian of him
anyhow.
In the camp, we found several Indian ponies and a very
large amount of Mescal and other property, all of which we
destroyed. We continued our march to the south until we
had crossed the line into old Mexico.
One night, about ten days after leaving Camp Bowie, we
camped in an open flat. There was a dry arroyo, or water
course, running east and west perhaps ten feet deep and
twenty feet wide, and in this was a small pool of water.
Running at right angles to it was a smaller dry water course.
We camped at the junction of these two, the men building
their fire on the bank close down to where the smaller
arroyo entered the larger. Just across this arroyo was quite
a large thorn bush. Stephenson and I put our blankets under
this bush and were perhaps thirty feet from the men's camp
fire. Wood was exceedingly scarce, but by everybody turning
out, except the herd guard, and roaming over the prairie,
we succeeded in gathering a small quantity of dry sage
brush, enough to boil our coffee.
The men had gathered around the camp fire just after
dark to get their coffee. Stephenson and I were seated on
our blankets under the brush. We had already filled our cups
with coffee, for on this scout, as on nearly all scouts, we
messed with the men, eating the same ration that they ate.
Sentries had been put around the camp, perhaps fifty yards
out, with orders to watch the skyline of the hills around us ;
suddenly there flashed a rifle shot and a bullet passed through
the bush under which we were seated, cutting off a small
branch about six inches above my head, it dropping into my
lap. As quickly as a flash the cook upset the can of coffee
into the fire and we were in darkness instantly. Stephenson
and I both rolled into a small ravine and, climbing up the
bank, found the men all lying flat on their faces in a circle
with their carbines pointed in every direction, anxiously
peering into the darkness in search of an enemy.
Dead silence reigned for several moments and then Steph-
enson called out, "Who fired that shot," and a piping voice
122 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
replied, "I did, sir." "Who are you," Stephenson asked,
and the answer came, "Arenbeck, sir." "What did you shoot
at?" "I did not shoot at nothing," he replied. "I wanted to
see, sir, if my carbine was loaded, sir, so I snapped it, sir,
and it was loaded, sir," and a roar of laughter broke out
from the men. The call was a pretty close one, but we did
not care so much for that as for the fact that the coffee had
been upset on the fire. There was no more wood and it was
too dark to gather any more, so the men had to eat their
hard tack and drink muddy water instead of hot coffee.
They did curse Arenbeck heartily all night, I presume, and
the next day Stephenson ordered him to walk and lead his
horse all day as a punishment for his gross carelessness,
yet in less than a week this fool saved all our lives.
We then swung to the east, through a very rough broken
country, and finally came out onto what was known as
Rattlesnake plain. This was a dreary desert, probably one
hundred miles long and forty or fifty miles wide, to the
west of the Florita46 mountains and, so far as known, there
was not a drop of water on it. It was loose gravel and sand,
thinly covered with scrub sage brush ; the enormous amount
of rattlesnakes we saw that day explained its name. I do
not think I saw less than fifty in the twenty miles we made
that day, and what in the world they lived on has been a
mystery to me to this day. Rattlesnakes live very largely
on frogs, toads, rabbits, and other small animals, but not a
sign of life did we see that day except the snakes.
By four o'clock we were halfway across, hoping to reach
Carselia springs47 by daylight the next morning. The plain
was not perfectly level, and, going over a swell, we were
astonished to see a spot of vivid green just in front of us in
the bottom of a large circular bowl-like depression. Going
down to it, we found that it was a patch of green rushes per-
haps three or four feet high. Stephenson and I immediately
dismounted, walked out into the rushes, and soon discovered
46. Correctly spelled Florida. They extend southward from the present day town
of Deming, southwestern New Mexico.
47. Carselia springs is marked as Carazillo spring on a Department of War map
of 1867. The latter name is probably a corruption of Carrizalillo, or "little reed grass."
The spring was near the Mexican border on the road to Janos.
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 123
that there was no water visible, but that the ground under
our feet was bulb-like and shaky, and we had to proceed very
carefully. We called two of the men and directed them, with
their long hunting knives, which every man carried, to cut
a hole in this turf to see if there was any water below it.
Running his knife down through it, one of the men made a
circular cut about two feet in diameter and, catching hold of
the rushes, they lifted out a piece; peering down, we saw
that the bulb was about one foot thick, and consisted of a
tangled mass of the roots of the rushes. Upon examination
of the ground the next morning, we came to the conclusion
that this was the last part of what had been at one time a
small lake. The water had evidently disappeared from this
spot the last of all, and no doubt there were underground
springs there. The rushes had grown up thick and strong
and had then broken down, gradually covering the surface
of the spring. The green rushes growing up year after year,
perhaps for fifty years, had gradually formed a crust or
bulb-like surface that we found. We called this Devin spring
after the commanding officer of our Post and it was duly en-
tered on the military maps of that part of New Mexico, so
that scouting parties afterward had no trouble in finding it.
Below this was an open space perhaps six inches, and
below that black liquid mud. Taking a tin cup, one of the
men laid flat on his face, scooped a hole in the mud perhaps
a foot deep, and almost immediately water commenced to
trickle into the hole ; he was soon able to take out his quart
cup filled with sweet, palatable water. This was good enough
for us. We went into camp at once and the men immediately
cut a number of such holes ; by being careful, they soon filled
the camp kettles with water from which the men first filled
their canteens and then commenced to water the horses ; by
nine o'clock every horse had had four quarts of water. The
next morning we found the holes completely filled with clear
sweet water, so we gave the animals all they wanted to drink
and, filling our canteens, we struck across the sand once more
for Carselia springs. The day was exceedingly hot and much
of the ground was covered with alkali which is a kind of
salty excrescence, white as snow and, crumbling as it did
124 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
under the horses' feet, rose in a cloud of dust like flour,
settling on us and our animals and making us very uncom-
fortable. We did not reach the spring, so called, until eleven
o'clock that night, and when we arrived, all we could discover
were small pools of water about six inches below the level
of the prairie. We drank greedily and the next morning
found that the water was about one foot deep, full of fungus-
like plant, small frogs, tadpoles, and lukewarm, but we re-
mained there all that day, as the grass was thick and
plentiful.
About ten yards from the spring was a little rocky knoll
which, during the afternoon, I climbed to get a look over
the country. Right on the top I found a circle of stones
roughly piled perhaps a foot high enclosing the skeleton
of a white man, and all around him a number of empty brass
Winchester rifle shells. A hole in the center of the skull
showed how he had met his fate. He undoubtedly was a
lonely hunter or prospector caught at the spring by Indians,
but had time to reach the top of the hill and make this little
fort, and there had fought his last fight. There was not
a particle of clothing or anything by which he could be
identified, so we piled stones over his skeleton and left him.
We left this spring at three o'clock in the morning, strik-
ing down east to the foot of the Florita mountains where we
knew there was a large tank or water hole. This was the
hardest day's march I ever made in my twenty-one years on
the frontier. The sky was cloudless and the August sun
beat down on the alkali flat and, being reflected from the
snow white surface, redoubled its heat, and the glare was
terrible. The alkali was several inches deep with a thin crust
through which the horses' feet broke, and it rose in stifling
clouds, settling in every crevice of our clothing; by ten
o'clock we were suffering intensely and every canteen in
the camp was empty ; the alkali, being slightly saline, made
the thirst the greater. If I had known as much then about
scouting as I did afterwards, I would not have touched my
canteens, but would have kept them full for an emergency,
but they were empty as soon as anybody's.
About three o'clock we struck the edge of the Floritas,
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 125
but on arriving at the tank where we expected to find water
we found it entirely dry. There was nothing to do but keep
along the foot of the mountains, examining every ravine
and canon in hopes of finding water, but as this water hole
was the only one we had ever heard of in this range of
mountains our chance seemed hopeless. By four o'clock we
were in a bad state. I know that my lips were turning black ;
the lower lip cracked in the center and the blood, oozing out,
congealed on my beard ; my tongue was thick and I was abso-
lutely unable to articulate.
Looking back at the men, I could see that they were in
equally bad state. In a short while the first sergeant mo-
tioned to Stephenson and me ; dropping back, we found three
of the men were delirious. They had dismounted from their
horses and thrown themselves upon the ground, making
inarticulate noises and refusing to remount. We motioned
to the other men and they seized these three men, put them
in their saddles, tied their feet beneath the horse's body,
and lashed their wrists to the pommel of the saddle; then
another man took the bridle reins of each and we proceeded
on our weary journey.
Stephenson picked out half a dozen of the men with the
best horses, directed them to go ahead and, as they came to
each canon or ravine, one of them to go up in search of
water, the others going ahead and doing likewise. One by
one these men returned and, shaking their heads in token
of failure, took their places in the weary column. We finally
halted and I remember trying to stick my head under a
small furze bush where there was a small spot of shade
perhaps a foot in diameter. I had noticed that all the men
had returned but one and that was Arenbeck, who was not
supposed to have very good sense. I had scarcely been there
more than a minute when I heard a faint sound in the dis-
tance which might have been a shot, followed a few seconds
later by a second and then a third, and then a succession
of shots evidently drawing near; suddenly, over the swell
in the prairie a mile away, appeared a man on horseback,
holding his gun over his head and firing into the air as
fast as he could. The thought immediately struck me that
126 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
it was Arenbeck and that he had gone mad. We motioned
to the men; they hurriedly mounted their horses and we
moved forward at a slow walk. When Arenbeck arrived
within one hundred yards of us, he put down his carbine
and, coming up close, swung his canteen over his head ; with
a yell, he threw it straight to me and, when I caught it, I
knew by the moisture on the cover and its weight that it
was full of water. He told us that he had found a small
supply of water about two miles farther on.
I shall never forget the temptation that almost over-
whelmed me to take a swallow of that water but, of course,
I did not ; turning back, I went to the three crazy men, held
the canteen to their mouths in turn, and let them drain
every drop. We moved on as rapidly as possible and finally
turned up a narrow valley. After going about two hundred
yards, it narrowed to a width of only twelve or fifteen feet.
Here an enormous rock extended from side to side sloping
up at an angle of about forty-five degrees ; Arenbeck pointed
to this and I saw running over the surface of the rock a
small stream of water perhaps as wide as my two hands and
scarcely as thick as a knife blade. We instantly dismounted
and, seeing a bank of clay close by, we took our cups and
scooped out a hollow at the foot of the rock; wetting some
of the clay, we lined it with the wet mud so that the water
would trickle in and not be wasted in the ground. The horses
had smelled the water and were plunging to get to it, so we
moved them back several hundred yards, then motioned to
the men one at a time to go forward. Each man was allowed
to dip out his tin cup one-fourth full or half a pint. One of
the men remarked that it tasted strongly of sulphur and
almost immediately every man's stomach rejected it, but
we knew that it would do no great harm. After each man
had had his half pint, Stephenson and I took the same
amount and it acted on us in the same manner. We waited
half an hour and then allowed each man to have another
drink, this time one pint and this stayed down. We then
called for the camp kettles and were filling them one by one
to give the animals water when I looked up and, approaching
me, I saw one of the men who had been delirious.
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 127
This man's name was Gordon. He was a surly, savage
brute, and when in the Post a hard drinker. When in the
field he was one of our best men, and by far the best packer,
being especially noted for his skill in using the famous "dia-
mond loop," which is a particular method of securing packs
with a rope and requires great skill. I was seated right at
the spring and immediately said to him, "What do you
want?" In a surly tone, he said, "I want another quart of
that water and I am going to have it." I saw that the man
was half crazy, but I said to him quietly, "You can't have
anymore until the horses have had some. You have had
the same amount as all the rest and you must wait." Quickly
reaching down to his boot he drew out his long knife and,
glaring savagely, he said, "I am going to have water and
I will cut the bowels out of any man that interferes." I was
totally unarmed, having removed my pistol and belt and
laid them to one side some distance away, but the next
moment a lean, brown hand came over my right shoulder,
holding in its grasp a cocked revolver, and Stephenson's
quiet voice said, "Gordon, this is mutiny, if you move a
step I will kill you." Just at that moment I saw the first
sergeant, Corcoran, slipping up quietly behind Gordon, his
moccasined feet making no noise and, at a nod from Steph-
enson, he struck Gordon a terrific blow just below the ear
and knocked him senseless; in a moment he had tied his
hands and feet with a lariat lying near, and we rolled him
to one side.
For ten days we had had nothing to eat but hard tack
and coffee. Our pork had spoiled and had been thrown away,
and we had not seen a deer since the one Bullard killed in
Horseshoe canon, now two weeks ago; but with plenty of
water, we made our coffee and, although there were only
two hard tack to a man, we were comparatively comfortable.
The next morning I climbed up over the rock. Finding
a large flat rock perhaps six feet across and six or eight
inches thick from under which the water trickled, we cut
down a small pine sapling and, using this as a pry, lifted
the rock; out gushed a stream of water several inches in
diameter which, dashing down over the inclined rock, filled
128 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
our pool and ran out onto the prairie. We knew then what
had happened, that it was a large spring which the Indians
had placed a rock over to conceal.
From here to the nearest Post, Fort Cummings,48 in
Cooke's canon, situated at the foot of Cooke's peak, was fifty
miles as the crow flies across the desert. We could see Cooke's
peak looming up clear and distinct and apparently not more
than twenty miles away, but we knew that it was fully fifty
and not a drop of water between. We filled our canteens
and started at four o'clock in the morning, marched as rap-
idly as we could with our weakened horses, and about four
o'clock in the afternoon were then within a mile of a large
spring which was near the Post. Here the horses sniffed
the air, smelling, of course, the water, and some of them
actually broke into a jog trot, but before we reached the
spring five of the horses dropped, never to rise again, dying
almost instantly. The men stripped off their saddles and,
throwing them on their shoulders, we went to the spring.
Fort Cummings, now long abandoned, was a one company
Post, garrisoned then by Company "E," 15th Infantry, under
the command of First Lieutenant H. H. Humphreys,49 who
was the only officer then at the Post. It was situated in the
mouth of a dangerous pass and did not cover more than an
acre, and was entirely surrounded by an adobe wall, ten or
48. Fort Cummings was located near the mouth of Cooke's canyon in Cooke'e
range on a. well traveled road westward from the Rio Grande. General Carleton
established it in 1863 to keep the Apaches under control. The site was at Latitude
82° 27' and Longitude 107° 85'. The reservation was declared by Executive Order,
April 29, 1870, and embraced 2,560 acres. It was abandoned by the War Department
about 1880.
"Hundreds of miles before we reached it, I listened with anxiety to the stories
told me by the frontier men about the dreadful massacres perpetrated by the Indians
in that dread gorge. It was said that even the soldiers dared not stir a mile from
the post, and that it was 'just a toss up' whether any traveller got through alive.
These reports were only the surviving echoes of events which have made Cooke's
Canon and the Miembres Mountains memorable in the annals of New Mexican massacres.
"It is said that as many as four hundred emigrants, soldiers and Mexicans, have
lost their lives in that short four-mile gorge. I have conversed with a settler who has
counted nine skeletons while passing through the canon, and the graves and heaps of
stones which now fringe the road will long bear record of those dreadful times." Bell,
New Tracks . . ., II, 19, 24.
49. Henry Hollingsworth Humphreys was born in Pennsylvania. He enlisted in
the Union Army during the Civil War with the rank of 1st Lieutenant (artillery),
October 3, 1862, and was mustered out with the rank of Lieut.-Colonel, November
10, 1865. He re-enlisted, February 23, 1866, as a Lieutenant in the infantry. He
attained the rank of Major in 1896 and retired three years later.
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 129
twelve feet high, as a protection against Indians. It was
put there simply to guard the spring, which was the only
water for forty-five miles on either side.
Lieutenant Humphreys, seeing us coming, hurried down
to the spring and introduced himself to us, as we had never
met him. He insisted that Stephenson and I go up to his
quarters for supper, saying that his wife was there with
him and would be glad to see us. We tried to beg off, for we
were ragged and dirty ; water had been altogether too scarce
to use it for washing purposes, and I know that I had not
washed my face but twice in the last three weeks, once at
the Horseshoe canon and once in the Florita mountains. He
would take no denial. So we went up to his quarters at five
o'clock and met Mrs. Humphreys, who was a nice little
woman. She had been married only two months and had
come straight from Philadelphia to this desolate place where
there was not a woman within forty miles. She told me years
afterwards that when her husband told her he wanted to
invite us to dinner, she told him he must be crazy. The
only thing she had in the house to eat, she said, was fresh
beef, flour and coifee. She had a cow and plenty of butter
and milk. Her husband told her that we had been living
on hard tack and coffee for nearly a month and all she had
to do was to broil two or three beef steaks, make a bushel
of biscuits, a barrel of coffee, and we would do the rest.
We sat down and quickly cleared away one beef steak
and two or three plates of biscuits. They were not large,
were very light, and with fresh butter, the strong coffee,
good cream, and a pitcher of cool milk, I don't think I ever
enjoyed a meal better. Steak after steak and plate full after
plate full of biscuits disappeared. In after years she told
me that she was never better pleased in her life and appreci-
ated what her husband had told her that "Quantity was what
would count, not quality." She said, "Do you know how
many biscuits you ate?" When I laughingly replied that I
had been too busy to count, she said, "You two ate five beef
steaks between you, had five cups of coffee apiece ; Mr. Steph-
enson ate twenty-six biscuits and you ate twenty-eight, and
I thought you would surely burst." I have no doubt that she
130 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
was right, but the biscuits were small, about the size of a
dollar.
We remained here one day to rest and then returned to
our post, Fort Bayard, fifty miles distant, taking two days
for the trip, and thus ended my First Scout.
One Room and A Kitchen
Perhaps it is grand, Now, girls, all take warning!
But I fail to see it; In life's early dawning
To live at a "post" Don't marry at least
As an officer's wife. Till you're twenty or more ;
Unless you have "rank" Then try for the rank,
Above a Lieutenant, A Major or Colonel ;
'Tis one room and a kitchen For then you'll be sure of
The rest of your life. Three rooms or four.
'Tis all very well I know "Uncle Sam"
To "flirt" with brass buttons Must be an old bachelor,
But that's very different For he made no provision
From being a wife; For an officer's wife;
With children annoying And the very worst fate
Your comfort destroying, That I wish to befall him,
In one room and a kitchen Is one room and a kitchen
To drag out your life. The rest of his life.
— Anonymous
(Army Regulations prescribe the number of rooms in a
post each officer may have. A Lieutenant is entitled to "one
room and a kitchen" ; a Captain "two rooms and a kitchen,"
and so on, up to a Colonel, who has "four rooms and a
kitchen." "An officer's wife," who has spent fifteen years of
her married life on the frontier, sends this as her contribu-
tion to the Sabre)
Answer to One Room and a Kitchen
One room and a kitchen First there is rank
Is truly annoying, Which we have to contend with ;
But there are many worse things No matter how nicely your house
In the army, I'm sure ; Is arranged ;
No one knows better In comes an order
Than your humble writer That your husband's superior
What we poor Lieutenants' Is wanting the quarters,
wives And "yours" must be changed.
Have to endure.
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 131
Up come the carpets If our dear young ladies
And down come the curtains, — Who are anxious to follow
You must obey orders The fortunes of our brave sons
And must not complain; of Mars
But while you are moving, "On the plains,"
You take an oath, mental, Could visit but once
Never to have so much Our posts on the frontier,
Trouble again. I'm sure they would never
Be anxious again.
"Uncle Sam," truly, is a selfish old bachelor,
He treats well his nephews, but his nieces neglects;
I wish every one would rise in rebellion,
And never give up till our rights he respects.
— Anonymous
Fort Bayard at that time was one of the extreme frontier
posts, situated in Grant county in the extreme southwest
corner of New Mexico, about one hundred miles from the
Arizona line. It was at the head of a small valley, and the
only supply of water was a small spring, not over four feet
in diameter, which trickled down through the grass several
hundred yards and was finally caught in a wooden trough
from which it was conveyed to the barracks and officers'
quarters by a waterway. No attempt had been made to pro-
tect this water supply, and cattle tramped through the little
stream. It was a great wonder that severe sickness did not
occur, but this we escaped until 1872 when an epidemic of
diarrhea set in among the men and nearly the whole com-
mand was laid up. The post at that time was commanded
by Brevet Brigadier General Thomas C. Devin, Lieutenant
Colonel, 8th Cavalry. General Devin had served through the
War, coming out a Brigadier General, and was one of the
best officers I ever served under. He was a little, short, stout
Irishman, with steel gray eyes and an explosive temper. We
all loved the old man, and most of us stood in a great deal
of awe of him for, when anything went wrong, he was apt
to break out in very vigorous language.
I was almost at once appointed Post Adjutant in addition
to my duties as troop officer, and was Adjutant under him
for over three years. When this sickness broke out, he and
I went down to the water supply ; when he saw the state of
132 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
affairs, his language was pointed and forcible to say the
least. He immediately ordered the spring to be walled up,
covered with planks, and a plank trough laid several hundred
yards long, so that the water could be kept pure. Lumber
at that time was exceedingly high, the only supply coming
from a sawmill about twenty-eight miles distant ; a common
rough board cost the Government sixty dollars per thousand.
There was no appropriation to buy lumber for this purpose,
but he promptly issued a peremptory order to the Quarter-
master to buy it anyhow. When the vouchers finally reached
Washington they came back disapproved, and with directions
that the entire cost be charged to General Devin; I have
never seen a madder man, and have never heard more
forcible language. Of course, he at once explained the abso-
lute necessity of the purchase to protect life and the Gov-
ernment finally paid for it.
In August, 1871, I made my first scout, an account of
which will be found in a previous chapter which I wrote for
a little magazine published at the Pennsylvania State Col-
lege, by request of the Kirby boys of Urbana who were
attending that school, and were the editors. In 1872, in addi-
tion to my duties as troop officer and Post Adjutant, I was
put in temporary command of two companies of infantry,
all of whose officers were absent on various duties. I was
also made temporarily Quartermaster and Commissary, Post
Treasurer, Post Signal Officer, and Post Ordnance Officer.
In the Quartermaster's Department I had one soldier clerk,
and in the Commissary Department the same, so that I had
to work from daylight to dark and frequently remained in
the office till ten o'clock at night making up reports and
papers. About this time my Post baker deserted with four
others ; I found at once that he had sold the supply of flour
sent to the bakehouse to be made into bread, and had eloped
with the money. Of course, I was personally responsible for
this and instantly made it good, amounting to about fifty
dollars. General Devin directed me to take four men and
go in pursuit. As we had received word that they had been
seen on the Rio Miembres, a small stream about twenty miles
east and on the other side of the Santa Rita mountains, I
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 133
left the Post with my party, all mounted, carrying five days'
rations in our saddle bags. By the time that we had arrived
at the top of the mountains darkness had fallen and the trail
was almost undistinguishable, but by walking ahead and
frequently striking matches we managed to work down the
trail, and just at daylight arrived at the ranch on the river.
Here we rested for an hour and soon found the trail of the
four men going down the Miembres. There was a slight fall
of snow on the ground and the tracks were easily followed,
especially as one of the deserters had a peculiar patch on the
heel of his boot, and one of my party happened to be the
shoemaker who had put that patch on. All day we trailed
them down the valley, expecting momentarily to overtake
them, but darkness fell and with it came a terrific snow
storm. We had no tent, of course, and that night was the
first time that I ever slept in the open in a blizzard, and
without shelter, but we bivouacked in a patch of cedar trees
where we could obtain plenty of dead timber. We had a big
fire and, as each man was provided with a pair of blankets
and an overcoat, we got along very well. Fortunately for
me, I had a buffalo robe ; wrapping up in this and drawing
my soft wool hat over my face, I slept comfortably all night,
and was astonished in the morning to find six inches of snow
on top of my bed. The snow hid the trail completely, so we
hurried down the creek as fast as we possibly could until
we struck the little town of Rio Miembres. This consisted
of about twenty miserable adobe houses all occupied by Mex-
icans. I stationed two men, one on each side of the village.
I took the other two and searched every house, the Mexicans
offering no objection, but without avail. We made a com-
plete circuit of the town several miles out and finally struck
the trail, where the snow had not fallen, heading toward the
Rio Grande. We followed this up rapidly, camping that
night at Mule springs,50 and the next day reached a little
settlement on the Rio Grande after a march of forty-five
miles. Seeing the trail leading into a house, we promptly
surrounded it and I tried to open the door, but found some-
50. Mule springs lies west of Fort Thorn (on the Rio Grande) on the road to
Cooke's canyon.
134 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
one inside was holding it. Calling Sergeant Thomas, of my
party, we threw ourselves against the door and burst it
open ; I seized a Mexican, who had drawn his revolver, just
in time to prevent him from firing.
Sitting around the fire at the other end of the room were
three of the deserters who promptly surrendered. I found
that one of them, and that my baker, had purchased a horse,
no doubt with money that he had obtained from the sale of
the flour, and had fled up the Rio Grande; the other man
had separated from the rest the day before. We stayed there
that night and the next day. I took these three to Fort
McRae51 and placed them in the guardhouse. To get there
we had to cross the Rio Grande, which was in flood and full
of floating ice, but I placed each prisoner behind a man with
a large horse and, plunging in the river, we swam our horses
across. Here I left all my party except Sergeant Thomas
and Captain Farnsworth,52 of my regiment, who commanded
the post. He let me have two fresh horses, and that night
we crossed the Jornada del Muerto, which in English is "The
journey of death," a flat level desert. Marching forty-five
miles by moonlight, I reached my old station, Fort Craig, at
daybreak. Here we obtained breakfast and pushed rapidly
up the Rio Grande until we arrived at Los Lunas, where I
secured the services of the Sheriff by telling him that there
was a reward of thirty dollars for the men. He persuaded
two Mexicans to let us have fresh horses, leaving our own
as security. We hurried up the river, going at a trot and
gallop all day, and shortly after dark swam the river at
Albuquerque and soon found that my man had left there
that morning. Here I halted and told the Sheriff to go ahead
and arrest him, for if I or Sergeant Thomas were present, he
could not get a reward; he soon overtook the man only
twenty miles above and brought him back. On searching
61. Fort McRae was established in 1863 near Ojo del Muerto or the Spring of
Death, on the north end of the Jornada del Muerto, for the protection of travelers
along that dreaded road. The reservation was declared by Executive Order May 28, 1869,
•with an area of 2,560 acres. It was abandoned by the military about 1876.
52. Henry J. Farnsworth was born in New York. He served with the Union
Army during the Civil War with the rank of Captain of Volunteers July 8, 1864, and
was mustered out, September 1, 1867, as Brevet Lieut-Colonel. He re-enlisted as 1st
Lieutenant, 34th Infantry, June 14, 1867, and was promoted to Captain, May 17, 1876.
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 135
him, I found about one hundred dollars in his pockets of
which I, of course, took possession. He acknowledged that
he had sold the flour for about fifty dollars and asked me to
repay myself out of his money, which I did. From here I
sent word to Santa Fe, and a man was sent out from there
who captured the fifth and last man. I returned at once
to Fort McRae, my prisoner riding his pony, which was
one of the best Mexican ponies I ever saw. Before I arrived
at Fort Bayard I bought it of him for twenty-five dollars
cash, intending to present it to my wife for her own use,
and she rode it frequently up to the time of her death. Ar-
riving at Fort McRae, I found Captain Farnsworth on a
scout, but his sergeant let me have a rickety old ambulance.
We hitched up four wild pack mules ; with one man leading
each mule, and the prisoners inside, we led them out on the
prairie, then turned them loose, and I verily believe they
never stopped running under ten or twelve miles, we gallop-
ing along behind ; but the driver kept the general direction,
and that night we arrived at old Fort Cummings where there
was one company of infantry stationed, having made forty-
five miles in a little over six hours ; the next day I sent the
ambulance back, took the irons off my prisoners and marched
them to Fort Bayard. On this trip I had made a distance
of about four hundred miles in eight days, an average of
about fifty miles a day, and shortly afterward received a
strong letter of commendation from the Department com-
mander, which afterwards became useful to me when I
got into serious trouble with the District commander.
(To be continued)
CHECKLIST OF NEW MEXICO PUBLICATIONS
By WILMA LOY SHELTON
(Continued)
Middle Rio Grande conservancy district.
Created in 1923; organized on August 26, 1925; reor-
ganized in 1927 according to 1927 laws.
Report of the chief engineer, Joseph L. Burkholder, submitting a plan
for flood control, drainage, and irrigation of the Middle Rio Grande
conservancy project, Albuquerque, 1928-29. 2v.
v.l The official plan approved Aug. 15, 1928.
v.2 Contract forms and specifications. 1929.
v.3 and 22 vol. of exhibits containing five special reports and 290
drawings accompany this report and are a part of it but have not
been published in form available for distribution, v.l p. 3.
Annual report of the Board of commissioners of the Middle Rio Grande
conservancy district. Albuquerque, 1926 —
Aug. 26, 1925-Aug. 27, 1926 37p. v.l (J. L. Burkholder, engineer)
Aug. 31, 1926-Aug. 31, 1927 7p. v.2 (J. L. Burkholder, engineer)
typew.
Sept. 1, 1927-Aug. 31, 1928 4p. v.3 (J. L. Burkholder, engineer)
typew.
Sept. 1, 1928-Aug. 31, 1929 4, (1) 18p. (J. L. Burkholder, engineer)
typew.
Sept. 1, 1929-Aug. 31, 1930 9p. (J. L. Burkholder, engineer) typw.
Sept. 1, 1930-Aug. 31, 1931 7, 6p. (J. L. Burkholder, engineer)
typew.
Sept. 1, 1931-Aug. 31, 1932 16p. (J. L. Burkholder, engineer)
typew.
Sept. 1, 1932-Aug. 31, 1933 14p. (C. H. Howell) typw.
Sept. 1, 1933-Aug. 31, 1934 12p. (C. A. Anderson) typew.
Sept. 1, 1934-Aug. 31, 1935 27p. (C. A. Anderson) typew.
Sept. 1, 1935-Aug. 31, 1936 43p. (C. A. Anderson) typew.
Sept. 1, 1936-Aug. 31, 1937 (5) p. (W. C. Oestreich) typew.
Sept. 1, 1937-Aug. 31, 1938 8p. (W. C. Oestreich) typew.
Sept. 1, 1938-Aug. 31, 1939 22p. (Stanley Phillippi) typew.
Sept. 1, 1939-Aug. 31, 1940 26p. (Stanley Phillippi) typew.
Sept. 1, 1940- Aug. 31, 1941 17, (7) p. (Stanley Phillippi) mimeo.
Sept. 1, 1941-Aug. 31, 1942 15, (10) p. (Stanley Phillippi) mimeo.
Sept. 1, 1942- Aug. 31, 1943 16, (11) p. (Hubert Ball) mimeo.
Sept. 1, 1943-Aug. 31, 1944 17, (12) p. (Hubert Ball) mimeo.
Sept. 1, 1944-Aug. 31, 1945 16, (11) p. (Hubert Ball) mimeo.
Sept. 1, 1945- Aug. 31, 1946 17, (10) p. (Hubert Ball) mimeo.
136
CHECKLIST 137
Sept. 1, 1946-Aug. 31, 1947 12, (12) p. (Hubert Ball) mimeo.
Sept. 1, 1947- Aug. 31, 1948 12, (10) p. (Hubert Ball) mimeo.
Middle Rio Grande conservancy district; bondholders committee . . .
refunding program . . . (Albuquerque) n.d. 35p.
Official statements . . . 8,026,000 refunding bonds of 1946; bids to be
received 11 A.M. MST May 27, 1946 at the district's office in Albu-
querque (1946) 18, A-L p. (Roscoe D. Manning)
Transcript of Proceedings; organization district. (Albuquerque, 1923-
26) 309p. (Part 1 case no. 14157)
Office of state comptroller.
Established in 1923 ; formulates, prescribes and installs
accounting systems and post audits all state, county and city
transactions.
Biennial report.
1923-Dec. 15, 1924 11-12 fiscal yr.
*July 1, 1924-June 30, 1926 86p. 13-14 fiscal yr. (R. H. Carter)
July 1, 1926-June 30, 1928 96p. 15-16 fiscal yr. (G. Mirabal)
July 1, 1928-June 30, 1930 (47) p. 17-18 fiscal yr. (R. F. Asplund)
July 1, 1930-June 30, 1932 39p. 19-20 fiscal yr. ( J. N. Vigil
July 1, 1932-June 30, 1934 151p. 21-22 fiscal yr. ( J. N. Vigil)
July 1, 1934-June 30, 1936 168p. 23-24 fiscal yr. (J. O. Gallegos)
July 1, 1936-June 30, 1938 25-26 fiscal yr. (J. 0. Gallegos)
July 1, 1938-June 30, 1940 27-28 fiscal yr. (C. R. Sebastian)
July 1, 1940-June 30, 1942 182p. 29-30 fiscal yr. (C. R. Sebastian)
**July 1, 1942- June 30, 1946 303p. 31-34 fiscal yr. (C. R. Sebastian)
An act creating the Office of state comptroller of the state of New
Mexico. (Santa Fe) n.d. (20) p.
Circular letters. July 1, 1939-date. mimeo.
Compilation of rules, regulations and laws pertaining to public officials
of the state of New Mexico . . . Juan N. Vigil; state comptroller,
n.p.n.d. (12) p.
Rules and regulations for the preparation of vouchers, Juan N. Vigil,
state comptroller; approved by the State board of finance, 1935.
(Santa Fe, 1935) 4p.
Rules and regulations for the expenditures of public funds and the
preparation of vouchers as of May 1, 1945. (Santa Fe, 1945) (6) p.
Rules and regulations for the expenditure of public funds and the
preparation of vouchers as of Aug. 26, 1947. (Santa Fe, 1947)
(6)p.
"Includes County activities for the 11, 12, 13 and 14th fiscal years.
**typw. copy in comptroller's office. Not published since June 30, 1942.
138 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Rules and regulations for expenditures of school funds as promulgated
by the Office of state comptroller. (Santa Fe, 1940) (4)p.
Rules and regulations for the preparation of vouchers for expendi-
tures of public moneys as promulgated by the Office of state comp-
troller; C. R. Sebastian, state comptroller. (Santa Fe, 1949) (6) p.
Rules for preparation of motor vehicle reports and reimbursements of
gasoline, oil and minor repairs incurred on state-owned motor
equipment, no. 31-1. Santa Fe, 1942. 2p. mimeo.
State comptroller's prescribed procedure for departmental, institution-
al, county and municipal auditing . . . C. R. Sebastian, state comp-
troller, Santa Fe (1940) 8p.
Travel regulations, amending rules and regulations of February, 1940,
pertaining to travel reimbursement. (Santa Fe, 1942) 1 leaf
mimeo.
Oil conservation commission.
Established in 1935; regulatory body charged with the
prevention of waste of oil and gas resources and the attain-
ment of greater ultimate recovery; governed by the Gov-
ernor, Commissioner of public lands and the State geologist,
who is secretary and executive director.
Circular, no. 1— Santa Fe, 1935 —
no. 1 Oil and gas conservation law and general rules and regu-
lations for the conservation of oil and gas in N. M. Aug. 12,
1935. Santa Fe, 1935. 31p. Reprinted Feb. 1, 1937.
no. 2 Special rules and regulations for the Hobbs, Jal, Cooper,
Eunice and Monument fields, Lea county; issued Sept. 3,
1935.
no. 3 Special rules and regulations for the Lea county fields;
issued . . . Feb. 1, 1937. (Santa Fe, 1937) 9p.
no. 4 Rules and regulations for carbon dioxide fields in the state
of N. M. issued . . . July 1, 1937. (Santa Fe, 1937) 7p.
no. 5 Statutes and rules and regulations for the conservation of
oil and gas in New Mexico; comp. Nov. 16, 1942. Santa Fe,
1942. 57p.
no. 6 Containing rules, orders and oil and gas conservation laws
of New Mexico, comp. under the supervision of R. R. Spur-
rier, sec., by Carl B. Livingston. Santa Fe, 1946. 80p. mimeo.
no. 6-A Abstract of rules, orders, and oil and gas conservation
laws in New Mexico, by Frank C. Barnes . . . (Santa Fe,
1948) 18p.
New Mexico oil and gas production data for 1946 (exclusive of Lea
CHECKLIST 139
county) comp. by N. R. Lamb and W. B. Macy. (Santa Fe) 1947.
171p.
Orders, no. 1 — Santa Fe, 1935 —
Report of the cash receipts and disbursements . . . for the fiscal year
July 1, 1936-June 30, 1937. (2) p. (Frank Worden)
The San Juan basin of Northwestern New Mexico and parts of Ari-
zona, Colorado, and Utah; map drawn by L. A. Livingston, ap-
proved by F. C. Barnes; R. R. Spurrier, state geologist. Santa Fe,
1948.
Structures of the San Juan basin of northwestern New Mexico and
parts of Arizona, Colorado, and Utah; Frank C. Barnes, state
geologist. Santa Fe, 1949. (map)
Yearbook and directory, 1943; ed. under the supervision of John M.
Kelly, directed by Carl B. Livingston and George A. White. (Santa
Fe) 1944. 117p.
Penitentiary.
Finished in 1885; prior to that time prisoners of the
territory were sent to the Kansas State Penitentiary at
Lansing, Kansas.
Report of the Board of commissioners and superintendent.
Mar. 10, 1885-Dec. 30, 1885.
Jan. 1, 1886-Jan. 23, 1887 22p. (T. P. Gable)
Jan. 1, 1889-Dec. 31, 1890. (H. C. Burnett)
Dec. 1, 1890-Nov. 30, 1892 71p. ( J. R. DeMier)
Dec. 1, 1892-Nov. 30, 1894 48p. (E. H. Bergmann)
Dec. 1, 1894-Dec. 31, 1896 60p (E. H. Bergmann)
Jan. 1, 1897-Dec. 31, 1898 61p. (E. H. Bergmann)
Also in Message of Gov. M. A. Otero to the 33d Legislative As-
sembly Jan. 16, 1899. Exhibit "AA". 47p.
Mar. 1, 1899-Nov. 30, 1900 32p. (50-51 fis. yrs.) (H. 0. Bursum)
Also in Message of Gov. M. A. Otero to the 34th Legislative As-
sembly Jan. 21, 1901. Exhibit "I", p. 361-384.
Dec. 1, 1900-Nov. 30, 1902. 22p. (52-53 fis. yrs.) (H. O. Bursum)
Also in Message of Gov. M. A. Otero to the 35th Legislative As-
sembly Jan. 19, 1903. Exhibit "I". 22p.
Dec. 1, 1902-Nov. 31, 1904. 28p. (54-55 fis. yrs.) (H. 0. Bursum)
Also in Message of Gov. M. A. Otero to the 36th Legislative As-
sembly Jan. 16, 1905. Exhibit "I". 28p.
Dec. 1, 1904-Nov. 30, 1906. 27p. (56-57 fis. yrs.) (Arthur Trelford)
Also in Message of H. J. Hagerman to the 37th Legislative As-
sembly Jan. 21, 1907. Exhibit 5. 27p.
140 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
June 1909-Nov. 30, 1911 23, 19, 25p. (60-62 fis. yrs) (J. W. Rey-
nolds, Cleofes Romero)
Dec. 1, 1911-Nov. 30, 1912 28p. (63 fis. yr.) (J. B. McManus)
Dec. 1, 1912-Nov. 30, 1913 34p. v.l ( J. B. McManus)
Dec. 1, 1913-Nov. 30, 1914 42p. v.2 (J. B. McManus)
Dec. 1, 1914-Nov. 30, 1915 29p. v.3 (J. B. McManus)
Dec. 1, 1915-Nov. 30, 1916 35p. v.4 ( J. B. McManus)
Dec. 1, 1916-Nov. 30, 1917 36p. v.5 (Thos. Hughes)
Dec. 1, 1917-Nov. 30, 1918 40p. v.6 (Thos. Hughes)
Dec. 1, 1918-Nov. 30, 1919 28p. v.7 (Fidel Ortiz)
Dec. 1, 1919-Nov. 30, 1920 27p. v.8 (Fidel Ortiz)
Dec. 1, 1920-Nov. 30, 1921 22p. v.9 (Placido Jaramillo)
Dec. 1, 1921-Nov. 30, 1922 28p. v.10 (Placido Jaramillo)
Dec. 1, 1922-Nov. 30, 1923 27p. v.ll ( J. B. McManus)
Dec. 1, 1923-Nov. 30, 1924 29p. v.12 ( J. B. McManus)
Dec. 1, 1924-June 30, 1925 25p. v.13 (J. B. McManus)
July 1, 1925-June 30, 1926 29p. v.14 (J. B. McManus)
July 1, 1926-June 30, 1927 21p. v.15 (P. J. Dugan)
July 1, 1927-June 30, 1928 21p. v.16 (P. J. Dugan)
July 1, 1928-June 30, 1929 22p. v.17 (P. J. Dugan)
July 1, 1929-June 30, 1930 22p. v.18 (P. J. Dugan)
July 1, 1930-June 30, 1931 23p. v.19 (E. B. Swope)
July 1, 1931-June 30, 1932 23p. v.20 (E. B. Swope)
July 1, 1932-June 30, 1933 22p. v.21 (E. B. Swope)
July 1, 1933-June 30, 1934 21p. v.22 (E. B. Swope)
July 1, 1934-June 30, 1935 24p. v.23 ( J. B. McManus)
July 1, 1935-June 30, 1936 21p. v.24 (J. B. McManus)
July 1, 1936-June 30, 1937 25p. v.25 ( J. B. McManus)
July 1, 1937-June 30, 1938 25p v.26 (J. B. McManus)
July 1, 1938-June 30, 1939 27p. v.27 (J. B. McManus)
July 1, 1939-June 30, 1940 23p. v.28 (J. B. McManus)
July 1, 1940-June 30, 1941 44p. v.29 ( J. B. McManus)
July 1, 1941-June 30, 1942 24p. v.30 (J. B. McManus)
July 1, 1942-June 30, 1943 (26p.) v.31 (J. B. McManus)
July 1, 1943-June 30, 1944 (30p.) v.32 (J. B. McManus)
July 1, 1944-June 30, 1946 (24) p. v.33 (Howell Gage)
Title varies: Report of the Board of penitentiary commissioners,
1899/1900-1904-06; Annual Report of the Board of commissioners
and supt., 1892/94-date.
Informe bienal del cuerpo de comisionados y del superintendente de la
penitenciaria de Nuevo Mejico al gobernador de Nuevo Mejico;
por los dos anos concluyendo Diciembre 31, 1898. Santa Fe, Com-
pania impresora del Nuevo Mejicano, 1899. 61p.
Informe de la comision de la penitenciaria de la asamblea legislativa
vigesima nona del Nuevo Mejico. Santa Fe, Febrero, 1891. Santa
Fe, Compania impresora de Nuevo Mejicano, 1891 53p.
CHECKLIST 141
Informe de la comision de la penitenciaria de la camara de representes
de la asamblea legislativa trigesima; Santa Fe, Febrero de 1893.
Santa Fe, Compania impresora del Nuevo Mexicano, 1893. 71p.
(covers Dec. 1, 1890-Nov. 30, 1892)
Informe del cuerpo de los comisionados de la penitenciaria al goberna-
dor de Nuevo Mejico ; por los anos fiscales 54 to y 55 to ; comenzan-
do el ler dia de Diciembre, 1902, y concluyendo en el dia 30 de
Noviembre, 1904. Incluyendo el informe del superintendente, H. O.
Bursum. Santa Fe, Imprenta de la compania publicista del Nuevo
Mejicano, 1904. 28p.
Informe de la junta de los comisionados de la penitenciaria al Gober-
nador de Nuevo Mejico; por los anos fiscales 50 y 51 to; comen-
zando al dia tro de Marzo, 1899 y concluyendo el dia 30 de Noviem-
bre, 1900. Incluyendo el informe del supt. H. 0. Bursum. Santa
Fe, Compania impresora del Nuevo Mejicano, 1901. 32p.
The other side, Warden Gable's reply to the Report of the Special
standing committee on penitentiary of the 27th Legislative assem-
bly. Las Vegas, J. A. Carruth, printer, 1887. lOp.
The prison labor problem in New Mexico, a survey by the Prison in-
dustries reorganization administration. Washington, 1938. 2,361
leaves incl. 8 tables.
Reproduced from typewritten copy.
Survey made at the request of Gov. Clyde Tingley and Supt. J.
B. McManus acting for the Penitentiary commissioners board.
Report of the penitentiary committee of the House of representatives
of the Legislative assembly . . . Santa Fe, 1887.
Report of the committee on penitentiary affairs ; Council of the twenty-
ninth Legislative Assembly of New Mexico; adopted February 26,
1891. Santa Fe, New Mexican printing company, 1891. 22p.
Report of the penitentiary committee of the House of representatives
of the 30th Legislative Assembly . . . Santa Fe, New Mexican
printing company, 1893. 71p.
Reporte bienal del cuerpo de comisionados y superintendente . . . por
los dos anos que terminan Noviembre 30 de 1894. Santa Fe, Com-
pania impresora del Nuevo Mejicano, 1894. 48p.
Reporte bienal del cuerpo de comisionados y superintendente de la
penitenciaria de Nuevo Mejico . . . por los dos anos que concluyen
Diciembre 31, 1896. Santa Fe, Compania impresora Del Nuevo
Mejicano, 1897. 60p.
Rules and regulations of the Prison board of parole, adopted by the
Board of parole, April 14-15, 1937. n.p.n.d. (3) p.
Rules to be observed by prisoners, revised and adopted by the Board
of penitentiary commissioner, Nov. 1, 1939. (4) p.
Rules and regulations for the government of the officers, guards, and
employees. Oct. 14, 1944. n.p.n.d. 8p.
142 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Public service commission.
Created in 1941 ; regulates and supervises public utility
companies with respect to rates and service regulations and
also with respect to securities issued.
Annual report 1st — 1941/42 — Santa Fe, 1942 —
July 13, 1941-June 30, 1942 39p. v.l (G. S. Carter)
July 1, 1942-June 30, 1943 20p. v.2 (J. E. Miles)
July 1, 1943-June 30, 1944 48p. v.3 (C. E. McGinnis)
July 1, 1944-June 30, 1948 112 p. v.4 (W. W. Nichols)
General orders no. 1 — 1941 — Santa Fe, 1941 —
no. 1-2 New Mexico public utility act and rules. Chapter 84, Laws
of 1941, effective July 13, 1941. General order no. 1;
rules of practice and procedure, effective Oct. 15, 1941;
general order no. 2: tariff schedule rules, effective Oct. 15,
1941. (Santa Fe, 1941.) 74p.
no. 3 Regulations to govern the preservation of records of pub-
lic utilities, effective Oct. 15, 1941. (Santa Fe, 1941) 21p.
no. 4 (Governing the sale, lease, or purchase of any public utility
plant). (Santa Fe, 1941) 1 sheet (Typew).
no. 5-6 Safety rules and regulations. General order no. 5: elec-
tric rules and regulations governing the safe use, in-
stallation and maintenance of electric utility appliances
and equipment, effective January 1, 1942; and General
order no. 6: Gas rules and regulations governing the
operation of gas utilities and safe use, installation and
maintenance of gas piping and appliances, effective Nov.
17, 1941 . . . (Santa Fe, 1941). 52p.
no. 7 Adopting uniform system of accounts for electric utilities
(effective Dec. 1, 1941) (Santa Fe, 1941) (2)p. mimeo.
no. 8 Adopting uniform system of accounts for gas utilities
(effective Dec. 1, 1941) (Santa Fe, 1941) (2) p. mimeo.
no. 9 Adopting uniform system of accounts for water utilities
(effective Dec. 1, 1941) (Santa Fe, 1941) 1 sheet mimeo.
no. 10 Requiring reports of certain proposed extensions (effective
Dec. 1, 1941) (Santa Fe, 1941) 1 sheet mimeo.
no. 11 Order adopting uniform system of accounts for water
utilities (Feb. 23, 1943) 2p. mimeo.
no. 12 List of retirement units for electric utilities, (effective
Jan. 1, 1946) Ip. mimeo.
no. 13 List of retirement units for gas utilities, (effective Jan. 1,
1946) Ip. mimeo.
no. 14 List of retirement units for water utilities, (effective Jan.
1, 1946) Ip. mimeo.
no. 15 Rules and regulations for dispensing liquified petroleum
gases.
CHECKLIST 143
no. 16 In the matter of rules and regulations governing licenses
required to procure bonds and insurance under provisions
of sees. 10 and 11 of chap. 214, N. M. Sess. laws of 1947, as
amended.
New Mexico public utility act; chap. 84, Laws of 1941, effective July
13, 1941. General order no. 1: Rules of practice and procedure,
effective Oct. 15, 1941 ; general order no. 2 : Tariff schedule rules,
effective Oct. 15, 1941, (Santa Fe, 1941) 74p.
Public service commission. Liquified petroleum gas division.
An act providing for safety regulation and control of the
liquified petroleum gas industry and repealing chap. 155,
N. M. Session laws of 1939. Effective March 20, 1947. (Santa
Fe, 1947) 8p. (chap. 214, Laws of 1947)
Publicity bureau.
A guide to New Mexico for the homeseeker, investor, tourist, sports-
man, healthseeker ; its resources and opportunities in government
lands, state lands, farming, stock-raising, mining, manufacturing,
climate, scenery, fish and game. A handbook of facts rev. to May
1, 1917, by the New Mexico publicity bureau, State land office,
Santa Fe, N. M. (Santa Fe? 1917) 89p.
New Mexico, its resources in public lands, agriculture, horticulture,
stock raising, coal, copper, gold and other minerals. Its attractions
for the tourist, homeseeker, investor, sportsman, healthseeker and
archaeologist. Published by the Bureau of publicity of the state
land office, Santa Fe, N. M., 1916. Santa Fe, State record print,
1916. 84p.
rev. ed. Santa Fe, 1916. lOOp.
Net output of productive mines of New Mexico during 1915. Santa Fe,
1916. fold, table. 35^x23 cm. (fold, to 25x9 cm.)
Rio Grande compact commission.
Ratified and approved March 1, 1939, by N. M. legisla-
ture for the purpose of effecting an equitable apportionment
of the use of the waters of the Rio Grande.
Annual report to the governors of Colorado, New Mexico and Texas.
1939-1940 41p. v.1-2 (T. M. McClure for New Mexico)
1941 44p. v.3 (T. M. McClure for New Mexico)
1942 46p. v.4 (T. M. McClure for New Mexico)
144 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
1943 47p. v.5 (T. M. McClure for New Mexico)
1944 54p. v.6 (T. M. McClure for New Mexico)
1945 43p. v.7 (T. M. McClure for New Mexico)
1946 39p. v.8 ( J. H. Bliss)
1947 8p. v.9 ( J. H. Bliss)
Rio Grande compact. Santa Fe, (1939) 30p.
Secretary of state.*
Established in 1846; publishes official documents, pub-
lications, election supplies and is the depository for proc-
lamations, appointments, insurance held on capitol
buildings, copies of reports and duties of all public of-
fices; ex-officio member of State canvassing board,
State investment board, State retirement board, sec-
retary of Capitol custodian commission and is charged
with a number of other miscellaneous duties.
Report
July 1, 1897-Dec. 31, 1898. (Geo. H. Wallace)
in Message of Gov. M. A. Otero to the 33rd Legislative assembly.
Jan. 16, 1899. "Exhibit C" p. 109-10.
also in Council and House journals, 1899. "Exhibit C" p. 109-10.
Dec. 31, 1898-Dec. 31, 1900. (Geo. H. Wallace)
in Message of M. A. Otero to the 34th legislative assembly.
Jan. 21, 1901. Exhibit "C" p. 115-21.
Dec. 31, 1900-Dec. 31, 1902. 75p. (J. W. Raynolds) E&S
also in Message of M. A. Otero to the 35th legislative assembly.
Jan. 19, 1903. "Exhibit M" lOp.
Jan. 1, 1903-Dec. 31, 1904. (J. W. Raynolds)
in Message of M. A. Otero to the 36th legislative assembly.
Jan. 16, 1905. "Exhibit M" 8p.
also published with legislative manual, 1907. p. 11-16.
Jan. 1, 1905-Dec. 31, 1906. (J. W. Raynolds)
in Message of J. J. Hagerman to the 37th legislative assembly.
Jan. 21, 1907. "Exhibit 8." lOp.
also published with Legislative manual, 1907. p. 11-16.
Jan. 1, 1907-Dec. 31, 1908. (Nathan Jaffa)
published with Legislative manual, 1909. p. v.-xv.
* New Mexico did not become a State until 1912, but the current title for a State
department is used in this Check List. The office of Territorial secretary was established
in 1846.
CHECKLIST 145
Jan. 1, 1909-Dec. 31, 1910. 33p. (Nathan Jaffa)
published with Legislative manual, 1911.
1909-1910-1911 15p. (Antonio Lucero) E&S
Jan. 15, 1912-Nov. 30, 1912. 20p. (Antonio Lucero)
Dec. 1, 1912-Nov. 30, 1914. 19p. 1-2 fiscal yr. (Antonio Lucero)
Dec. 1, 1914-Nov. 30, 1916. 14p. 3-4 fiscal yr. (Antonio Lucero)
Dec. 1, 1916-Nov. 30, 1918. 17p. 5-6 fiscal yr. (Antonio Lucero)
Jan. 1, 1919-Dec. 31, 1920. 19p. 7-8 fiscal yr. (Manuel Martinez)
Jan. 1, 1921-Dec. 31, 1922. 7p. 9-10 fiscal yr. (Manuel Martinez)
Jan. 1, 1923-Dec. 31, 1924. 7p. 11-12 fiscal yr. (Mrs. S. C. Chacon)
Jan. 1, 1925-Dec. 31, 1926. 8p. 13-14, 1st V2 of 15 fis. yr. (Mrs. S.
C. Chacon)
Jan. 1, 1927-Nov. 30, 1928. 14p. last V2 of 15, all of 16, 1st of 17
(Mrs. Jennie Fortune)
Jan. 1, 1929-Nov. 30, 1930. 13p. last of 17, all of 18, 1st of 19 (Mrs.
E. A. Perrault)
Jan. 1, 1931-Nov. 30, 1932. 14p. last of 19, all of 20, 1st of 21 (Mrs.
M. R. Baca)
Jan. 1, 1935-Dec. 31, 1936. 13p. last of 23, all of 24, 1st of 25 (Mrs.
E. F. Gonzales)
July 1, 1936-Dec. 31, 1942. 20p. 25-31 fiscal years (Mrs. J. M. Gon-
zales)
Jan. 1, 1943-Dec. 31, 1946. 34p. last half 31 fis. yr. 32-34, 1st V2 35th
(Mrs. C. E. Cleveland)
Jan. 1, 1947-June 30, 1948. 48p. last half of 35 and all of 36 fis. yr.
(Mrs. M. A. Romero)
July 1, 1948-June 30, 1949. 46p. (Mrs. M. A. Romero)
Beginning with 1931/32 includes the Report of the Capitol Cus-
todian Committee. Title varies: Report of the secretary of state
and capitol custodian committee 1943-46; Audit report, secretary
of state and capitol custodian committee, 1947 —
Abstract of votes cast in 1902. (Santa Fe) 1903.
An act relating to absentee voting by members of the armed forces of
the U. S., passed by special session of the sixteenth legislature of
the state of New Mexico, 1944. (Santa Fe) 1944. 13p.
Communication of the Secretary of the territory of N. M. in answer
to resolutions of the Legislative assembly of the territory, Dec. 30,
1851. Santa Fe, Printed by J. L. Collins & W. G. Kephart, 1852.
9p. (W. L. Allen, sec.)
Corporation filings, territory of New Mexico, 1909. List of original
and amended certificates of incorporations as required by sec. 123,
chap. 79, Laws of 1905. Santa Fe, 1910. 20p.
146 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Corporation filings, territory of New Mexico, 1910. List of original and
amended certificates of incorporation as required by sec. 123, chap.
79, Laws of 1905. Santa Fe, 1911. 16p.
The Declaration of American independence, constitution of the U. S.
of America with the amendments thereto and the organic act of
the territory of New Mexico with its amendments. Santa Fe, 1867.
91p.
Directory of elective officials and legislative manual.
1939-40 77, (68) p.
1940-41 77, (70) p.
Directory of the ... General assembly . . . (Santa Fe) 1912-
1912 144p. v. 1
1915 185p. v. 2
1917 v. 3
1919 v. 4
1921 188p. v. 5
1923 90p. v. 6
1925 197p. v. 7
1927 162p. v. 8
1929 v. 9
1931 141p. v.10
1933 v.ll
1935 v.12
1937 v.13
1939 v.14
1941 (20) p. v.15
1943 v.16
1945 v.17
1947 v.18
1949 (18) p. v.19
Title varies v.1-10. Legislative directory.
Election code of the state of New Mexico, as amended by the legisla-
ture, 1939 session. Comp. by A. M. Fernandez, assistant attorney
general, under the supervision of Mrs. Jessie M. Gonzales, secre-
tary of state. (Santa Fe, 1939) 67p.
Election code of the state of New Mexico, as amended by the legisla-
ture, 1941 session. Comp. by C. C. McCulloh, assistant attorney
general, under the supervision of Mrs. Jessie M. Gonzales, secre-
tary of state. (Santa F, 1941) 70p.
Election code of the state of New Mexico; rev. to include all amend-
ments to Jan. 1, 1946. Comp. under the supervision of Cecilia
Tafoya Cleveland, secretary of state. (Santa Fe, 1946) 103p.
Election code of the state of New Mexico; rev. to include all amend-
ments to July 1, 1949. Comp. under the supervision of Mrs. M. A.
Romero, secretary of state. (Santa Fe, 1949) 102,xxii p.
CHECKLIST 147
Informe del secretario del territorio; J. W. Raynolds, Diciembre 31,
1900-Diciembre 31, 1902. Santa Fe, Compania impresora del Nuevo
Mexicano, 1903. 75p.
Instructions and laws for notary public . . . March, 1942. (Santa Fe,
1942) lip.
Instructions for registration clerks ; instructions for clerks of registra-
tion in carrying out the provisions of chap. 152 of the session
laws of 1939 relative to permanent registration in New Mexico;
issued by Jessie M. Gonzales, secretary of state. (Santa Fe, 1939)
(8)p.
List of registered motor vehicles. East Las Vegas, La Voz del pueblo
print, 1914. 52p.
New Mexico licensed embalmers, valid until April 1, 1943. (Santa Fe,
1942) (8) p.
The 1927 election code as enacted by the eighth legislature . . . (Santa
Fe, 1927) 47p.
The 1927 election code as enacted by the eighth legislature . . . and as
amended by the tenth and eleventh state legislatures. (Santa Fe,
1933) 51p.
Legislative blue-book, of the territory of New Mexico. With the rules
of order, fundamental law, official register and record, historical
data, compendium of facts, etc. Comp. by W. G. Ritch, secretary
of the territory. 1st ed. Santa Fe, W. C. Green, public printer,
1882. 154,46 (i.e.50) p.
"Introductory; New Mexico. A sketch of its history and review
of its resources. By Hon. W. G. Ritch" p. 5-46, at end of volume.
Report of the Secretary of the territory and legislative manual 1905-
1911. Santa Fe, New Mexican printing co., 1905-11. *
1905 301p. (J. W. Raynolds)
1907 248p. (J. W. Raynolds) pub. by Albuquerque morning
journal.
1909 274p. (Nathan Jaffa) (Includes Official record, 1846-1909)
1911 333p. (Nathan Jaffa) (Includes Official record, 1846-1911)
Continuation of legislative bluebook 1882.
New Mexico blue book or state official register 1913- Santa Fe, 1913-
1913 411p. (Antonio Lucero)
1915 389, (6) p. (Antonio Lucero)
1917 343p. (Antonio Lucero)
1919 320p. (Manuel Martinez) (Contains war work of New
Mexico)
1921 145, (110) p. (Manuel Martinez)
1923-24 64, (105) p. (Mrs. Soledad Chacon)
1925-26 69, (103) p. (Mrs. Soledad Chacon)
1926-27 73, (122) p. (Mrs. Jennie Fortune)
1929-30 85, (231) p. (Mrs. E. A. Perrault)
148 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
1931-32 87,(102)p. (Mrs. M. P. Baca)
1933-34 287p. (Mrs. M. P. Baca)
1935-36 180p. (Mrs. E. F. Gonzales)
1937-38 82p. (Mrs. E. F. Gonzales)
1939-40 238p. (Mrs. J. M. Gonzales)
1941-42 91, (146) p. (Mrs. J. M. Gonzales)
1941-42 supp. (71) p. containing the official statistics of the pri-
mary election. Sept. 14, 1940
1943-44 176p. (Mrs. C. T. Cleveland)
1945-46 179p. (Mrs. C. T. Cleveland)
1947-48 195p. (Mrs. M. A. Romero)
Continuation of the Report of the secretary of the territory . . .
and Legislative manual . . . 1905-1911.
Official register corrected to ... Santa Fe, 1903-1911.
June 1, 1903 13p. (J. W. Raynolds)
June 30, 1905 13p. (J. W. Raynolds)
also in Legislative manual, 1905. p. 31-43.
Jan. 1, 1907
also in Legislative manual, 1907. p. 29-42.
Jan. 1, 1909
also in Legislative manual. 1909. p. 26-39.
June 1, 1911 19p.
also in Legislative manual, 1911. p. 99-121.
1912 22p.
Sample ballot; November election, 1920. Santa Fe, 1920. 1 leaf.
Official roster, list of elective state, legislative and county officers . . .
Santa Fe, 1915-
1915-16 22p.
1918 (16)p.
1922 (11) p.
1925-26 (16) p.
1927-28 (16) p.
1929-30 (16) p.
1933-34 (16) p.
1935-36 (14) p.
1937-38 (38) p.
1939-40 (40) p.
1941-42 (37) p.
1943-44 (40) p.
1945-46 (37) p.
1947-48 (37) p.
1949-50 (40) p.
Title varies: 1915-16, called Official register; 1918, State officers
elected; 1937-40, Roster.
1919-21, 1924, 1931-32 not published.
CHECKLIST 149
Sheep Sanitary Board.
Established in 1897; appoints inspectors, adopts and
publishes such rules and regulations as necessary, pre-
scribes methods of dipping of sheep and necessary quar-
antine and sanitary measures.
Report
Dec. 15, 1898-Dec. 15, 1900. (H. F. Lee)
in Message of M. A. Otero to the 34th Legislative assembly.
Jan. 21, 1901 Exhibit K p. 325-32.
Dec. 15, 1901-Dec. 1, 1902. (H. F. Lee)
in Message of M. A. Otero to the 35th Legislative assembly.
Jan. 19, 1903 Exhibit P. 20p.
Nov. 30, 1902-Nov. 30, 1904. (H. F. Lee)
in Message of M. A. Otero to the 36th Legislative assembly.
Jan. 16, 1905. Exhibit P. 6p.
Dec. 1, 1905-Nov. 30, 1906. (H. F. Lee)
in Message of H. J. Hagerman to the 37th Legislative assembly.
Jan. 21, 1907. Exhibit 18. 16p.
Dec. 1, 1906-Nov. 30, 1908. typew.
Directions for the preparation and use of lime and sulphur sheep dip.
1902.
Directions for the preparation and use of tobacco and sulphur sheep
dip. 1902.
Direcciones para la preparacion y uso de Bano Para ovejas recom-
mendado por el cuerpo de sanidad de ovejas de Nuevo Mexico.
Albuquerque, La Bandera Americana, 1902. 12p. Includes "Direc-
ciones para la preparacion y el uso de Bana de ovejas con el
remedio de Tabaco y Azufre." p. 6-12.
To sheep growers, Apr. 10, 1902. Albuquerque, 1902.
Important order, July 20, 1901. Albuquerque, 1901. (circular ordering
the dipping of sheep for scab. Also in Spanish)
The New Mexico brand book, 1937 . . . (showing all sheep and goat
earmarks and brands recorded, and all new marks and brands re-
corded up to February 12, 1937) Albuquerque (1937) 64p.
The New Mexico brand book, 1939 supplement . . . (showing all sheep
and goat earmarks and brands recorded from February 1937 to
July 1939) Albuquerque, (1939) 17p.
New Mexico earmarks and brand book, 1949 . . . showing all the ear-
marks and brands registered for sheep and goats at close of books
Sept. 1, 1949 . . . Albuquerque, 1949. (48) p.
150 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Special revenue commission.
Created in 1920 to investigate and report upon the ques-
tion of adopting an income tax for the state, with refer-
ence to existing systems of taxation, and appropriating
money to pay the expenses.
Memorandum on the revenue and taxation code for N. M., drafted by
the N. M. Special revenue commission, and embodied in House bill
no. 100. Memorandum prepared by George S. Downer. Feb. 1920.
(Santa Fe, 1920) 24p.
Report of hearings of the New Mexico Special revenue commission
held at Santa Fe, August 16-20, 1920. (Albuquerque, Central ptg.
co., 1920) 204p.
Report of the New Mexico Special revenue commission to the governor
and the Legislature of the state of New Mexico made in accord-
ance with chap. 9, fourth state legislature, extra session, 1920.
Reservations as to main report by Mr. Joeras . . . Santa Fe,
(New Mexican publishing corp.) 1920. 60p.
Report of the New Mexico Special revenue commission to the governor
and the Legislature of the state of New Mexico, made in accord-
ance with chap. 9, fourth state Legislature, extra session, 1920
. . . Santa Fe. (Printed by the Santa Fe New Mexican publishing
corporation, 1920) 324p.
Report on the New Mexico state educational institutions and the
general education system of New Mexico, by W. C. Bagley . . .
With letters from Professor E. P. Cubberly and Professor Geo. D.
Strayer to the New Mexico special revenue commission. Santa Fe,
(Printed by the Santa Fe New Mexican publishing corporation)
1921. 62p.
Statement by Robert Murray Haig in response to Mr. Joern's dissent-
ing opinion to report of the Special revenue commission to the
governor and Legislature of the state of New Mexico. Santa Fe,
1921. 7p.
State bank examiner.
Created in 1915; administers the N. M. banking laws,
Building and loan laws, the Small loan act, the Credit
union and Blue sky law.
Annual report
1915 57p. v. 1 (R. H. Carter)
1916 76p. v. 2 (R. H. Carter)
CHECKLIST 151
1917 unp. v. 3 (G. H. Van Stone)
1918 unp. v. 4 (G. H. Van Stone)
1919 59p. v. 5 (J. B. Read)
1920 56p. v. 6 (J. B. Read)
1921 48p. v. 7 (J. B. Read)
1922 49p. v. 8 (J. B. Read)
1923 unp. v. 9 (L. B. Gregg)
1924 79p. v.10 (L. B. Gregg)
1925 88p. v.ll (W. P. Saunders)
1926 44p. v.12 (L. A. Taume)
1927 30p. v.13 (L. A. Taume)
1928 40p. v.14 (L. A. Taume)
1929 42p. v.15 (L. A. Taume)
1930 38p. v.16 (L. A. Taume)
1931 32p. v.17 (John Bingham)
1932 32p. v.18 (John Bingham)
1933 29p. v.19 (John Bingham)
1934 30p. v.20 (W. P. Saunders)
1935 29p. v.21 (W. P. Saunders)
1936 29p. v.22 (W. P. Saunders)
1937 29p. v.23 (W. P. Saunders)
1938 31p. v.24 (W. P. Saunders)
1939 32p. v.25 (N. P. Walter)
1940 27p. v.26 (N. P. Walter)
1941 40p. v.27 (W. P. Saunders)
1942 40p. v.28 (W. P. Saunders)
1943 40p. v.29 (W. P. Saunders)
1944 40p. v.30 (W. P. Saunders)
1945 40p. v.31 (W. P. Saunders)
1946 47p. v.32 (W. P. Saunders)
1947 49p. v.33 (W. P. Saunders)
1948 51p. v.34 (W. P. Saunders)
v. 1-8 have the title : Annual report of the state banking depart-
ment;
v. 9- have title: Annual report of the State bank examiner.
Reports are for the calendar year.
An act relating to credit unions; providing for their organization,
regulation, operation and dissolution ; and declaring an emergency.
(Santa Fe, 1945) 8p. (chap. 129, Laws of 1945)
Bank act, an act to define and regulate the business of banking . . .
Santa Fe, State corporation commission, 1915. 27, (4) p. (chap. 67,
Laws of 1915)
Blue sky law . . . effective June 12, 1921. Santa Fe, 1921. 14p.
Laws relating to the banks of discount and deposit, savings banks,
trust companies, and building and loan associations, 1910. Santa
Fe, 1910. 92p.
152 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Laws relating to building and loan associations . . . 1940. (Santa Fe,
1941) 12p.
New Mexico bank act. Chap. 67, laws of 1915; chap. 56, laws of 1917;
chap. 120, laws of 1919. Santa Fe, 1919. 37p.
New Mexico bank act ... Santa Fe, 1923. 63p.
New Mexico bank act, containing enactments governing banks. Santa
Fe, 1926. 47p.
New Mexico bank code, 1927; to and including the Session laws of 1927;
comp. and annotated by Juan A. A. Sedillo. (Santa Fe, 1927)
143p.xxxvi
New Mexico bank code, 1929. Building and loan laws, 1931. (Santa Fe,
Santa Fe New Mexican pub. Corp., 1932) 57p.
New Mexico bank code, 1933. Building and loan laws, 1933. (Santa
Fe, 1933) 68p.
New Mexico bank code, 1939. (Santa Fe, 1939) 64p.
New Mexico bank code, 1943. (Santa Fe, 1943) 70p.
Report of condition of New Mexico state banks as of Dec. 31, 1940.
(Santa Fe, 1941) 1 sheet
Securities and blue sky laws of the state of New Mexico. Santa Fe,
1941. 22p.
Securities and "Blue sky" laws of the state of New Mexico. Santa Fe,
1948. 28p.
Small loan act ... (Santa Fe, 1947) 14p.
Small loan law of the state of New Mexico. (Santa Fe, 1939) 7p.
State board for vocational education.
Established in 1931 to administer federal vocational
education.
Annual descriptive report to the U. S. Office of education, 1937-40.
State college, 1938-40. 3v.
The agricultural counselor, v. 1- September, 1925-
monthly
Books for home economics libraries. (State college, 1929) 5 leaves,
mimeo.
Films for home economics classes. State college, 1946. 15p.
Home economics counselor, v. 1- Sept., 1925-
Home economics education . . . course in the high school. State col-
lege, State department of vocational education, 1931. 165p.
Graphic standards for furniture designers . . . Santa Fe, 1939. 28p.
Drawings by W. T. Lumpkins, Jr.
CHECKLIST 153
Home spinning and weaving for a vocation. Dyes and dyeing, by D. W.
Rockey and R. C. Pycha . . . issued January 31, 1933 . . . (Al-
buquerque, 1933) 101-201p. mimeo.
New adaptions from authentic examples of Spanish colonial furniture.
Santa Fe, 1935. 16 drawings mimeo.
New Mexico colonial embroidery . . . Santa Fe, The department, 1935.
4 numb, leaves 52pl.
New Mexico student home economics club. News letter Spring, 1929.
State college, 1929.
Revised plans for vocational education in New Mexico under the super-
vision of the Smith-Hughes act; adopted by the State board of
vocational education April, 1919, and approved by the Federal
board for vocational education Sept. 1919. Albuquerque, Central
printing co., n.d. 52p.
Spanish colonial furniture bulletin . . . (Santa Fe, 1933) 1 v. mimeo.
Spanish colonial painted chests; designed from church altars, designs
from retablos, creative designs . . . Santa Fe, 1937. 4p. 38 draw-
ings, mimeo.
Suggestive short unit courses for classes in home economics for adults.
State college, 1929. 65p. mimeo.
Tables for the determination of minerals, by Samuel Dinnington-
Strain. Santa Fe, issued by the New Mexico department of voca-
tional education, B. H. Sewell, State supervisor of trade and indus-
trial education, 1935. 27 numb, leaves.
Tanning bulletin. Santa Fe, The department, 1934. 9 numb, leaves,
mimeo.
Teachers of home economics in New Mexico, 1939-40. State college,
(1939)
Tin craft in New Mexico . . . comp. by N. M. State department of
vocational education, Department of trades and industries, Brice
H. Sewell, state supervisor. (Santa Fe) 1937. 26pl.
Reproduced from type-written copy.
Tin frames . . . Santa Fe, The department, 1935. 22 drawings, mimeo.
Vegetable dyes bulletin. Issued by New Mexico department of voca-
tional education. Brice H. Sewell, state supervisor of trade and
industrial education, in collaboration with Mabel Morrow, director,
Arts and crafts department, U. S. Indian school, Santa Fe,
Jan. 1934. (Santa Fe, 1934) 8 numb, leaves mimeo.
Vocational bulletin, nos. 1-7. Santa Fe, State department of education,
1917-1923.
no. 1 Plans for vocational education in New Mexico under the
provisions of the Smith-Hughes act . . . 1917. 22p.
no. 2 Outline for vocational education in New Mexico . . . adopt-
ed by the State board of education August 24, 1918 and
154 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
approved by the Federal board for vocational education,
Sept. 9, 1918. 42p.
no. 3 Course of study for automobile maintenance and repair.
1918. 43p. (Industrial series no. 1)
no. 4 Revised plans for vocational education in New Mexico . . .
prepared under the direction of R. C. Miller, director for
vocational education, 1919-1920. 52p.
no. 5 State plans for vocational education in New Mexico. 1922.
44p.
no. 6 Outline of work being done by the various bureaus, organi-
zations, and agencies interested in the development of agri-
culture in New Mexico. 1922. 30p.
no. 7 Course of study : Vocational home economics all-day schools
prepared by Ruth Taylor Foard. 1923. 112p.
Vocational news bulletin. Santa Fe, Department of education, 1921.
v. 1 no. 1-6; Jan.-Oct. 1921.
no. 1,6 mimeo.
Vocational news; the voice of vocational education, National defense
training in New Mexico, v. 1 no. 1-10. Nov. 1, 1941-Aug. 20, 1942.
Santa Fe, 1941-42. Discontinued.
Vocational rehabilitation of physically handicapped persons in the
state of New Mexico through the Vocational rehabilitation service
of the State department of vocational education, Brice H. Sewell,
director. Santa Fe, n.d. (4) p.
Weaving bulletin. Santa Fe, The department of education, 1937. 23
drawings, mimeo.
State board of accountancy.
Created in 1921 ; regulates the examination, qualification,
registration and practice of public accountants and pro-
vides penalties for the violation of this act.
Register of New Mexico certified public accountants, July 1936-
July 1935-June 30, 1936 (3) p. (J. B. Stephenson)
July 1936-June 30, 1937 (7) p. (E. D. Reynolds)
July 1937-June 30, 1938 7p. (E. D. Reynolds)
July 1938-June 30, 1939 8p. (E. D. Reynolds)
July 1939-June 30, 1940 8p. (E. D. Reynolds)
July 1940-June 30, 1941 8p. (E. D. Reynolds)
July 1941-June 30, 1942 8p. (E. D. Reynolds)
July 1942-June 30, 1943 8p. (E. D. Reynolds)
July 1943-June 30, 1944 8p. (E. D. Reynolds)
July 1944- June 30, 1945 8p. (E. D. Reynolds)
July 1946-June 30, 1947 lip. (J. B. Murray)
CHECKLIST 155
July 1947-June 30, 1948 14p. (C. L. Linder) mimeo.
July 1948-June 30, 1949 14p. (C. L. Linder) mimeo.
Directory of members and code of ethics, Sept. 1, 1933.
n.p.n.d. (9) p.
New Mexico public accountancy act of 1947; rules of professional con-
duct; rules and regulations adopted by the Board. Santa Fe (1947)
20p.
State board of finance.
Established in 1923; has general supervision of fiscal
affairs and of safe keeping and depositing of all moneys
and securities in the hands of the state and makes neces-
sary rules and regulations.
Minutes of the regular and special meetings from 1923-date on file in
auditor's office.
Public moneys act; provision of 1929 Compilation, N. M. statutes, anno-
tated and amendments by the llth state legislature, contained in
the 1933 Session laws; approved March 16, 1933, effective April
15, 1933. Santa Fe (1933) 27p.
Rules and regulations for the preparation of vouchers^. . . approved
by State board of finance. (Santa Fe) 1935 (4) p.
State board of nurse examiners.
Established in 1923 ; registers all graduate nurses.
An act relating to professional nursing in the state of New Mexico.
Approved Feb. 13, 1923 (Albuquerque) 1923. 7p.
An act relating to professional nursing in the state of New Mexico to
establish a Board of examiners for graduate nurses and to regu-
late the practices of professional nursing in the state of New
Mexico. (Albuquerque) 1925. 8p.
An act relating to professional nursing in the state of New Mexico to
establish a Board of examiners for graduate nurses, and to regu-
late the practices of professional nursing in the state of New
Mexico. Passed by the thirteenth legislature of the state of New
Mexico in 1937. (Albuquerque) 1937 8p.
Curriculum, minimum requirements for accredited schools of nursing
as approved by the New Mexico state board of nurse examiners.
Jan. 1924. (Albuquerque, 1924) (12)p.
List of registered nurses holding cerificates permitting practice in New
Mexico. Albuquerque, 1939-
156
NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Jan.
Jan.
Jan.
Jan.
Jan.
Jan.
Jan.
Jan.
1938-Jan. 1939 (11) p.
1941-Jan. 1, 1942
1943-Jan. 1, 1944
1944-Jan. 1, 1945
1945-Jan. 1, 1946 (25) p.
1946-Jan. 1, 1947 ( )p.
1947-Jan. 1, 1948 (17) p.
1949-Jan. 1, 1950 23p.
(Ella Bartlett)
(Teresa McMenamin)
(Teresa McMenamin)
(Teresa McMenamin)
(Teresa McMenamin) mimeo.
(Mary Pickett)
(Teresa McMenamin)
(Hazel W. Bush)
Title varies: 1938-Jan. 1, 1947 Names of registered nurses . . .;
Jan. 1, 1947-Jan. 1, 1948 — List of registered nurses . . .
Policies, regulations and recommendations for the accreditation of New
Mexico schools of nursing. (Albuquerque) 1945. lip.
Regulations and recommendations for the accreditation of New Mexico
schools of nursing; adopted 1939 by the New Mexico state board
of nurses examiners. (Albuquerque) 1939. 12p.
Rules governing the examinations of the New Mexico state board nurse
examiners. (Albuquerque) n.d. 4p.
Rules, regulations and curriculum for accredited schools of nursing.
(Albuquerque) 1931. 12p.
State board of registration for professional engineers and
land surveys.
Created May 1935; looks after the registration of
engineers and land surveyors.
Annual report ... to the governor for the year ending June 30 ...
containing the law, by-laws, rule and regulations of the board
with a roster of registered professional engineers and land sur-
veyors entitled by law to practice in the state . . . Santa Fe, 1935 —
June 4, 1935 typed letter
July 1, 1935-June 30, 1936
July 1, 1936-June 30, 1937
July 1, 1937-June 30, 1938
July 1, 1938-June 30, 1939
July 1, 1939-June 30, 1940
July 1, 1940-June 30, 1941
July 1, 1941-June 30, 1942
July 1, 1942-June 30, 1943
July 1, 1943-June 30, 1944
July 1, 1944-June 30, 1945
July 1, 1945-June 30, 1946
July 1, 1946-June 30, 1947
July 1, 1947-June 30, 1948
July 1, 1948-June 30, 1949
(T.
M.
McClure)
37p.
v.2
(T.
M.
McClure)
41p.
v.3
(T.
M.
McClure)
40p.
v.4
(T.
M.
McClure)
41p.
v.5
(T.
M.
McClure)
43p.
v.6
(T.
M.
McClure)
40p.
v.7
(W.
C.
Smith)
38p.
v.8
(T.
M.
McClure)
37p.
v.9
(T.
M.
McClure)
37p.
v.10
(T.
M.
McClure)
45p.
v.ll
(T.
M.
McClure)
41p.
v.12
(T.
M.
McClure)
57p.
v.13
(J.
H.
Bliss)
87p.
v.14
(J.
H.
Bliss)
64p.
v.15
(J.
H.
Bliss
CHECKLIST 157
^dbAAWW Ab^rfAV A JLU %
New Mexico engineers and surveyors registration act. Santa Fe,
n. d. lip.
State Budget.
1917 legislature gave the governor the authority to pre-
pare and submit to the legislature a complete budget of
proposed revenues and expenditure for the ensuing two
years ; items could be reduced or cut out but not raised
by the legislature ; repealed in 1919.
From 1919 to 1947 the governor prepared the budget but the legislature
was free to raise or lower the items; since 1947 the budget director
submits budget requests to the governor for submission to the state
legislature.
Biennial period . . . submitted to the . . . legislature by ... gov-
ernor of New Mexico.
July 1, 1919-June 30, 1921 36p. Fourth legislature ( 8- 9 fis. yr.)
(0. A. Larrazola)
July 1, 1921-June 30, 1923 43p. Fifth legislature (10-11 fis. yr.)
(M. C. Mechem)
July 1, 1923-June 30, 1925 82p. Sixth legislature (12-13 fis. yr.)
(J. F. Hinkle)
July 1, 1925-June 30, 1927 83p. Seventh legislature (14-15 fis. yr.)
(A. T. Hannett)
July 1, 1927-June 30, 1929 77p. Eighth legislature (16-17 fis. yr.)
(R. C. Dillon)
July 1, 1929-June 30, 1931 lOlp. Ninth legislature (18-19 fis. yr.)
(R. C. Dillon)
July 1, 1931-June 30, 1933 112p. Tenth legislature (20-21 fis. yr.)
(Arthur Seligman)
July 1, 1933-June 30, 1935 156p. Eleventh legis. (22-23 fis. yr.)
(Arthur Seligman)
July 1, 1935-June 30, 1937 153p. Twelfth legislature (24-25 fis. yr.)
(Clyde Tingley)
July 1, 1937-June 30, 1939 200p. Thirteenth legis. (26-27 fis. yr.)
(Clyde Tingley)
July 1, 1939-June 30, 1941 186p. Fourteenth legis. (28-29 fis. yr.)
(J. E. Miles)
July 1, 1941-June 30, 1943 263p. Fifteenth legis. (30-31 fis. yr.)
(J. E. Miles)
July 1, 1943-June 30, 1945 166p. Sixteenth legis. (32-33 fis. yr.)
(J. J. Dempsey) mimeo.
158 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
July 1, 1945-June 30, 1947 178p. Seventeenth legis. (34-35 fis. yr.)
(J. J. Dempsey) mimeo.
July 1, 1947-June 30, 1949 215p. Eighteenth legis. (36-37 fis. yr.)
(T. J. Mabry) mimeo.
State budget director.
Created in 1947 ; studies budget requests of all state de-
partments and institutions and advises the State board
of finance concerning budget needs.
Report of budgets submitted by state departments, institutions, boards
and commissions for the biennium ending June 30, 1951 to the
governor and state comptroller; for review and transmission to
the nineteenth legislature as required by chapter 193 of the Ses-
sion laws of 1947. Santa Fe, 1949. 71p. (J. C. Hester)
State canvassing board.
Constitution provides for the returns of every election
for state officers to be sealed and transmitted to the Sec-
retary of State, who with the governor and chief justice
constitute the state canvassing board which canvasses
and declares results of election. Election returns for
1911-1941 are in the New Mexico Blue books for 1913-
1941/42.
Canvass of returns of general election held Nov. 7, 1944. Santa Fe,
1944. 1 sheet.
Election returns, special election held Sept. 17, 1935 on five constitu-
tional amendments. Santa Fe, 1935. 3 sheets (typed)
Officials returns of the 1942 primary and general elections and the
report of the State canvassing board. Compiled by Cecilia Tafoya
Cleveland, secretary of state. (Santa Fe, Santa Fe press, inc.,
1942) (275) p.
Official returns of the 1946 primary and general elections and the
report of the State canvassing board. Comp. by Alicia Romero,
secretary of state. (Santa Fe, 1946) 1 v.
Official returns of the 1948 elections; general election, Nov. 2, 1948;
primary election, June 8, 1948. Compiled under the supervision
of Alicia Romero, secretary of state. Santa Fe, (1949) 526p.
CHECKLIST 159
State corporation commission.
Established in 1912 ; enforces all provisions of the consti-
tution and administers all laws passed by the legislature
designed to regulate and control the corporations of the
state. The Commission is made up of five major depart-
ments: Motor transportation dept., Rate dept., Franchise
tax dept., Insurance dept., and Corporation commission.
Annual report
Jan. 16, 1912-Dec. 31, 1912 534p. v. 1 (H. H. Williams, chair-
man)
Jan. 1, 1913-Dec. 13, 1913 499p. v. 2 (H. H. Williams, chair-
man)
Jan. 1, 1914-Dec. 31, 1914 345p. v. 3 (M. S. Groves, chairman)
Jan. 1, 1915-Dec. 31, 1915 351p. v. 4 (M. S. Groves, chairman)
Jan. 1, 1916-Dec. 31, 1916 328p. v. 5 (M. S. Groves, chairman)
Jan. 1, 1917-Dec. 31, 1917 116p. v. 6 (H. H. Williams, chair-
man)
Jan. 1, 1918-Dec. 31, 1918 117p. v. 7 (H. H. Williams, chair-
man)
Jan. 1, 1919-Dec. 31, 1920 146p. v. 8-9 (H. H. Williams, chair-
man)
Jan. 1, 1921-Dec. 31, 1922 153p. v.10-11 (H. H. Williams, chair-
man)
Jan. 1, 1923-Dec. 31, 1924 140p. v.12-13 (H. H. Williams, chair-
man)
Jan. 1, 1925-Jne. 30, 1926 129p. v.14-15 (Bonifacio M on toy a,
(chairman)
July 1, 1926-Dec. 31, 1929 263p. v.16-18 (H. H. Williams, chair-
man)
Jan. 1, 1930-Dec. 31, 1931 230p. v.19-30 (J. S. Baca, chairman)
1932-1935 not printed
Jan. 1, 1936-Dec. 31, 1937 148p. v.25-26 (Robert Valdez, chair-
man)
Jan. 1, 1938-Dec. 31, 1938 92p. v.27 (Robert Valdez, chair-
man)
Jan. 1, 1939-Dec. 31, 1940 142p. v.28-29 (Robert Valdez, chair-
man)
Jan. 1, 1941-Dec. 31, 1942 144p. v.30-31 (D. R. Casados, chair-
man)
Jan. 1, 1943-Dec. 31, 1944 158p. v.32-33 (D. R. Casados, chair-
man)
Jan. 1, 1945-Dec. 31, 1946 216p. v.34-35 (G. W. Armijo, chair-
man)
160 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Biennial report
Dec. 1, 1912-Nov. 30, 1914 20p.
Dec. 1, 1914-Nov. 30, 1916 14p.
Dec. 1, 1922-Nov. 30, 1924 37p.
Amendments to general corporation laws; chap. 112, Laws of 1917.
Las Cruces, (1917) 12p.
An act declaring any mechanical plant, business or establishment oper-
ated within the state ... to be public utilities and providing for
the state corporation commission to regulate . . . H. B. no. 403;
approved March 14, 1927 as amended by Senate bill no. 97, March
1939. n.p.n.d. 3p. mimeo.
Constitutional provisions and laws relating to the State corporation
commission defining its powers and duties, etc. prescribing pro-
cedure as to hearing of complaints and grievances, and providing
for filing of tariffs and schedules with the commission by all public
service corporations . . . July 25, 1912. (Santa Fe (1912) 19p.
Corporation laws of the state of New Mexico ... to and including
the session laws of 1917. n.p.n.d. 248p.
General corporation laws of the state of New Mexico; codification of
1915, (as amended) including provisions of the state constitution
relating to corporations, 1919. Santa Fe, 1919. lOOp.
Corporation laws of the state of New Mexico, general and special;
compiled from state constitution; codification of 1915 (as
amended) Session laws of 1915, 1917, 1919, 1921. Santa Fe, 1921.
308p.
General corporation laws of the state of New Mexico ; rev. to conform
to the provisions of the constitution . . . Santa Fe, 1913. 65p.
General corporation laws of the state of New Mexico, including provi-
sions of state institutions relating to corporations. Santa Fe, 1915.
92p.
General incorporation laws of the territory of New Mexico. Approved
March 15, 1905. Albuquerque. The corporation organization and
management co. (1905) 66p.
Irrigation laws. Provisions of constitution and laws of the state of New
Mexico, relating to incorporating and government of irrigation
companies and water users' associations. Albuquerque, 1913. 32p.
New Mexico incorporations, original and amended, 1905. As required
by Sec. 123, Chap. 79. Laws, 1905. Santa Fe, New Mexican print-
ing co., 1906. 13p.
Railroad map of New Mexico. Prepared under the direction of the
State corporation commission. (Santa Fe) 1913.
Railroad map of the state of New Mexico. Prepared under the direction
of the State corporation commission. (Santa Fe) 1917. 21Vz x 31 in.
Reply to House joint resolution no. 8, second legislature relative to
CHECKLIST 161
passenger fares locally within the state of New Mexico. March 9,
1915. Santa Fe, (1915) 14p.
Reply to the Honorable House of representatives of the Third State
legislature pursuant to House resolution no. 3 n.p.n.d. 56p.
Special report of State corporation commission to the governor of New
Mexico. Santa Fe, 1919. lip.
(To be continued)
Notes and Documents
THE LA JUNTA ARCHIVES *
Missions were established among the Patarabuey Indians of La
Junta, the region of the junction of the Rio Conchos with Rio Grande,
as early as 1683, and there are numerous documents available dealing
with explorations and the founding and maintenance of missions there.
To the best of my knowledge, the actual records of the La Junta mis-
sions are not available however. Other available documents deal with
investigations of the possibilities of locating a presidio at La Junta,
and with the actual establishment of the presidio in 1760. "El Presidio
del Norte de la Junta de los Rios" apparently was established in the
immediate vicinity of the Indian pueblo which had been named Nuestra
Senora de Guadalupe and on the present site of Ojinaga, Chihuahua,
on the high mesas south and west of the actual junction of the streams.
Early in my research on the archaeology and the ethno-history of
the La Junta area I attempted to locate surviving mission or presidio
records in Ojinaga itself, but without success. During the last summer
several Church records were located, and superficially examined, that
at least overlap the presidio period, although they do not extend back
to the previous mission period. These records are part of the archives
of the Catholic Church on the old plaza in Ojinaga and were located
through the initiative and interest of Mr. Thomas St. Clair of the
Border Patrol of the U. S. Immigration Service, then stationed at Pre-
sidio, Texas.
In the course of checking the ancestry of individuals thought to be
Mexican citizens illegally in the United States, Mr. St. Clair had official
access to the various records of modern Ojinaga and thereby discov-
ered the existence of the older Church records. He kindly informed
me of his discovery and in June of 1949 succeeded in inducing the padre
currently in charge of the records to allow me to inspect them briefly.
A few notes were made at that time and plans were laid for future
more detailed studies. When Mr. William Newcomb, Sr., of the Depart-
ment of Anthropology of The University of Texas and Mr. James
Garner, a graduate student in the department, attempted to investigate
the records, however, they were refused permission for further inspec-
tion at that time.
Although the records are of limited number and deal with extremely
detailed and specialized subjects, they are nevertheless valuable addi-
tions to our knowledge of La Junta history and an effort should be
made to make transcripts or photostats of them before the older vol-
umes become illegible or are otherwise destroyed. According to my own
brief notes the records include the following bound volumes :
(1) "Matrimonies de 1798-1842" (contains some documents from
the 1770 decade).
* Prepared for publication by Charles J. Kelley, Associate Professor of Anthro-
pology and Curator of the Anthropological Museum, The University of Texas.
162
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 163
(2) "Matrimonies de 1822 [should be 1842?] a 1862."
(3) "Libro de Partidos y Bautismos pertenecientes de los anos de
1856-1857, 1858, 1859, y 1860, 1861, 1862, 1863, 1864.
1856 a 1864."
(4) "Libro de Bautismos del Ano de 1864. Pueblo de Ojinaga,
Chihauhua, 1864-1868."
The books also contain records of visitas of the La Junta mission
such as Coyame, Mesquites, etc. Many of the older documents deal
with petitions of soldiers stationed at the presidio for permission to
marry women of the pueblo. Used in connection with the lists of sol-
diers stationed at the presidio or sent on the expedition to found it, and
the lists of converts given in available documents, these records should
provide considerable enlightenment as to the ethnic sources of the
modern population of La Junta. The older documents are badly faded
and cracked and desperately need careful attention, not to mention
transcription. There may be other records, since the padre brought
these out one at a time and with considerable reluctance.
Mr. St. Glair pointed out that several changes occur in the name
used for the pueblo in the various documents. In the oldest documents
the name used is "El Real Presidio de Senor Santiago de la Junta de
los Rios." I saw no usage of the earlier name still current in the
1750-1760 decade, "Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe." By 1795 the name
had been shortened to "El Real Presidio de Santiago del Norte" and
shortly thereafter to "El Presidio de Santiago del Norte." This was
then further reduced to "El Presidio del Norte," which continued in use
until November, 1865, when the pueblo name was officially changed to
"Ojinaga," after Manuel Ojinaga, a leader in the fight against the
French, and Governor of Chihuahua, who was killed in combat that
year. Modern Presidio, Texas, preserves in abbreviated form the old
name.
Although I have no means of rescuing, photographing, transcrib-
ing, or studying these archives, I will be glad to aid in every way
possible the work of any person or institution that is interested in
saving these fragments of La Junta history which otherwise will
inevitably be lost.
* * *
The Historical Society of New Mexico met in the Women's Board
Room, Museum of New Mexico Art Gallery, December 9, 1949, at 7:30
P. M. Officers present were Paul A. F. Walter, President; Wayne
Mauzy, Corresponding Secretary; Albert G. Ely, Treasurer; Hester
Jones, Recording Secretary.
The minutes of the last biennial meeting were approved as pub-
lished in the April, 1946, issue of THE NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL
REVIEW. The report of the Treasurer was adopted. It is appended
hereto. The Treasurer also reported that the membership of the His-
torical Society stands at 649.
164 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Resolutions drawn up by Rupert Asplund as memorials to Dr.
Edgar L. Hewett, Mr. Francis T. Cheetham, and Mr. Lansing B. Bloom,
were adopted as drafted. The text of these resolutions is appended to
the minutes.
The Recording Secretary suggested that it would be well to acquaint
people in Los Alamos of the purposes of the Society and to solicit
their membership. The Secretary was asked to secure lists from Doro-
thy McKibben, A. E. C. Santa Fe Office.
Curators' reports were next submitted.
Mrs. Marjorie Tichy, Curator of Archaeology, reported on the
accessions of the Historical Society.
Miss Evelyn Bauer, Librarian, presented the request of the Univer-
sity of New Mexico that a number of exchange publications be de-
posited in the University Library, such publications relating to fields
other than the Southwest. The Society recommended that while publi-
cations from a number of States should be deposited in the Historical
Society Library, Santa Fe, others might be directed to the University
Library, and suggested that details might be worked out later. Miss
Bauer also reported on library accessions.
Dr. Arthur Anderson reported on documentary accessions.
The report of the Nominating Committee was submitted by its
Chairman, Mr. Rupert Asplund. The following candidates for office for
the next biennium were named: Paul A. F. Walter, President; Pearce
Rodey, Vice President; Wayne L. Mauzy, Corresponding Secretary;
Albert G. Ely, Treasurer; and Hester Jones, Recording Secretary.
The motion to accept the Nominating Committee's report was unani-
mously accepted, and the officers elected by acclamation.
On recommendation of the President, the following new Fellows
were elected: Dr. Herbert O. Brayer, Fray Angelico Chavez, Dr.
Charles E. Dibble, Father Crocchiola, and Dr. Theodore Treuthlein.
The President recommended that certificates be made up and issued to
the Fellows.
The President called attention to the gift to the Society of the
earliest certificate of membership known to exist, issued to Jonathan
Letterman, 1860, just after organization of the Society (December,
1859). He stated that Bishop Lamy was also a charter member of the
Society or one of the earliest members. The President also recom-
mended that the Society's seal be kept in the Museum safe.
Upon adjournment, a program followed, consisting of a talk by
Dr. Arthur J. 0. Anderson on the translation of the Aztec of Sahagun's
Historia general de Ids cosas de Nueva Espana, being carried out in
collaboration with Dr. Dibble. This was followed by a talk by Fray
Angelico Chavez, pertaining to his study of family names and family
origins in New Mexico.
Respectfully submitted,
HESTER JONES
Recording Secretary
Book Reviews
Le Secret de Juniper o Serra, Fondateur de la Calif ornie,
1769-1784. Maximin C. J. Piette. Washington, D. C.:
The Academy of American Franciscan History ['Im-
primerie de Lamirande, Montreal, Canada], 1948. Pp.
480, 595. Outline maps, photographs, and facsimiles.
$6.00.
In his Evocation de Junipero Serra (Washington, 1946) ,
Dr. Maximin C. J. Piette gave to students of the early his-
tory of the "Golden State" a remarkable bibliographical
essay which, it was promised, would be followed by a biog-
raphy of Serra and an edition of his letters. The second part
of this trilogy has now appeared.
As in the Evocation, so in the Secret Doctor Piette is defi-
nitely the philosopher and psychologist. At times it seems
as if he had forgotten that he is a biographer and is con-
cerned not so much with Serra's contribution to California
history as with the problem of determining in what lay
Serra's greatness. Incidentally, his eventual decision seems
to be that it was (1) the missionary's supernatural love of
his enemies, (2) his constant returning of good for evil,
and (3) his glorification of God through saving the souls of
"his dear Indians" (pp. 19, 235-40).
Following a long (pp. 7-29) and somewhat involved
introduction the author divides his two volume work into
three Books; these, in turn, are divided into parts and
chapters.
Part One of Book I (the latter entitled, "L'entrainement
du pionnier, 1713-1769") gives what, for lack of evidence,
is necessarily a rather incomplete account of Serra's child-
hood and early manhood, his entrance into the Franciscan
Order and his decision, after reading the lives of the saints,
to be a missionary in the Indies of America. Dominated thus
by the fascination of bringing "gentiles" into the church
he gave up what would probably have been a great preach-
ing career.
Part Two describes his voyage from Palma to Cadiz and
165
166 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
thence, saved by Santa Barbara from shipwreck (p. 98),
to Vera Cruz. Here he had to decide whether he should ride
or walk to Mexico City. Despite friendly advice to the con-
trary he insisted on the latter and continued this practise
wherever possible all through his life in California. Part
way on the journey to the capital he was bitten by a poison-
ous insect and from that time on he was beset with lameness
(p. 123).
Part Three describes his life as a missionary in the
Sierra Gorda, an experience which was to come in handy
in California. In 1758 (Part Four) he became a sort of cir-
cuit rider (missionaire volant) and later a supervisor of
novices.
In 1767 occurred the expulsion from New Spain of all
members of the Jesuit Order. This event (described in Part
Five) brought about a jurisdictional quarrel between the
Franciscan Colleges of San Fernando, Jalisco, and Quere-
tero. Serra participated wholeheartedly in this rather sordid
affair and his contribution to the success of the Fernandinos
was so outstanding that Dr. Piette insists it proved that he
had the makings of an F. B. I. director or a Justice of the
Supreme Court (p. 195). At any rate the Fernandinos won
out and April 1, 1763, Serra landed in Vielle (i.e. Lower)
Calif ornie and during the next year participated in Galves'
preparations for the occupation of Calif ornie Nouvelle (i.e.
Upper California) .
With Book II (La Calif ornie-Naissante, 1769-1784)
Father Piette begins the life of Serra in Alta California, to
use the Spanish name for the Golden State. Part One of this
Book covers Portola's regime and Part Two that of Fages
(1770-1774). Part Three describes in detail Bucareli's con-
tribution to the establishment of the California missions.
Part Four (pp. 3-253 of Volume II) tells the story of Serra's
battle with Rivera— Combat de Cogs— (1774-1777). Part
Five does the same thing with Serra's conflicts with Gover-
nor Neve (1777-1782).
Book III (Calvaire de Junipero) is the shortest of the
three books. Part One describes the near catastrophe result-
ing from the Bishop Reyes episode ; Part Two gives a gen-
BOOK REVIEWS 167
eral account of the Missions in Serra's last days ; Part Three
recounts Serra's death.
Despite the fact that Dr. Piette looks upon the Secret
as primarily an analysis of Serra's character, an analysis
based largely on the letters which Serra wrote and received,
the truth is that it will serve the historian fully as much
as the philosopher and the psychologist. Throughout the book
the author gives the historical background necessary for
an understanding of the situations and individuals referred
to in the letters. As a result, although the Secret is definitely
tied to the other portions of the trilogy and is really a contin-
uation of the Evocation, it can function by itself. As an
actual fact there is considerable duplication of material
presented in the earlier work; the most notable is the re-
printing in the Secret of the maps and facsimiles previously
used.
For the casual reader the Secret will have an appeal be-
cause (1) the portion of the letters which the author has
selected is full of human interest and (2) the author has a
broad religious and literary background to which is joined
a modern secular sense of humor.
For a Californian the most interesting single chapter
will probably be Junipero et la guerre d' Independence (pp.
450-458). Who is to gain-say the influence of Junipero's
prayers and the meager monetary contributions taken from
the missions' scanty store of pesos!
For the student of early California history the Secret
will provide an opportunity to check up on contemporary
materials such as Palou's famous Vida. Even more im-
portant, Dr. Piette's strictures as to the accuracy of Uni-
versity of California writers on this period should start
a small fur-flying affair.
From the standpoint of the reviewer the author has
made only two major mistakes. First, since the people who
will be most interested in the Secret most often will have a
reading knowledge of either English and/or of Spanish, all
three portions of the trilogy should have appeared first in
English or Spanish.
In the second place, just as in the case of the Evocation,
168 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
the Secret lacks an index. It is true that the Table des ma-
tieres is extensive and that the numerous chapter headings
may be thought of as substitutes. Unfortunately, these head-
ings are usually witty stimuli of curiosity rather than
purveyors of information.
Aside from these two criticisms the reviewer can pro-
vide only commendation. Fortunate indeed is it that in
California's centennial years Dr. Piette has been able to
produce what will generally be agreed is the "premiere bi-
ographie complete . . . de Junipero Serra ... la gloire la
plus pure de la Californie enchantress" (p. 5).
Occidental College OSGOOD HARDY
Young America 1830-1840. Robert E. Riegel. Norman, Okla-
homa: The University of Oklahoma Press, 1949. Pp.
xii, 436. $5.00.
Dr. Riegel is author of several standard books: a his-
tory of western railroads and of the westward movement
(America Moves West) , of a text on U. S. History, and is
editor of an Introduction to the Social Sciences. He is well
qualified as author of the present work, which treats the
social and cultural history, the life of the common man, in
the era of Jackson.
This book deals with the common man's every day life,
not with the oft told tale of his achievement of the fran-
chise and his assumption of political power, retold recently
by the younger Schlesinger, by Joseph Dorfman, and by
many others. The present work is concerned rather with the
social and economic account of how he earned his living, his
education and ideas, the position of women and children,
and of popular amusements and attitudes.
In the 1830's the United States was a noisy and aggres-
sive nation. It was sure that its institutions were the best
that the world had ever seen. Expanding in view of Manifest
Destiny, it felt a necessity to inform the rest of the world
as to its superiority. Aristocracy, the spinning wheel, canals
and horse carriages were giving way to the world of democ-
BOOK REVIEWS 169
racy, factories, steamboats and railroads. With its rise of
city life, and first power of the working class, this decade
saw the real emergence of modern America. Dr. Riegel in
this book has dealt with social and economic phases of his-
tory which are usually ignored in conventional works, but
with phases of history which prove this truly a transitional
period, with great influence upon the future external and
internal growth of the United States.
In Part I, the author portrays the American of the 1830's
as a changing world, contrasting the life of the people living
in the eastern cities with that in the Ohio Valley, the trans-
Mississippi West, the Great Plains and the Rocky Mountains,
during the heyday of the fur companies and mountain men
who first explored the West and laid the foundations for its
conquest by Texas war and diplomacy, by Oregon diplomacy
and by the Mexican War.
Part II deals with economic and social life, contrasting
the problems of the small farmer of New England and the
Ohio Valley frontier with those of the southern slave plan-
tation. Problems of the city business entrepreneur are con-
trasted with those of the daily wage earner. Contrasts are
also made as to transportation by stagecoach and steamboat,
canal barge and railroad car.
Part III covers American social life at home : homes and
hotels, women, schools and churches, reformers, doctors
and scientists. Part IV covers Americans at play: sports,
the Arts, literature and thought.
Bibliography and index seem entirely adequate. Forty
pages of illustrations are among the high points of the book
in social interest, and for value to professional historians
and teachers.
This book is the result of preparation and research ex-
tending over many years. Both as to text and illustrations,
it seems superior to the Pageant of America, History of
American Life, or older histories such as McMaster's, for
its period. To Dr. Riegel all historians are permanently
obligated; all teachers will find it highly useful.
University of Nevada AUSTIN E. HUTCHESON
170 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Frontier Justice. Wayne Gard. Norman, Oklahoma: The
University of Oklahoma Press, 1949. Pp. xi, 324. $3.75.
Wayne Gard, the author of Frontier Justice, has placed
arbitrary limits upon his subject. He has divided his book
in four rather equal parts, and to them he has given the re-
spective titles: Vengeance, War on the Range, Vigilantes,
and Arms of the Law. All phases of justice dealt with have
for their setting the trans-Mississippi West. The lands of
mesquite and prickly pears are especially favored. Those
looking for discussion of frontier justice in the Colonial
West and on the trans-Alleghany frontier must therefore
search elsewhere, as must also those interested in this sub-
ject with reference to the trans-Mississippi West prior to
about 1835.
Within these self-imposed space and time boundaries,
the author has made an honest effort at collecting and di-
gesting both primary and secondary sources. His search for
materials placed him in contact (most likely personally)
with libraries and historical societies throughout the West.
A wide assortment of newspapers and books, old and new,
have been consulted in the preparation of this generously
annotated work. Related here, then, is the story of feuds,
outlawry, legal and extra-legal law enforcement, and fron-
tier skirmishes that in the mind of the author exemplifies
the administration of "frontier justice" as found on the
Plains, the deserts of the Southwest, and in the mining
camps of California and the Pacific Northwest.
Many of the subjects, incidents, and personalities writ-
ten about are familiar to readers of western history, notably
the Johnson County War, the Plummer Gang, the San Fran-
cisco Vigilantes, "Wild Bill" Hickok, and Wyatt Earp. And
equally noticeable is the omission of subjects that might well
come under the heading frontier justice : the James-Younger
Gang (one line is given to Jesse James), mining camp
strikers in Idaho, and feuds arising from water (irrigation) ,
timber, and oil rights and exploitations. And strangely
enough, the Mountain Meadows Massacre is not even men-
tioned. For all its omissions, the book is a comprehensive
BOOK REVIEWS 171
narrative of events associated with lawlessness and frontier
administration of what is considered to be frontier justice.
The style is readable ; the book is attractively printed ; good
illustrations and an index are included.
Indiana University 0. 0. WINTHER
The Mission of San Gregorio de Abo; a Report on the Exca-
vation and Repair of a Seventeenth-Century New Mex-
ican Mission. Joseph H. Toulouse, Jr. Monographs of the
School of American Research, No. 13. Santa Fe, New
Mexico (University of New Mexico Press), 1949. Pp. 42.
Illustrated. $3.00.
Toulouse's report on Abo first summarizes its history as
known from documentary sources, from the first visit to Abo
pueblo by Spanish explorers in the 1580's through the found-
ing of a mission establishment there about 1625 or 1630 up
to abandonment of both pueblo and mission in the 1670's.
Abo and the other "Salinas" settlements were abandoned a
few years before the Pueblo Rebellion of 1680, owing to crop
failures and Apache attacks.
Drawing on hitherto unpublished information, obtained
by Dr. F. V. Scholes from the Archivo General de Nacion
in Mexico City, Toulouse summarizes missionary activities
at Abo in the 1620's, earlier than the previously known
establishment of San Gregorio in 1629 by Father Acevedo.
The later seventeenth-century history of Abo is very briefly
outlined, with a list of the Franciscans known to have been
stationed there. There is very little discussion of the problem
of the exact construction-dates of San Gregorio, or analysis
of the architectural remains for time and sequence of con-
struction.
In connection with Toulouse's view that Espejo visited
Las Humanas ("Gran Quivira") rather than Abo early in
1583, it may be questioned whether the known presence of
more than three kivas at the former pueblo is sufficient to
justify the statement that Luxan's description of a pueblo
with two plazas and kivas fits only that one site.
The report next describes briefly the natural setting —
172 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
the underlying and exposed rock formations, largely sand-
stone, and the plant cover of grasses, shrubs, and junipers.
Pinon is mentioned in a general paragraph, but not in the
technical listing of vegetation at Abo. Pinon nuts were found
in the excavations; pinon wood was used in the mission,
as well as juniper and larger beams from forest trees of the
higher mountains.
After a section on the techniques of excavation used and
the types of archeological findings, Toulouse describes the
mission's architecture and the objects recovered within it.
He speaks of the Spaniards accepting the Pueblo style of
architecture, a widespread misconception or half truth, as
recently discussed by J. B. Jackson in the Southwest Review.
The details of mission construction are well described, but
no restoration drawings are offered.
Toulouse, an archaeologist, had to do not only the actual
field work himself but also all the related interpretive study
of the material, including documentary history and archi-
tectural and religious aspects, with a little assistance from
specialists such as Dean Scholes, George Kubler, and Fray
Angelico Chavez, and — for identification of plant remains —
Volney Jones of the University of Michigan.
Just published also is the report on another Franciscan
mission of the same period, excavated, studied, and written
up by a task force of several specialists: Franciscan Awa-
tovi, by J. 0. Brew (archaeologist, director of the Peabody
Museum of Harvard University), Ross Montgomery (Los
Angeles architect who has studied old Spanish missions for
at least a quarter of a century) , and others. The report on
the Awatovi mission (as a Hopi pueblo, in what is now
northeastern Arizona, historically part of New Mexico) is
just ten times the size of the Abo report and contains a
wealth of detail on Franciscan architectural and organi-
zational or procedural aspects.
Most of this background information would apply like-
wise to Abo, and the Awatovi report consequently is useful
for the fuller interpretation of Abo as well as being an ex-
tremely valuable study in itself. Singlehanded, Toulouse has
naturally not been able to equal the monumental Awatovi
BOOK REVIEWS 173
publication; but in his report, archaeological in approach
and arrangement, he has not neglected the other related
fields. It is regrettable, however, that no restoration draw-
ing was included to give more life and meaning to the ground
plan and the photographs.
On one point Toulouse omits an explanation or theory
which is given much emphasis in the Awatovi report. In the
patio or garth of the mission at Abo, as also at Quarai, was
found an aboriginal kiva within the Christian building and
obviously related to it. Ross Montgomery points out, in con-
nection with discussion of the Hopi kiva found underneath
the Awatovi church, that this was deliberate symbolic super-
position of a Christian edifice over a pagan temple.
Other structural features of special interest include
traces of painted ornamentation of the wall plaster ; a turkey
pen — although no turkey bones were found in the kitchen
refuse; and a few rooms with no doorways in the friary
quadrangle, evidently entered by roof hatchways like so
many Indian pueblo rooms.
Burials were found in front of and behind the mission
church, and also within the church under the nave floor,
as at Awatovi. All the subfloor burials in the Abo church,
interestingly enough, were of children and were accom-
panied (like pagan Pueblo Indian burials) by pieces of
pottery.
Objects found in the excavation include a good deal of
pottery and a few other clay objects; animal-bone tubes
and awls ; roughly chipped stone choppers and neatly flaked
arrowheads; metates, and manos; fragments of carved
wood ; hand wrought nails and other metal objects of Euro-
pean origin; a tiny Venetian glass bead; bones of sheep,
goat, bison ("buffalo"), and other animals; seeds or other
remains of corn, cactus, and other native plants, and of
crops introduced by the Franciscans — grape, plum, peach,
watermelon, cantaloupe, chili, coriander.
The pottery is largely of local New Mexican Indian manu-
facture— rough dark plain, smooth and polished red, glaze-
paint polychrome, and late developments of Chupadero
Black-on-white ; also a few pieces of Tewa, Zia, Acoma-Zuni,
174 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
and Hopi types. Pottery imported to New Mexico by the
Franciscans includes not only the Mexican "majolica" ware
from Pueblo but also true Chinese porcelain (brought from
the Orient to Acapulco by the Manila galleons) . The locally
made vessels of New Mexican Indian pottery in European
shapes — soup dishes, redware cups, a black-on-white chalice,
— are of special interest.
Appendices include a lengthy quotation describing Pu-
ebla ware and its background, from Edwin A. Barber's
"Mexican Majolica" (1915) ; and Volney Jones' report to
Toulouse on the organic remains.
The Abo report is illustrated with 42 photographs and
33 drawings of excavations and objects, plus a map show-
ing New Mexico mission and Indian tribes of 1600-1680.
Among the few errors observable in this excellent report is
the mention of the Comanche Indians on the map and once
in the text. These fierce and feared raiders did not, so far
as is known, come down into the panhandle region and begin
to drive the Apaches from the plains of eastern New Mex-
ico until shortly after 1700, at least a quarter of a century
after the abandonment of the Salinas pueblos.
Toulouse did a fine piece of work, in the field, of the
important excavation and repair of the mission of San Gre-
gorio de Abo; and now the valuable historical information
(historical in the broadest sense, taking in architecture and
crop plants and kinds of pottery) gained in that work is
permanently recorded and made readily available in a wor-
thy addition to the School of American Research monograph
series.
National Park Service, Santa Fe ERIK K. REED
A Village That Chose Progress: Chan Kom Revisited.
Robert Redfield, Chicago: The University of Chicago
Press, 1950. Pp. ii, 187. $2.75.
In 1931 Robert Redfield visited Chan Kom, a Maya vil-
lage in Yucatan which at that time was just coming into
extensive contact with urban-industrial civilization. His re-
port on life in the village, written in collaboration with
BOOK REVIEWS 175
Alfonso Villa Rojas, Mexican anthropologist and former
teacher in Chan Kom,* is a penetrating account of the social
relations and values of a folk people and of the changes that
occur as a result of their being drawn into the social, poli-
tical, and economical orbits of a city (Merida) and a nation
(Mexico).
In 1948 Dr. Redfield again visited Chan Kom. His ac-
count of the changes that have taken place in the seventeen
years between his two visits makes up the subject matter
of A Village That Chose Progress, a book which, in his
words, "is a part of the biography of a community, of a
people who conceived a common purpose, and of what they
did to realize it."
The common purpose of the people of Chan Kom was
to become a pueblo, an independent municipality having di-
rect political ties with the central government at Merida.
In achieving this purpose and consolidating their new sta-
tus, the villagers have rebuilt their community on the pat-
tern of a Spanish settlement, have acquired a straight road
connecting them with Chichen Itza and indirectly with
Merida, have experienced the setting up of a school and
the presence among them of a series of teachers, have enter-
tained a cultural mission from Mexico City, have attained
new levels of economic security, and have withstood the
effects of a religious schism resulting from the immediately
successful efforts of a group of Protestant missionaries who
were for a time in the village. The individual and cumulative
effects of these and other influences which have operated
on the village during the past seventeen years are brilliantly
examined by Dr. Redfield, who brings to his talk not only
a thorough understanding of the Maya people but also an
unusual talent for writing with clarity and simplicity of
matters which in themselves are neither clear nor simple.
The Chan Kom of 1948, as contrasted with that of 1931,
had more people, more stone houses, more cattle and hogs,
more corn in storage, more business establishments, more
visitors, and somewhat more awareness of and contact with
* Chan Kom: A Maya Village. Carnegie Institution of Washington, Publication
No. 448. Washington : 1934.
176 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
the world outside the village. It had a government and a
set of officials, two bands, a plaza, and a group of boys and
young men who wasted their energies in the unproductive
game of baseball. It had also a few worries that it did
not have before and a new sense of uneasiness. The old lead-
ers, who were responsible for the setting of the village goal
and whose practical wisdom and administrative skill had
much to do with attaining that goal, were beginning to see
that change once started is hard to stop and that progress
has penalties as well as rewards. The changes that occurred
in Chan Kom were not great, but the implications of those
changes have profound significance for the future of the
village, a significance that the older generation was in 1948
just beginning to grasp and to fear. It is not without mean-
ing that a number of village leaders have, in the recent past,
established private agricultural establishments outside the
village to which they can retire and perhaps maintain their
old way of life. They are aware that the future of Chan Kom
belongs to the young men, men who have been to Merida and
who have liked what they found there, men who will be more
interested in bringing the new than in preserving the old, men
who want, as did the generation before them, to define prog-
ress in their own terms and seek it in their own way.
The people of Chan Kom are, as Dr. Redf ield points out,
"a people who have no choice but to go forward with tech-
nology, with declining religious faith and moral convictions,
into a dangerous world. They are a people who must arid
will come to identify their interests with those of people far
away, outside the traditional circle of their loyalties and
political responsibilities." And the story of Chan Kom is,
with variations, the story of all folk people who have come
by chance or design into intimate or extended contact with
Western civilization.
A small amount of progress, like a small amount of preg-
nancy, represents a goal that is hard not to exceed. One
could wish that those in our culture who have decided to
go ahead with the construction of the hydrogen bomb might
read Dr. Redf ield's book and ponder its moral.
University of New Mexico LYLE SAUNDERS
Historical 1$eview
Palace of the Governors, Santa Fe
cP1
July, 1950
Editors
FRANK D. REEVE PAUL A. F. WALTER
Associates
PERCY M. BALDWIN GEORGE P. HAMMOND
FRANCE V. SCHOLES THEODOSIUS MEYER, O.F.M.
ARTHUR J. 0. ANDERSON
VOL. XXV JULY, 1950 No. 3
CONTENTS
Page
New Mexico's Fabulous Dorsey
F. Stanley 177
Frederick E. Phelps: a Soldier's Memoirs (continued)
Frank D. Reeve, editor 187
Checklist of New Mexico Publications (continued)
Wilma Loy Shelton 222
Notes and Documents 242
Book Reviews . . 254
THE NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW is published jointly by the Historical Society
of New Mexico and the University of New Mexico. Subscription to the quarterly is
$3.00 a year in advance; single numbers, except those which have become scarce, are
$1.00 each.
Business communications should be addressed to Mr. P. A. F. Walter, State
Museum, Santa Fe, N. M. ; manuscripts and editorial correspondence should be
addressed to Prof. Frank D. Reeve, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, N. M.
Entered as second-class matter at Santa Fe, New Mexico
UNIVERSITY PRESS, ALBUQUERQUE, N. M.
NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL
REVIEW
VOL. XXV JULY, 1950 No. 3
NEW MEXICO'S FABULOUS DORSEY
By F. STANLEY
Un*as cmf
It was about 1878 that America realized that she was fin-
ally over the Civil War economically. Such vast strides
in business and finance were made that men looked westward
to inaugurate an era of unparalleled opportunity, to open up
vast ranch empires, and to fill the unoccupied spaces of the
West with meat markets for the East. Looking at the vast
holdings of these men, we find that nearly every ranch bears
the stamp of the personality of the man who gave it form
and movement. Stephen Wallace Dorsey was one of them.
As he was a man who made and un-made presidents, he was
not likely to miss the boat when opportunity pitched him
onto the bandwagon of the cattle barons. ofiF
Dorsey is the more to be admired because^hQQtfa&trp trie
hard way. Born of poor parents at Benson, Vermont, in
1842, he attended a public school at an early age. But not
for long. Not over ten, he had to divide his time between
school and work. Every penny was needed at home. Labor
and study were to be his lot until he was seventeen when he
exchanged Benson, Vermont, for Oberlin, Ohio. Here, also,
if he had to educate himself, he had to acquire the financial
means in the fields with his hands. He was well on the way
of making a success of it when the Civil War broke out. He
enlisted as a private in a battery of the First Ohio Light
Artillery. He was as industrious about war as he was about
a plow and studies so that a short time found him passing
through the grades of corporal, sergeant, lieutenant, captain,
177
178 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
major, lieutenant-colonel. He was twenty-three at the close
of the war and held the rank of colonel of his regiment.
Dorsey is overlooked by writers reporting the Battle of
Petersburg. There was savage fighting especially at the
Blandford Cemetery Crater. The Confederates were espe-
cially bitter because now for the first time the Federals had
sent in Colored troops against them. Over in another sec-
tion of the field, Dorsey had erected a fort which he called
"Fort Hell." Wherever else Federal fortifications caved in,
Fort Hell managed to hold its own against concentrated
Confederate fire.1
In Washington, D. C., in back of the National Cemetery
on Harewood Road near the present Bengalese Seminary,
one comes upon mounds and breastworks dug up in 1864 in
an effort to defend the nation's capital against the invasion
of General Jubal Anderson Early. The Confederate cannon
were almost in range of the Capitol. The guns that turned
the tide were commanded by Stephen W. Dorsey. Digging
around on Harewood Road you may still come across a gun
or sword dropped by Early's men in their retreat. Dorsey
was wounded in this battle and carried the lead in his body
to his grave. He little suspected that he was to fight many
other battles of a different nature later on in life in this very
city. The war over, the colonel returned to Ohio where he
was elected president of the Sandusky Tool Company. The
company made such strides under his direction that the
Arkansas Central Railway took notice by promptly electing
him its president. In 1870, he left Ohio and made his home
in Arkansas. Prior to this he married Helen Wack who
proved to be as courageous as she was beautiful. All during
the Star Route Trial she was a companion and an inspira-
tion. His success with the railroad soon attracted the atten-
tion of the Republicans of the state who nominated him for
the United States Senate. On March 4, 1873, he was sworn
into the Senate, one of the youngest senators thus honored in
its history.
In 1872, 1876, 1880, he was chairman of the Arkansas
1. Douglas Southall Freeman, Lee's Lieutenants, III, 528-548 (Charles Scribner's
Sons, New York, 1945).
FABULOUS DORSET 179
delegation to the Republican National Convention, and in
the latter year cast the vote of the state for Grant. After
the Chicago nomination, at the request of General Garfield,
and backed by the solicitations of the leaders of the Grant
and Elaine men, Dorsey accepted the position of secretary
of the National Committee.
The disastrous results of the Maine election in August disheartened
the Republicans, and made the Democrats jubilant. Then Senator
Dorsey went to Indiana to try and redeem the cause — to snatch victory
from the jaws of defeat. How well he succeeded everyone knows. Gar-
field and Arthur both proclaimed that to him, to his skill as a leader,
that to his masterful management was due the victory which elevated
them to power. Declined a place in the cabinet, Senator Dorsey was
about to return once more to his private business when his prosecution
— this persecution — (the Star Route Trial) of him began. In this pur-
suit every fool money could buy, power frighten, or flattery cajole, was
used to besmirch him. The press was subsidized, the temple of justice
defiled, in an effort to drag down this man to whose talent, energy, and
skill the men who were doing this work were indebted for the power to
do it.2
Meantime syndicates were opening up the West to pro-
duce the age of the Cattle Barons. When Dorsey returned
to private life, he focused his attention on great industrial
projects. In a few years, like Midas, everything he touched
turned to gold. He would be his own syndicate. New Mexico,
that Land of Enchantment — that was the place to build up
a superior cattle range, to stock your ranch with the best
cattle in the country.3 He did not buy a Spanish Grant as
some have contended, but section by section he bought so
as to own enough covering a grant.4 His first purchase as
found in the Colfax County Deed Book dates October, 1878.
Because we are studying Dorsey and his part in New Mexico
history, and because we wish to make fiction the enormous
sums he is supposed to have expended in the purchase of the
land, we quote in full the first deed : 5
2. Raton Comet, July 6, 1883. Also Encyclopedia Americana, vol. 5 (Scientific
American Publishing Company, New York, 1904-1906).
3. Ibid.
4. Jbid.
5. Colfax County Deed Book B, pp. 159-162.
180 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Cruz Baca to Stephen Dorsey
Witnesseth: That the said party of the first part, for and in con-
sideration of the sum of $300.00 to the said party of the first part
in hand paid by the said party of the second part the receipt whereof
is here by confessed and acknowledged has granted, bargained, sold
and conveyed and by these presents does grant, bargain, sell, convey
and confirm unto the said party of the second part, his heirs and as-
signs, forever — all the following described lot or parcel of land situate,
lying and being in the County of Colfax and Territory of New Mexico.
The W. V2 of the N. E. % N. E. % N. W. % of Section 23 and
S. E. 14 of S. W. % of Section 14 in Township 25 North Range of 27
East containing 160 acres according to the government survey be
the same more or less. Together in all and singular the hereditaments
and appurtenances thereunto belonging or in anywise appurtaining
and the reversion and reversions, remainder and remainders, rents,
issues and profits thereof, and all the estate, right, title, interest, claim
and demand whatsoever of the said party of the first part, either in
law or equity of, in, and to, the above bargained premises with the
hereditaments and appurtenances.
To have and to hold the said premises above bargained and de-
scribed, with the appurtenances unto the said party of the second part
his heirs and assigns forever. And the said Cruz Baca party of the
first part for himself and his heirs, executors, and administrators, does
command, grant, bargain, and agree to and with the said party of the
second part, his heirs and assigns, that at the time of the ensealing
and delivery of these presents, he was well seized of the premises above
conveyed as of good, sure, perfect, absolute and indefeasible of in-
heritance, in law fee simple, and has good right full power, and lawful
authority to grant, bargain, sell and convey the same in manner and
form aforesaid and that the same are free and clear from all former
and other grants, bargains, sales, liens, taxes, assessments and in-
cumbances of whatever kind and nature soever, and the above bar-
gained premises in the quiet and peaceable possession of the said party
of the second part, his heirs and assigns, against all and every person
or persons lawfully claiming to the claim, the whole or any part thereof
the first party of the first part shall and will warrant and forever
defind.6
6. Ibid., pp. 163-203.
Thus was Stephen Dorsey launched on his New Mexico career. Most of the
property was bought in township 25. To clarify the townships wherein Dorsey pur-
chased property: 23 — Roy 24 — Hartford 25 — Wheatland 26 — Chico 29 — Capulin to
Hebron. It was at Chico that Dorsey built his famous mansion and Ingersoll had his
summer home.
Following is a list of all Dorsey's purchases as found in the Colfax County Deed
Book B : From Harry Spegleburger, 160 acres, $50.00 ; Sylvenus Fitch, 160 acres, $300.00 ;
Louis Wayman, 160 acres, $400.00 ; George Sandusky, 160 acres, $500.00 ; George Smart,
160 acres, $300.00 ; P. J. Towner, 160 acres, $325.00 ; Juan Sandoval, 160 acres, $300.00 ;
Emil Hartman, 160 acres, $350.00 ; Luis Arias, 160 acres, $400.00 ; Henry Richardson,
FABULOUS DORSET 181
While Dorsey's purchase from Cruz Baca is not recorded
until 1878, there seems to be evidence that it was bought the
year before, for in 1877 the Home Ranch mansion was al-
ready being built at the place that was later to become the
town of Chico. Wrote a Washington correspondent in 1884 :
I saw the plan the other day [he refers here to the native sandstone
addition, with its fantastic gargoyles added to the log portion of the
building. Completed it cost $50,000.00 and had twenty-two rooms]
and it is a spacious jumble of architecture, no two rooms alike in form
or fancy, and but one story except a tower on which there is an observ-
atory. The house is of logs with the bark taken off and oiled; the
interior is finished in mountain mahogany and other hard woods and
no paint is used — all the woods being oiled. I think the cost will be
somewhere in the neighborhood of $15,000.00 and as log houses go, this
rambling mahogany oil-finished conceit will be no 'slouch' of a resi-
dence, almost fenced by the horizon.7
But there were other developments in Washington, D. C.
The Star Route scandal began with the newspapers. A con-
tract had been let by the United States post office covering
rural deliveries, known as the Star Route. A suspicious news-
paper reporter, either informed, or wise, did some investi-
gating. Many of the towns reportedly on the route were only
on paper. Some one was getting rich at the expense of Uncle
Sam. By 1879, the newspapers of the nation were demanding
the heads of those involved. Dorsey's brother was in it very
deep, but the press pointed its finger at Stephen Dorsey be-
cause he was a national figure. The sentiment aroused by the
press caused the Postmaster General, in 1879, to apply to
Congress for a prospective deficiency of two million
Prospective in the sense that the deficiency hao^^dP
occurred but would if the expedited and increased routes
were kept up at the rate then being paid. This application
brought about an investigation and Dorsey among others
160 acres, $400.00; J. M. Chavez, 160 acres, $400.00; Norton Shays, 155 40/100 acres,
$300.00; George G. Sandusky, 160 acres, $400.00; Charles H. Howard, 160 acres,
$400.00; Davis C. Davis, 160 acres, $300.00; Henry W. Bright, 160 acres, $300.00;
Juan Santistevan, 160 acres, $300.00 ; Henry Norton, 160 acres, $290.00 ; James E.
Bates, 160 acres, $300.00 ; James Leary, 160 acres, $300.00 ; John Railston, 173 49/100
acres, $375.00 ; Francis G. Gilliand, 160 acres, $1,000.00 ; Edward Fowler, 160 acres,
$300.00 ; Lathrop R. Bacon, 160 acres, $300.00.
7. New Mexico Review, April 18, 1884.
182 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
was summoned to stand trial. Fearing conviction, many of
Dorsey's powerful political friends left him. The investigat-
ing committee found him innocent. But the New York Times
was not satisfied. It demanded a trial. This time the govern-
ment did not appoint a committee, but hired the best lawyers
in the country to convict all involved in the frauds. Things
looked black for a while until Dorsey hired Col. Robert G.
Ingersoll to defend him :
Mr. Ingersoll, in his closing argument in the Star Route trial
two weeks ago today, took up one of the affidavits and endeavored
to show that it could not have resulted in any loss to the government.
He promised to show every erasure or change in the affidavits was
evidence of honesty instead of dishonesty. If the jury listened to super-
stition, if they allowed the smoke of prejudice to whisper in their ears,
they would think every man a rascal. . . . Ingersoll made a rapid sum-
mary of the evidence as it appeared to him and concluded as follows:
'Now gentlemen, the responsibility is with you. The fate of these men
is in your hands. In your keeping is everything they love. Everything
they hold dear is in your power. With this responsibility you have no
right to listen to the whimpers of suspicion. ... It is for you to say
whether these defendants shall live with honor among their fellow-
citizens ; whether they shall live in free air, or be taken from their
wives, from their children, from their firesides, from all they hold most
dear. ... I want a verdict that will relieve my clients of the agony of
two long years, that will lift from them the cloud; a verdict that will
fill coming nights with joy; a verdict that will fill their minds with a
sense of joy and gratitude forever to you, one and all.8
That was the verdict he got. Dorsey was a free man. In
gratitude for his liberation, Dorsey deeded over a parcel of
land to the great lawyer :
"In consideration for the sum of one dollar — the south
west quarter of section eight. The west one half of the north-
west quarter: another northwest quarter of the southwest
quarter of section 17 in Township 26 ... etc/'9
Ingersoll built a home as imposing and pretentious as
that of Dorsey's. In fact, of the two men the lawyer left a
more lasting mark in Ingersoll Canyon and Ingersoll Lake.
When Dorsey, who knew very little about cattle, first began
8. Raton Comet, June 8, 1883.
9. Colfax County Deed Book G, pp. 256-257.
FABULOUS DORSEY 183
to buy them, the sellers would parade the steers before him
right on through Ingersoll Canyon, where they would change
the brand and re-sell the same cattle to the Senator.
Ninety-six percent of the money paid to Star Route contractors
was appropriated by Barlow, Elkins, Salisbury, Parker, and Kerens.
Dorsey, forced into the business to save himself as bondsman of his
brother, received only four percent. Barlow, Elkins and the rest were
given a board of arbitrators [who?] never arbitrated, and Barlow and
the rest repose in perfect blessedness in the bosom of Mr. Cameron
and hide their blushes, when Dorsey's name is mentioned, among the
roses and ruffles and daffodils that bedeck the person of the un-
ruffled Department of Justice. Why was Dorsey singled out? Why was
he not wise enough to withdraw from between Republican National
Committee and the sunshine of Garfield's smiles? Why was he thought-
less enough to suffer Prince Arthur, even at Delmonico's groaning
table, to say that the Republican party in 1880 owed its triumph to
S. W. Dorsey?
How terrible Dorsey was punished for these confessions of his
greatness and worth! Gibson and Woodward, the experts and detec-
tives employed, did their work faithfully and well. They nosed among
the musty papers filed away in the Post Office Department. But
they soon discovered that to overthrow Dorsey they must strike
Brady. . . .10
After the trial Dorsey bowed out of public life to devote
his time to his New Mexico ranch and lay the foundation
for the towns of Chico and Dorsey. Clayton was named after '
his son, Clayton Dorsey. He was perpetually having trouble
with his cowboys. Also he seemed to have lost the golden
touch. He never was able to attain the heights he reached as
head of the railroad in Arkansas. More and more he shied
away from crowds and people. Just the select few in New
Mexico, they were always welcome. He considered all the
people of Raton, Cimarron, Springer, Clayton, Folsom as his
friends and any and all were welcome to his twenty-two
room Home Ranch for the week-end. Dorsey's became the
center of social life, as well as a way of life for northern
New Mexico. The ambition of every young debutante was to
touch the imported oak and mahogany of the interior, to
10. Raton Comet, May 25, 1883.
184 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
walk up the carved cherry staircase, to pick a flower from
the greenhouse.
Anna Davis and I had planned for weeks to go to Senator Dorsey's
new home for the house warming. We knew there would be many dis-
tinguished guests, and a big dance. On the 14th of February we started
in two buggies; Charlie Fox and I in one and Anna Davis and My
Brother, Bud, in the other. As the morning was very cold, we both
took two blankets and several hot rocks to keep our feet warm. There
had been no recent snows and the roads were good so the morning
passed quickly. About noon we arrived at the Dwyer ranch which
is about twenty miles southeast of Raton on the Una de Gato river.
Dinner was ready for us, and while we were eating more rocks were
heated for us. . . . After dinner Charlie called his father in Raton on
the telephone and let me talk to him. It was the first time I had ever
talked over the phone and I got quite a thrill. . . . We arrived at the
Dorsey ranch about 4:30 in the afternoon.
Mrs. Dorsey met us and took Anne and me to a bedroom to rest
and get warm. Two other girls from Raton were in the room as there
were a great number of guests for the house warming. Gov. and Mrs.
Hadley of Arkansas and their daughter, Mrs. Danforth, and Colonel
Rogers and his son, Alf, were among the distinguished guests there.
At six o'clock we were called to supper by Mrs. Dorsey. She was
a very beautiful woman, with coal black hair and brown eyes. We were
taken into a large dining room which seated fifty people. In one end
of the room were two large china closets; on the walls were oil paint-
ings. The tables were of carved walnut with high backed chairs to
match. There were several large candilabrums on the tables as the gas
lights were out of order. I remember that we had chicken salad and
hot bread along with many other good things for supper. Two servants
waited the tables.
After supper we took candles and went to our rooms to dress for
the ball. . . . Charlie had installed the gas lights, which were a rarity
at that time, and had them working by the time the dance started.
The dance started about eight o'clock in the tremendous art gal-
lery at the large end of the house. In the gallery were large paintings
which Senator Dorsey had gathered on his travels all over the world.
During the evening Senator Dorsey showed us over the house. From
the parlor was a winding staircase and on the stairs, in a niche was
a bust of General Grant who was an intimate friend of the senator.
In the library was a very beautiful fireplace copied from the one at
Versailles. The tongs, poker and shovel were hand wrought brass and
also copied from the same fire-place.
In the billiard room was a beautiful black billiard table and on
the walls were armor and trophies of many wars. . . . The music
consisted of an orchestra of four pieces. There was a beautiful spinet
and Mrs. Dorsey played it for several dances. We danced lancers,
FABULOUS DORSET 185
waltz, quardrilles, schottish, and polka. The floor was beautifully
inlaid in hard wood and quite a number of couples could dance at one
time. ... As usual, in those days, we danced till dawn. . . .n
Gradually, Dorsey declined. He didn't have the zip any
more. About 1893, his Home Ranch was lost in a foreclosure
suit to Sol Floershiem of Roy, a prominent merchant and
owner of the Jaritas Ranch. As the Montezuma Hotel had
been doing well as a sort of sanatorium, near Las Vegas, it
was decided to convert the Dorsey place into a sanatorium.
But the Home Ranch did not have hot springs nor a Santa
Fe Railroad to advertise it. It failed. Later on it was ac-
quired by Mr. and Mrs. Lew C. Griggs, the present owners.
It is also the post office for Chico. ^
I met Steve Dorsey in Wall Street the other day and was surprised
to see how well he was looking. Dorsey came out of the celebrated
Star Route trials a bruised and broken man, physically, mentally
and financially. He was probably more hurt at the desertion of promi-
nent men whom he had made, and whom he thought his friends than
from all his misfortunes.
Before the great Star Route scandal, with which his name was
coupled, Dorsey was a man who made and unmade presidents. In the
long and bitter trial, however, that followed the exposures, he found
himself not only deserted, but pushed to the verge of prison bars
by the very men he had chiefly been instrumental in lifting into high
official station. He found himself hounded down by newspapers that
had tried and convicted him before he appeared before the legal tr^.^
bunal that acquitted him. ,r»'W» ^
Treated as a felon and denounced as an outlaw on ^Very^^iBcV*
his naturally open-hearted, genial nature became soured. Hi^&rew into
his shell and from the rest of the world. Most of the time was spent in
the solitude of his far western (New Mexico) ranch, although he had
headquarters and a business connection in lower Broadway (New
York). His occasional appearance up-town was invariably the occasion
for the index finger of the idler and lounger, so he came up seldom.
His habits of life, very liberal always, became gradually worse.
He was a brainy man of reckless energy and proud courage, struggling
in vain against many terrible odds, and pretty soon was down. He was
very much down, too —
But Dorsey had lots of pluck. He began at the bottom, by changing
his whole course of life. He disappeared for a while ; now he returns to
New York looking like a man who had renewed both youth and hope.
11. James Sinnock in Sagebrush and Cactus (Raton Historical Society, 1930).
186 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
He is interested in Colorado irrigation with President Patterson, of
the Traveler's Insurance Company, and others, and it is reported that
he will soon be on his financial feet more solidly than he ever was.12
The Dorsey house is still standing; the Dorsey ranges
still feed whitefaces; and the Dorsey spirit continues to
breathe over northern New Mexico. His people are proud of
what he did here. In the 80's he was northern New Mexico !
12. New York Herald, March 12, 1893.
FREDERICK E. PHELPS: A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS
Edited by FRANK D. REEVE
(Continued)
November 25, 1871, my wife presented me with my first
child, May V. We were very happy, of course, and moved
shortly afterwards into a more comfortable house and every-
thing went along smoothly. On the 19th of February, 1874,
was born my first boy, Morris B., named after Dick Bur-
nett,53 but on the 14th of March, 1874, God took the mother
of my children. Her death was very sudden and entirely
unexpected up to within twelve hours of her decease. This
left me in a terrible condition with one child of three and
one-half, and a baby not yet one month old, and nearly five
hundred miles from the nearest railroad station ; but on the
28th of March I started for home, traveling in an ambulance
with my two children and a nurse. The nurse was a soldier's
wife, whose term of service was about to expire and who,
not intending to re-enlist, went with me as one of the escort,
his wife acting as nurse for the baby. The Post Ordnance
Sergeant had gone violently insane a short time before and
I was ordered to take him to Fort Leavenworth enroute to
the Government asylum at Washington. I had a hard time
with him; although he only had one arm, he was violently
insane most of the time and had to be watched constantly.
The husband of my nurse and a man named Crane, of "I"
Troop, 8th Cavalry, who had been cooking for us for some-
time, rode with the crazy man in the light escort wagon and
we followed in the ambulance. When we arrived at a little
place called Tecolote,54 about forty miles below Fort Union,
the baby was taken violently ill and, though I drove reck-
lessly for over thirty miles with the mules on a dead run,
he died within an hour after our arrival at Fort Union ; in
fact, I am not sure that he was alive when we got there, J&tfv
V\V £X
53. Dick Burnett was a boyhood friend of Phelp's. He died ofc v*™""n]p£<9i i&t
the age of twenty-two. \> J ./A.**
54. Tecolote was on the old Santa Fe trail about ten miles south VJT Las Vegas,
New Mexico.
187
188 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
days afterwards he was buried in the Post cemetery, four
of my classmates acting as pall bearers. The cemetery was
in a deep valley and, after I had left, a cloud burst sent a
tremendous volume of water down the valley; the hillside
on the east slid into the valley and the cemetery was blotted
out of existence. When I returned a year later I could not
locate the grave, the whole cemetery being buried under
twelve or fifteen feet of sand and rock; it was simply im-
possible to find it. Finally I reached the railroad after being
snowed in twice enroute and arrived at Urbana about the
first of March, where I left the nurse and May while I pro-
ceeded to Washington with the insane man and his two
guards. My mother met me at Urbana and on my return
from Washington I went with her to Saint Mary's, my old
home. When my wife died I weighed about one hundred and
fifty pounds, and when I got home in May I weighed only
ninety. I was very ill for several months and was finally
taken to Cincinnati to be examined by Doctor Bartholow, a
famous expert and head of the Ohio Medical College. He
asked me if my spine had ever been injured and when I told
him, "No, not that I could remember," he examined me from
head to foot. He found a small white scar in the small of
my back and asked me if I knew whence it came. I remem-
bered at once that in my first year at West Point I had had
a fight with another cadet in a room and my foot slipped ;
I fell across the edge of an iron bunk, injuring my back at
the time quite severely. He at once informed me that the
spinal cord had been injured, and that the mental and physi-
cal trouble that I had experienced had resulted in the disease
settling in the weak spot.
I was under his treatment for over six months. He
advised me to remain in the open air as much as possible,
especially advising hunting and fishing trips. I returned to
St. Mary's in September, at once purchased a skiff and
arranged with Ed Burnett, who lived very near us, and Char-
ley Davis, his brother-in-law, to camp out on the reservoir.
On the south side of the reservoir, about half way up, was
a small island called "Eagle's Nest" island from the fact
that a pair of eagles had made their nest in a large dead
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 189
tree near the island for years. There was a little shanty on
this island and I rented the island for the entire fall from
the owner for a small sum. Burnett had a rubber tent which
just fitted over the shanty, making it waterproof. We used
to build our fire outside. Charley Davis was the cook, and
a very fine one. We took provisions with us, of course. We
placed about two feet of oat straw in the bottom of the
shanty and, being well supplied with blankets and buffalo
robes, spent most of the fall there hunting and fishing; it
did me a world of good. Our last trip to "Eagle's Nest" island
was in November, 1874. The day after we went into camp
we had what in the West would be called a blizzard. During
the night the wind blew with terrific force and our little
shanty rocked; we were afraid it would collapse. We had
always built our fire outside of the tent ; the wind blew away
all the embers and we found it impossible in the morning to
build a fire.
The ice had formed some twenty-five or thirty feet wide
around the island, but not very thick; sleet driven by the
terrific wind beat like shot on the rubber tent, and at first
we all concluded to remain in our hut during the day. In
pleasant weather, the ducks generally stay in the middle of
the reservoir in the open water where it was almost impos-
sible to approach them, going to the shallow water near the
shore morning and evening to feed. I knew that with this
wind and the big waves that were running, they would have
to go near shore for shelter during the day. So about ten
o'clock I put on my rubber coat, pulled on my rubber hip
boots, and started out in my skiff for the mouth of a creek
about two miles above where I felt I would have good shoot-
ing, and I did. Tieing my boat to a stump, I turned my back
to the storm and, as the ducks came flocking in, I had great
success. The only drawback was that my gun was a muzzle
loader and my hands became so cold that it was difficult to
place the cap on the nipple, but I stuck to it till about three
o'clock when I started back. I had only gone a short distance
when a flock of geese came by and I knocked one down with
the first barrel, the second barrel missing fire. The goose
was only wounded and immediately started swimming out
190 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
toward the open water ; I followed in hot pursuit, but soon
found that I would not be able to overtake him, so I stopped
long enough to reload then pushed on with all my might,
finally getting near enough to kill him. Just at that moment
my boat ran on a snag, the roots of which were evidently
buried deep in the bottom, and I could not get my boat off.
I whirled it around and round, rocked it from side to side,
and finally concluded that I would have to jump out, which
I did, the water being only a little above my knees, but
unfortunately I stepped into a hole and got one boot full
of icy water. I then secured my goose, clambered back
into the boat, pulled the boot off, poured out the water and
put it on again, but I discovered almost at once that with
the intense cold my foot would freeze before I could get
back to camp. The sleet and snow were still driving with
great force before the wind, so I rowed ashore and, pulling
my boat up on the land, made my way through the snow
drifts to a farm house about half a mile distant. The farm-
er's wife was very kind to me, told me to take off my boot
and stockings and thoroughly dry myself before a good
big fire. She brought me also about a peck of oats which
she heated in a skillet; we poured them into my boot, re-
heating and replacing them time and again to get the
dampness out of the woolen lining of the boot. Finally I
got comparatively dry, returned to my boat and hurried
down to camp. I arrived there just at dark. We still had
no fire and the only provisions left were bread and butter,
but we snuggled down into our tent, lighted our pipes, spent
a cozy evening and slept soundly all night, notwithstanding
the storm. The next morning we concluded to break our
way out through the ice, and I led with my boat, which
was the heaviest and strongest, breaking the ice with a
pike pole, followed immediately by Mr. Burnett, who had
a canvas boat, with Mr. Davis bringing up the rear. We
had not gone more than ten yards before a cake of ice
ripped the canvas boat open and it immediately filled, Mr.
Burnett jumping into Mr. Davis* boat just in time. We re-
turned to the island and pulled his boat up on the shore.
I then told them that I, having a larger boat, would strike
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 191
across the reservoir to Steam's farm just opposite our
island and about five miles distant, would get a conveyance
there, go down to the east bank, get a large double-oared
boat with two boatmen and come up after them. When
I got into the open water I found the waves running eight
or ten feet high, and I commenced to fear I was not going
to get through ; I took off my boots, threw off my hunting
coat and chained my gun in the boat, so if it upset and I
should drown they would know what had become of me
when the boat was found. After struggling hard for over
two hours I finally reached the shelter of dead trees, which
extended out into the water for over half a mile in the
north side, and here the water was comparatively smooth;
but just as I got into it, one of my oar locks snapped so
that I had only one oar and my pole left. I poked the boat
to the edge of the ice and soon found that I was going
to have difficulty. The ice was too thick to force the boat
through it and when I went to the bow to break the ice with
the pole, the boat would drift back. By sounding, I found
that the water was about up to my armpits, so seeing no
other way I sprang overboard, the water coming to my
shoulders, seized the chain at the bow of the boat and, taking
our axe in my hand, broke the ice ahead of me and waded
to the drift wood which was piled up along the shore several
hundred yards wide. Here I pulled my boat up on a log and
made my way to Anderson's farm, the house of which was
down near the water and three miles below Steam's farm,
I having drifted down that far with the wind. I knew Mr.
Ferguson very well, but he had gone to town, and his
nephew, a new fellow from Cincinnati, who was visiting
there, was alone in the house. After I got warm, he went
out with me to the boat, helped me to carry my ducks and
goose, my roll of blankets, and a basket of dishes to the
house. I had eighty-five ducks this time and we had to
make two trips. He then hitched up a light wagon, took
me to town and promptly charged two dollars for doing
so. It was then after dark so I had to wait till morning
when I hurried out to the east bank, and was just putting
out with the large boat when I discovered Burnett and Davis
192 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
coming down in Davis* boat, having left Burnett's boat on
the island.
In the spring of 1875 I had so far recovered that I felt
I could go back to my regiment, though I still had two
months sick leave left. I saw in the papers that the Apaches55
had again broken out in New Mexico. I hurried to Fort
Leavenworth, Kansas, and reported to General Pope, asking
him to send me to New Mexico at once. When he learned
that I still had two months leave, he looked at me rather
quizzically and asked why I was giving up part of my leave ;
when I told him that I supposed my troop was in the field
against the Indians, and it was my business to be with
them, he informed me that the report was a canard and my
troop was at its usual station. However, he expressed his
pleasure when I insisted upon going out anyhow, and told
me that he would not forget it. The first battalion of the
6th Cavalry was then in camp at Fort Lyon, preparing to
march down through New Mexico to Arizona for station,
and he ordered me to report to the commanding officer of
that battalion for duty as Quartermaster, stating that the
battalion commander would be instructed that, when we
arrived at Santa Fe, I should be relieved from that duty to
go on down to my station. This was a great help to me for
the railroad fare to Fort Lyon, then the terminus of the
railroad, was forty dollars, and the coach fare from there
to Fort Bayard was one hundred and fifty dollars, so I
saved all this.
I went to Fort Lyon and in a few days the battalion
moved out for Santa Fe. The commanding officer furnished
me a horse and also a wagon to carry my baggage, which
consisted solely of one trunk, but of course I filled it up
with stores so as to relieve some of the other wagons. The
commanding officer was Captain McLellan56 of the 6th
Cavalry; among the other officers I found Lieutenant
55. In addition to previous citations concerning the Apache story, see R. H.
Ogle, "Federal Control of the Western Apache 1848-1886," NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL
REVIEW, XV, 189-248 (April, 1940).
56. Curwen Boyd McLellan was born in Scotland. He enlisted in the Army as a
private, November 17, 1849. He was commissioned 2nd Lieutenant, May 14, 1861, and
attained the rank of Lieut.-Colonel, May 6, 1892. He was cited for meritorious service
against Indians in the San Andreas mountains, New Mexico, April 7, 1880.
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 193
Nichols,57 who graduated two years after I did and whom I
knew very well, and he invited me to mess with him. We
arrived at Santa Fe in June and met the First Battalion,
5th Cavalry, coming up from Arizona ; I found several class-
mates and old acquaintances in this regiment. From Santa
Fe I went down by coach, a distance of two hundred miles,
and joined my troop.
When my wife died at Fort Bayard the previous year her
remains were laid away in the Post cemetery, a desolate plot
on the slope of a hill with no fence and only one old tree;
she was buried under this juniper tree. The day after I
arrived I went to the cemetery and, to my astonishment,
found that a brick tomb with granite foundation had been
built above her grave, with a wooden slab set in the front
giving her name and date of death, and the whole surrounded
by a neat picket fence painted white. Captain Steelhammer,58
15th Infantry, was in temporary command of the Post when
she died, and was still in command when I returned. I
went to thank him for this and, to my astonishment, he
informed me that he had very little to do with it. Before I
left the Post orders had been received to rebuild it ; a large
number of military convicts, perhaps sixty, had been sent
there from various other Posts to serve out their sentences,
mostly for desertion, and they were engaged in quarrying
stone for the new buildings. One of these stone quarries
was immediately behind the officers' line, and just behind
the quarters that I occupied when my wife died. He informed
me that a few days after I had left, one of the convicts asked
permission to see him and told him that Mrs. Phelps had
always been very kind to the convicts, that they had ap-
pointed him a committee to ask the commanding officer for
permission to burn brick and build a tomb over her grave
and put a fence around it, and to show that they did not ask
this to get out of their other labor, they asked that they
57. Thomas Brainard Nichols was born in Vermont. He graduated from the
United States Military Academy and was commissioned 2nd Lieutenant, 6th Cavalry,
June 14, 1872. He resigned from the service, June 80, 1876.
58. Charles Steelhammer was born in Sweden. He enlisted in the Union Army
during the Civil War as a private ; commissioned 2nd Lieutenant, September 2, 1864,
he was promoted to the rank of Captain, November 1, 1866.
194 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
might be allowed to do it on Sundays, the only day of rest
they had. He gave them permission, and they built the stone
foundation ; they burned the brick from clay taken from a
bank near by, prepared the board themselves, painfully
sawed the railings and pickets out of two-inch plank by
hand, dressed them neatly and put up the fence. He told
me that one man, named Boyle, who was my old friend the
baker, whom I had captured the year before, was the leader.
I sent for Boyle and asked him about the matter, why he
and the others had gone to all this trouble, as I did not
know that my wife knew any of them. He told me that when
they were working in the stone quarry and I had gone to
my office, Mrs. Phelps used to come to the back door and
ask the sentry, who was guarding them, to let six of them
come to the kitchen where she gave them a good meal. He
also asked me if I had never noticed that there was no cold
meat or pieces of bread or things of that kind left in the
house, also if I had never noticed that my smoking tobacco
must have gone rapidly. I laughed and said, "Yes." I always
supposed my servant took it. He said, "Mrs. Phelps used to
give us all the cold bread and meat in the house, frequently
pie or cake, and also gave us a hand full of smoking tobacco
each;" tobacco was not furnished to prisoners, and they
appreciated that above everything else. He said she used to
stand in the front door and if she saw me coming she would
run back and warn them, when they would hustle out to their
work. They had so appreciated this that they kept a regular
roster so that each man got his dinner and tobacco in turn.
They had fixed the grave to show their appreciation of
what she had done for them. When she was buried, her
remains were carried to the grave by six sergeants of my
troop, and I think every man of the garrison, except the
necessary guard, attended.
I remember noticing also, and very much to my astonish-
ment, a large number of convicts, under guard, standing
near the soldiers, and I wondered how they came to be
there; when I asked Steelhammer about it, he informed me
that the convicts had asked special permission to attend the
funeral and he had allowed it, sending a guard of course
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 195
with them. I asked Boyle how long he had yet to serve. He
told me his sentence was three years and that he had served
about one-half of it. I looked up his record and found that
he had been a model prisoner, not having a mark against
him, so I told him to put in an application for a pardon, which
was forwarded through the usual official channels; at the
same time I wrote a personal letter to General Pope telling
him all these facts, and he promptly pardoned him. When
the order for his release came, I sent for him and asked
him if he wanted work. He said he did, very much. I told
him that I knew the manager of a silver mine about ten miles
east of there who was anxious to get good men, that I had
spoken to him and he said he would give Boyle employment
at good wages. I gave Boyle some money and told him to
report at the mine as soon as possible. Poor fellow, my
kindness was fatal to him, for two days afterwards his body
was found on the trail leading to the mine, bristling with
Apache arrows ; it would have been better to have left him
in the prison.
In December of that same year I received an order to
proceed at once to Santa Fe and to report to Lieutenant
Philip Reade,59 a former classmate, now a retired Brigadier
General, for duty, under his orders, building a military tele-
graph line from Santa Fe down the Rio Grande through to
Arizona. I obeyed the order immediately and had gotten as
far as Fort Selden on the Rio Grande, where I met the
Colonel of my regiment, J. Irwin Gregg,60 with headquarters
and one troop, enroute to Texas. The order transferring the
regiment by marching from New Mexico to Texas had come
out some two weeks before, and one troop had already left
Fort Bayard for Texas; it was understood that my troop
would not go till spring, but General Gregg informed me that
a new order from Department headquarters ordered my
59. Philip Reade was born in Massachusetts. He graduated from the United
States Military Academy and was commissioned 2nd Lieutenant, May 13, 1867. He was
promoted to 1st Lieutenant, December 8, 1878.
60. John Irwin Gregg was born in Pennsylvania. He enlisted in the Army as a
private, December 29, 1846, and was mustered out with the rank of Captain, August
14, 1848. He re-enlisted at the outbreak of the Civil War and was mustered out with
the rank of Major General of Volunteers. He again enlisted with the rank of Colonel,
8th Cavalry, July 28, 1866.
196 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
troop to proceed at once. I showed him my order to go to
Santa Fe, which order had been issued by the District com-
mander, General Granger,61 Colonel of the 15th Infantry.
He called my attention to the fact that orders from Depart-
ment headquarters were of more recent date than my order
from District Headquarters, and came from higher author-
ity; he told me that, in his opinion, I should obey the last
order, especially as it came from higher authority and, as
it ordered my troop to Texas, and did not except me, it was
my duty to return to my troop at once and go with it to
Texas. I immediately returned to Fort Bayard, reporting
my action by mail, and in about a week I received another
order from the District commander peremptorily ordering
me to report at Santa Fe, which I did. General Granger, the
District commander, and Colonel of the 15th Infantry, had
been a Major General during the war, and was a very dis-
tinguished soldier, but arbitrary and overbearing. When I
reported to him, he asked me sternly why I had not obeyed
the first order. I explained all the circumstances to him
and called his attention to the fact that I was practically
between two fires : that the District commander had ordered
me to Santa Fe and the Department commander, who was
his superior and knew of the order, had ordered my troop
to go to Texas at once, and had not excepted me from the
provisions of that order; that I had been advised by my
own Colonel, also a distinguished soldier of the Civil War,
to join my troop and that, in perfect good faith, I had taken
his advice. I knew what was behind all this anger on his
part. General Granger, though a fine officer in some re-
spects, was a foul mouthed brute in conversation and a hard
drinker; a great many ladies declined to have anything to
do with him. He had been to my station the year previous
on an inspection tour; my wife had declined to meet him
and he was very sore on that subject. He informed me that
if I would apologize to him personally for my wife's refusal
61. Gordon Granger was born in New York. He graduated from the United
States Military Academy and was commissioned Brevet 2nd Lieutenant, 2nd Infantry,
July 1, 1845. He attained the rank of Major General, March 13, 1865. See the DAB
and Appletons' Cyclopedia.
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 197
to meet him he would overlook the matter. Of course I
promptly refused, and he informed me that I would be tried
by courtmartial for disobedience of orders. I knew that no
court would convict me; although I expected to be put in
irons, I was not, for some reason, and was ordered to remain
at Santa Fe until a court could be ordered. The Acting
Assistant Adjutant General of the District at that time was
Lieutenant Thomas Blair,62 15th Infantry, and an intimate
personal friend of mine. The next morning about nine
o'clock he came to the hotel and, slapping me on the shoulder,
said, "Old man, the Lord is certainly on your side. General
Granger fell dead in his offiqe an hour ago." Pulling a bundle
of papers out of his pocket, he grinned as he said, "Allow
me to present to you the charges he had preferred against
you, and which were lying on his desk awaiting his signature
when the devil got him." I have never forgotten in all these
years the look of satisfaction on Blair's face, for he, like
all the other officers, utterly despised General Granger. I
immediately reported to Lieutenant Reade, and in a few days
started south, having been directed to begin my work, at a
little Mexican town called Los Lunas,63 building the line
from Los Lunas to Fort Craig, a distance of about one hun-
dred miles. I left Santa Fe with my detachment of about
thirty soldiers, five six-mule wagons loaded with rations,
wire, tents and tools, and on the last day of 1875 I arrived
at Albuquerque. There was no bridge across the river and
the ferry boat was some two miles above the town. I directed
my men to march up to the ferry boat, cross over and come
down on the other side to the ford, which was just below
the town, while I proceeded to the ford with the wagons to
see them across. The river was full of floating ice and very
high. I knew the ford was full of quick sand. My wagons
being heavily loaded, I was in doubt if we would be able to
G
62. Thomas Blair was born in Scotland. He enlisted iiL #jfTl)Aion Armg
private at the close of the Civil War and was commissioned 2nd LieirtejjafcV, may 22,
1867. He attained the rank of Captain, August 25, 1877, and was dismissed from the
service, August 5, 1879. His proper name was Thomas Blair Nicholl.
63. Los Lunas is an early Spanish settlement about twenty miles south of Albu-
querque ; it was named after the Luna family.
198 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
cross, but by doubling the teams, putting twelve mules to
a wagon, I got all across but one which was loaded with
coils of telegraph wire. Just as this wagon was in the middle
of the river the tongue pulled out and the wagon commenced
to settle immediately in the quick sand. To my great amuse-
ment I found that about a dozen of the men, thinking to
save themselves a march of five or six miles up to and back
from the ford, had concealed themselves in this wagon, the
heavy canvas cover hiding them, and here they were ma-
rooned in the middle of the river. I immediately ordered
them to jump out and each man take a coil of telegraph
wire and wade across. The water was above their waists,
but they were up against it and it didn't take them very
long to unload the wagon. We then fastened a heavy chain
to the front axle, attached six mules to the end of the chain
and pulled the wagon through. Each wagon carried an extra
pole ; it did not take very long to put a new one in place and
we hurried to the nearest village, about eight miles, where
we went into camp.
When I saw how cheerfully the men worked in the ice
water, I sent a man back to Albuquerque and bought a gallon
of fiery whiskey; when we were through, I gave each man
two or three big drinks and told them to march rapidly ahead
of the wagons to keep from getting chilled, and they all
came out all right. From January to April I was engaged
in building this line, and finally ran the wire into Fort Craig,
about the middle of April; then I received orders to join my
regiment in Texas. I took the stage coach to Santa Fe and
from Santa Fe to Kit Carson, whence I proceeded by rail
to Fort Leavenworth. I had not seen my child May for over
a year. When I asked General Pope for thirty days leave
before proceeding to Texas, he looked at me a moment and
said, "You are the young man who gave up part of his leave
last year because you thought your troop was going into
the field, are you not?" When I said, "Yes," he told me I
could have my thirty days leave. I hurried home and spent
three weeks at Urbana, Saint Mary's, and Celina. After
Maria's death, I had moved Aunt Martha Cowan and my
wife's two sisters, Mary and Maggie, to Saint Mary's and
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 199
they lived almost opposite my father. Maggie secured a
school in Celina, while Mary and Aunty kept house and took
care of May. Aunt Martha Cowan, or Aunty, as she was
always called, was a remarkable character. She was the
sister of the mother of Mary, Maria and Maggie. Their
father and mother both died within a year, leaving them
at the tender age of six, four, and two, alone in the world.
She devoted her whole life to them. She cared for them as
a mother, saw that they had a good education, and was one
of the best women I ever knew. She was about sixty years
of age then, thin and gaunt, with more independence than
I ever saw in anyone, straight as an arrow in body and
mind, absolutely fearless, fearing nothing or anybody, and
I loved her sincerely. When May's mother died, I had given
May to her sister Mary, and now she had been dead over
two years. I wanted my child ; yet, if I took her west with
me, I had no one to care for her, for she was then only five,
and Mary declared that it would break her heart to give
her up. We talked the matter over frequently and finally
concluded there was only one way out of the difficulty, that
was for us to be married. My leave of absence had about
expired and I just had time to get back to my post, Ringgold
Barracks,64 Texas ; my trunk and grip were on the porch, and
the hack waiting for me at the gate to take me to the depot,
when aunt Martha called me to one side and said, "If you and
Mary are going to get married, I want you to be married at
once. I am getting old and if anything should happen to
me you might not be able to get a leave of absence, but if you
are married now, you can leave her here and she can join
you when you are ready." I called Mary and my sister Sue
into consultation and we all agreed that it was the best thing
to do; accordingly that same evening, the eighth of May,
64. Ringgold Barracks was located on the left bank of the Rio Grande in Latitude
26° 23' and Longitude 98° 47', one-half mile southeast from Rio Grande City, Texas,
and about five miles north of Camargo, Mexico. It was established October 26, 1848.
abandoned during the Civil War, and reoccupied in June, 1865. A n
built in 1869 farther from the river. f»UP
For early description of forts in Texas see Col. J. K. F. flfensfleM
Inspection of the Department of Texas in 1856," The Southwesterwnislorical Quar-
terly, XLII, No. 2 (October, 1938). For a recent compilation of data see Joseph H.
and James R. Toulouse, Pioneer Posts of Texas (San Antonio, Texas: The Naylor
Company, 1936).
200 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
1876, we were married in my father's house. It was so
sudden that we had not time to send for Maggie who, as
stated, was teaching at Celina, and I immediately left for
my station and did not see Mary again for fourteen [?]
months, when she joined me at Ringgold Barracks, bringing
May with her. She had only been there a month when I was
ordered to Fort Clark.65 My troop had preceded me and
I was ordered with about twenty men, who had been left
behind, to escort a train of wagons loaded with ordnance
stores to Fort Clark. I had an ambulance for myself and
family, and we started on the first day of July [?]. The
road from Ringgold Barracks to Fort Clark followed up the
Rio Grande as far as Fort Duncan,66 through a country as
desolate as any desert. It wound for miles through immense
beds of cactus higher than a wagon top and impenetrable to
anything, except here and there where there was a cattle
trail. The sand was very deep and traveling slow, and we
only made twelve or fifteen miles a day.
I well remember that on the afternoon of the fourth of
July we arrived at a water hole around which there was no
brush, but scattered on the sand almost as far as eye could
reach were thousands of carcasses of sheep. A man had a
large flock there a short time before when some disease broke
out among them ; he lost his entire herd, and the dead bodies
were so close together that a man could almost jump from
one to another. The water hole was nothing but a pond of
rain water. We had gotten somewhat in advance of our
wagons. There was not a particle of shade. The July sun
beat down on the alkali until it was like an oven, and all
around the prairie we could see the waves of heat rising.
65. Fort Clark was established June 20, 1852, in Latitude 29° 17' and Longitude
100° 25' forty-miles north of Fort Duncan (or Eagle Pass) on Las Moras creek. It
was abandoned March 19, 1861, and was reoccupied December 10, 1866. The reserva-
tion was 3,963 acres.
A useful background study for the reader of Phelp's Memoirs is Carl Coke Rister,
The Southwestern Frontier 1865-1881 (Cleveland: The Arthur H. Clark Company,
1928).
66. Fort Duncan was established, March 27, 1849, in Latitude 28° 42', Longitude
100° 30', across the Rio Grande from Piedras Negras, Mexico. It was abandoned at
the outbreak of the Civil War and reoccupied, March 23, 1868. The Post of Eagle Pass
was located on part of the reservation of Fort Duncan.
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 201
There was no odor from the dead sheep for, strange as it
may seem to those who have never been in this climate, the
air is so dry that dead animals do not putrefy but simply
dry up, and though we were surrounded by thousands of
dead beasts there was not a particle of odor. For the first and
the last time in her life Mary broke down and cried, saying
that she did not believe that God intended people to live in
such a country as that. She was hot, thirsty, and tired ; the
only water to be had was from that pool and it, of course,
while clear, was luke warm. However, I had a tent fly in
the boot of the ambulance, and the driver and I stretched
it from the top of the ambulance to the ground, making a
shade. I filled my canteen with water and, being covered
with several thicknesses of blanket, I wet it thoroughly and
hung it up in the shade; in a little while the water became
cool enough to drink. I made her a pitcher of lemonade, not
with lemons, for they were not to be had in that country at
any price, but with sugar of lemons, a bottled powder pro-
vided for that purpose ; the wagon shortly after coming up,
we had a good supper prepared, and she became more recon-
ciled.
We arrived at Fort Mclntosh,67 near Laredo, Texas, a few
days after; the night we arrived there, I was taken with
malarial fever and laid in the hospital for a week, but every
one was very kind to us and we proceeded on our journey,
arriving at Fort Clark about the first of August. Fort Clark
was then, as now, a large post at the head of Las Moras
creek, on a rocky plateau. It was only intended for eight
companies and there were then twelve or fifteen stationed
there. Consequently the officers' quarters were very much
crowded, and the best I could do was to get three rooms
over another officer in a story and a half house. Our rooms
had a sloping ceiling, were small and uncomfortable, but
Mary soon made them very home-like. Two officers lived
on the ground floor, one of whom was Captain Thomas J.
67. Fort Mclntosh was established, March 1, 1849, about one mile from Laredo,
Texas, in Latitude 27° 30' and Longitude 99° 29'. The State of Texas ceded jurisdiction
of the site (208 acres), December 19, 1849. It was abandoned during the Civil War
and reoccupied, March 8, 1867.
202 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Wint,68 4th Cavalry, who afterwards became a Brigadier
General, and is now dead ; and a Second Lieutenant, a little
fellow named Murray,69 now a Colonel of Cavalry and com-
manding officer at Columbus Barracks. They gave us the
use of the dining room and kitchen and in return they took
their meals with us. I had not been there a month when our
troop was ordered to a place about sixty miles away to cut
cedar posts, and I was gone over a month, leaving Mary
alone among strangers at the post ; but one good thing among
army customs is that the officer and the officer's wife must
call on another officer's wife, when she comes to the post,
within forty-eight hours, so that she soon became acquainted
with everybody at the post and got along very nicely. On
our return we were immediately ordered with all the rest
of the Cavalry to Pinto creek, a beautiful little stream six
miles away, where we could graze horses, thus saving the
cost of hay ; here we remained until December.
Sometime in September or October, 1877, I received
orders to report to Lieutenant John L. Bullis,70 24th Infan-
try, who was in command of the Seminole Indian Scouts,
and to go with him, as we then supposed, to guard a crossing
of the Rio Grande near the mouth of Las Moras creek.
Lieutenant Bullis had been in command of these Seminole
Indian Scouts for two or three years, and had gained a great
reputation as a scouter and fighter. These Seminole Indians
were a queerly mixed lot. They were the descendants partly
of the Seminole Indians who had been removed from Flor-
ida, sometime in the forty's, to the Indian territory, and then
had drifted down into Texas. A portion of them were only
part Seminole, being descendants of negro slaves captured
68. Theodore Jonathan Wint was born in Pennsylvania. He enlisted in the
Union Army as a private during the Civil War and advanced to the rank of 1st
Lieutenant, 6th Pa. Cavalry, July 1, 1864. Mustered out, September 30, 1864, he re-
enlisted and attained the rank of 2nd Lieutenant, 4th Cavalry, November 24, 1865,
and rank of Captain, April 21, 1872.
69. Probably Cunliffe Hall Murray, born in South Carolina. He graduated from
the United States Military Academy and was commissioned 2nd Lieutenant, 4th
Cavalry, June 15, 1877.
70. John Lapham Bullis was born in New York. He enlisted in the New York
Infantry, August 8, 1862, as a corporal and rose to the rank of Captain, August 18,
1864. Mustered out on February 6, 1866, he re-enlisted as 2nd Lieutenant, September
8, 1867.
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 203
by the Seminoles who had kept them as slaves and inter-
married with them. Nearly all had a strain of Mexican
blood, so that there was a mixture of Indian, Negro, and
Mexican. Generally a mixture like this produces a vicious
man, but these men were quite orderly and excellent soldiers.
They had a little village about three miles below Fort Clark,
and were constantly employed scouting all over western
Texas under Bullis. He was a small, wiry man with a black
mustache, and his face was burned as red as an Indian. He
was a tireless marcher, thin and spare, and it used to be
said of him that when he wanted to be luxurious in scouting,
he took along one can of corn. Of course, this was only said
in fun, but it was a fact that he and his men could go longer
on half rations than any body of men that I have ever seen,
and I had a great deal of experience with them. Besides my-
self, Lieutenant Maxon and Jones71 of the 10th Cavalry,
with a detachment from their regiment which was, and is,
a colored regiment, also reported to Bullis. We made a night
march to the mouth of Las Moras and bivouacked under a
few scattering trees for nearly a week. By this time I began
to suspect that we were there for some other purpose and
was not surprised one night, about nine o'clock, when Bullis
directed us to be ready to march to the Rio Grande, about
two miles distant. We were directed to leave our pack ani-
mals behind under guard and to take one day's cooked
rations. We forded the Rio Grande by moonlight and then
Bullis informed us that we were to make a dash to the head
of a creek about twenty or twenty-five miles distant to
surprise, if possible, a gang of horse and cattle thieves who
made that their rendezvous.72 We started at once and trav-
eled hard all night, galloping and trotting alternately, but the
twenty miles stretched into thirty ; just at daylight we caught
sight of a large building looming up, which proved to be our
TL. Thaddeus Winfield Jones was born in North Carolina. He graduated from
the United States Military Academy; commissioned 2nd Lieutenant, 10th Cavalry,
June 14, 1872, he was promoted to 1st Lieutenant, November 20, 1879.
Mason Marion Maxon was born in Wisconsin. He graduated from the United States
Military Academy and was commissioned 2nd Lieutenant, June 15, 1869, and 1st Lieu-
tenant, April 24, 1875.
72. For thieving along the Rio Grande in Texas and Mexico see Frank D. Reeve,
"The Apache Indians in Texas," The Southwestern Historical Quarterly, L, no. 2
(October, 1946). Rister, op. cit., and Mansfield, op. cit.
204 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
destination. This building was in reality an old stone fort,
evidently built years before by the Spaniards. It was in the
shape of a triangle, each side being about one hundred feet
long, and the wall was twelve to fifteen feet high ; there was
only one door or gate which, unfortunately for us, was on
the side opposite the direction from which we approached.
We had just emerged from the brush into the open ground
when we heard a shrill alarm given, and instantly spreading
out, we charged at full speed to gain the gate, if possible,
before anyone could escape. As soon as we had surrounded
the place, Bullis directed me to take twelve or fifteen men,
enter the fort and search every building in it for a notorious
thief and desperado who had long been the terror of the
frontier. There were about a dozen shacks inside the fort
and I searched them quickly and thoroughly, but only found
one man. He was a Mexican, and one of the men pulled him
out from under the bed by his feet, and he was evidently
scared almost to death, for he immediately got on his knees
and begged for mercy. I sent him to Bullis, but he was not
the man we wanted and he was released. We found plenty of
women and boys and soon learned that all the men were
absent on a raid, except the leader, and that as soon as we
were discovered he had dashed out and made his escape
into a swamp which came close to the building. Our trip was,
therefore, a failure and, after resting for an hour, we started
to return, but fearing that we would be intercepted by the
hundreds of thieves and desperadoes that infested the river
on both sides at that time, we struck across the prairie for
another crossing in the Rio Grande, Hackberry crossing,
about fifteen miles below where we had crossed the night
before. To arrive at this point we had to make a circuit to
avoid passing over the hills on top of which we could have
been discovered for miles. We marched very rapidly and,
having had only one meal, and I having had none, for some-
way or other the lunch I had taken along had bounced out
of my saddle pocket, we were hungry. About noon I became
very weak and Doctor Shannon,73 the surgeon with us,
73. Probably William Cummings Shannon, born in New Hampshire and appointed
Assistant Surgeon, June 26, 1875.
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 205
noticing my paleness, rode up beside me, handed me a tin
cup with a strong whiskey toddy in it and directed me to
drink it. I told him that I never touched liquor, that the love
of liquor was hereditary with me and I was afraid to use
it, but he insisted that I must take it as medicine and finally
I swallowed it. It certainly braced me up wonderfully and
I kept my place at head of the column, Bullis having com-
mand of the rear guard which he supposed to be the point
of danger, until we arrived within about a mile of the Rio
Grande. We had kept scouts well in advance; they came
back and reported that about two or three hundred cattle
thieves had prepared an ambush on both sides of a narrow
canyon which we must pass through, and were waiting for
us. After a moment of consultation, we plunged into a side
canyon and put our horses on the dead run, knowing that
the mouth of this canyon would bring us nearly opposite
Hackberry crossing anyhow. Arriving at the bank of the
river we did not stop to find the crossing but, lead by Bullis,
forced our horses over the bank into the swollen river and
swam our horses across. We had scarcely emerged on the
other side when a crowd of thieves came hurrying down to
head us off, but too late. I thought it strange that Bullis did
not take us at once into the heavy timber which here lined
the river, where we would be protected, but a glance to the
right and left brought a broad smile on my face as I dis-
covered, lying flat on their faces at the edge of the brush,
about four hundred cavalrymen, all from Fort Clark, under
the command of Colonel Shafter,74 and a little to one side
were two Catling guns carefully concealed behind the brush
that had been cut off and stuck in the ground, and lying
along side of the guns, ready for business, were the cannon-
eers. Shafter had carefully arranged the whole plan and was
anxiously hoping that these raiders would enter the river
when he intended, as he told me afterwards, "to wipe them
74. William Rufus Shafter was born in Michigan. He was commissioned 1st
Lieutenant, August 22, 1861, in the Union Army, and was mustered out, November 2,
1886, with the rank of Brevet Brigadier General. He re-enlisted, July 28, 1866, with
the rank of Lieutenant Colonel. During the Spanish-American War, Shafter com-
manded the expedition for the capture of Santiago, Cuba. He retired with the rank
of Major General, July 1, 1901. The DAB carries his biographical sketch.
206 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
off the face of the earth," or to open fire on them should
they attack us without attempting to cross the river. We
remained in plain sight for perhaps five minutes, but seeing
that the thieves had no intention of crossing or firing, the
command was given and all the troops rose to their feet;
of all the stampedes that I have ever seen, I never saw such
a one as those thieves made at once. They evidently had no
idea that there were any troops there but ours, and as far
as we could see them they were still running. This was
about three o'clock in the afternoon. I had been in the
saddle since nine o'clock the night before and, as soon as
we got a bite to eat, I threw myself down on the gravel
and never woke up till seven or eight o'clock the next morn-
ing when the heat of the sun aroused me. We returned to
our camp at our leisure ; although the trip was not a success
so far as capturing the men we were after was concerned,
it taught the thieves that we were watching them closely
and they gave us very little trouble for a long time after.
We returned to the Post in December and the next spring
I again went out into camp. During the winter I had mag-
nificent quail and duck shooting, and never enjoyed a winter
more. I used to ride into the Post once a week and stay one
day, each officer taking his turn. I sent game to my family
and my friends almost daily, and we caught a great many
black bass in the creek, so that we lived well. In September
or October, Lieutenant Bullis, who had gone on a long scout
to the big bend of the Rio Grande, was caught in a canyon
by the Indians and severely handled, only getting his men
out by his skill and courage, but losing several animals and
all his rations.
We were still in camp on Pinto creek, the camp being
commanded by Captain S. B. M. Young,75 8th Cavalry, now
Lieutenant General, retired. He took four troops of Cavalry,
one of them being a colored troop, and we made a forced
march to Myers springs, about one hundred and fifty miles
distant, where we met Bullis ; we immediately took his trail
75. Samuel Baldwin Marks Youngr was born in Pennsylvania. He enlisted in the
Union Army as a private and was mustered out with the rank of Brevet Brigadier
General, July 1, 1865. He re-enlisted as 2nd Lieutenant, 12th Infantry, May 11, 1866,
and was promoted to the rank of Captain, 8th Cavalry, July 28, 1866.
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 207
to the Rio Grande, crossed it and pushed rapidly to the place
where he had been defeated. We crossed and re-crossed the
river and finally ascended a high mountain, I suppose one
thousand feet above the river, where we bivouacked for the
night on the naked rock. The next morning we descended to
the Rio Grande again, crossed and got up on the other side ;
after working hard for twelve or fourteen hours, we had
not gone more than three or four miles in a narrow line.
The sides of the mountain were very precipitous ; we passed
the place where Bullis had been defeated which was a narrow
ledge not more than ten or twelve feet wide, with a mountain
towering above and the river hundreds of feet below; how
he ever got his men out of there, with Indians on both sides,
was a mystery to us all. In our party we had an Assistant
Surgeon by the name of Comegys,76 from Cincinnati. He
had just joined the army and this was his first scout; he had
suffered greatly during the day from the intense heat and
the hard climb, and that evening he asked me where our
next camp would be. Young was sitting near by and I saw
him smile when I pointed to a mountain peak perhaps sixty
miles away, as I knew, and with a perfectly grave face
informed the doctor that our next camp would be at the foot
of this peak, and that there was not a drop of water between
the two. In despair he turned to Young and said to him,
"Colonel, you may as well bury me right now for I will
never live to get there." When he heard the roar of laughter
from the officers around he turned on me and upbraided me
for playing it on him, but I stuck to it, and the next morning
when we started we headed toward this mountain, and I can
see yet the look of despair on his face ; but we had only gone
a few miles when the Indian trail, which we were following,
turned abruptly to the left, went down through a canyon
and brought us out again on the river, and I think he was
the happiest man in camp that night. The next day we
pushed rapidly on the trail, made a dry camp, which means
a camp without water, except what we had in our canteens,
and about noon the next day arrived at the foot of a range
76. Edward Tiffin Comeeys was born in Ohio. He enlisted with the rank of
Assistant Surgeon, June 26, 1875.
208 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
of mountains known as Mount Carmen, or Red Mountains.
During the day a blizzard of rain and hail struck us, with a
high wind, and we suffered greatly from cold. We finally
managed to find a little spring in a hollow and, with cups
and knives, dug it out so the water would flow more freely ;
dipping the water out with our tin cups, we filled our camp
kettles and watered the animals which took until nearly mid-
night. As darkness approached, I looked around for a good
place to sleep where I could be protected from the sleet, if
possible, for, of course, we carried no tents. I soon found
a hollow or depression about the size of a grave and perhaps
four feet deep. This was probably caused by the uprooting
of a tree, though there were no trees there then. This hole
was half full of dead leaves from the sage brush, so I threw
my bundle of blankets in which I had a buffalo robe, and
around which I had a piece of canvas, into this hole, to
indicate that I had pre-empted that sleeping place. Soon
after dark, having completed all my duties, I went to this
place, spread my canvas on the leaves, on top of this my
blankets, and then my buffalo robe, with the hairy side upper-
most. I had a long heavy overcoat with fur gloves and a fur
cap; getting down and crawling under the blankets, and
pulling the buffalo robe over my head, I was just congratu-
lating myself that I had a warm, cozy place to sleep when I
heard the voice of Lieutenant Guest,77 of my regiment, who
had a peculiar habit of talking to himself.
This was Guest's first scout and he had more than once
expressed a desire to meet a bear. It was dark as a pocket,
but I could hear him or feel him kneel down at the edge of
the hole as he threw down his roll of bedding by my side;
the next moment he had gotten into the hole himself and,
just as he touched the fur of the buffalo robe, I turned on
my face, hunched up my back, and gave a groan as nearly
as possible to what I thought a bear would make. With one
wild yell he jumped out of the hole and ran toward where
the men were sleeping, yelling, "A bear, a bear," at the top
of his voice, and in a moment I heard the rapid approach
77. John Guest was born in Pennsylvania. He was commissioned 2nd Lieutenant,
8th Cavalry, August 15, 1876.
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 209
of feet. I could hear the rattle of the breech locks as the
men loaded their carbines, and I thought it was high time
to make myself known. So I stood up and called to the men
that there was no bear there. Poor Guest never heard the
last of this and in 1888, when our regiment was marching
from Texas to Dakota, I again met him at old Fort Concho
after a lapse of several years. The day after we left Fort
Concho, while I was marching at the head of my troop,
Guest dropped back by my side and almost immediately I
heard from the men behind me the old familiar words, "A
bear, a bear," and I saw his face get scarlet. He said in
a low tone, "Will T' troop never let up on that damn story."
I laughed and said to him, "There are only two or three
of the old men left, Murphy is one of them. He is in the
first set of twos, and there are one or two old men back of
him. If I were you I would drop back and shake hands with
them. They would be glad to see you, and you will never
hear anything more of it." He dropped back and I heard
him call out, "Lord, Murphy, hasn't the devil got you yet,"
and Murphy gave a laugh ; as I looked back, I saw them shak-
ing hands heartily. Murphy fell out with him and, allowing
the troop to pass, called his attention to the two or three
old men, all of whom he greeted cordially, and that was the
last he ever heard of that story.
The next morning we resumed our march and late in the
evening we camped on a piece of ground thickly dotted with
both hot and cold springs. In the hot springs the water
varied from luke warm to a heat so great that a person could
scarcely hold his hand in it, while in the cold springs the
water was cool enough to drink and, as I remember it, there
were perhaps half a dozen of each in a space of eight or ten
acres. Of course this was caused merely by two underground
streams, one of cold water and the other coming up from hot
springs away below the ground.
That evening Bullis sent six or seven of his men to follow
the trail a few miles so that we could gain time in the morn-
ing. One of these men was sent on top of the mountain
immediately above us ; just after sunset he came sliding down
and reported that the Indians had passed around the point
210 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
of the mountain and were then encamped in a deep ravine
just on the other side of the mountain, not more than a mile
away, but four miles around the point by way of their trail.
Colonel Young at once gave us orders that at daybreak we
would climb the mountain and attack them from above, forc-
ing them, if possible, into the open plain where we could
get a chance. He sent for me and informed me that I would
be left behind in charge of the camp. To this I strenuously
objected, calling his attention to the fact that I ranked Lieu-
tenant Guest, that I thought I should be allowed the choice
of going or staying, and that I wanted to go. Colonel Young
and I had had some words in regard to managing the mess
a few days before, for as usual I had charge of the mess, and
while this disagreement was purely personal, there had been
a decided coolness between us; he told me afterwards that
if he had not feared that I would think that he was taking
unfair advantage of his being in command, he would have
insisted that I remain behind, and I have always been sorry
since that he did not.
We started up the hill at daybreak, and it was a hard
climb. The hill was very steep, covered with loose shale and
gravel, and we had to work our way up by clinging to the
brush wood that thickly covered it; we had just arrived at
the flat top when, sitting down to get our breath for a
moment, we discovered a commotion in the camp. We saw
the men running out and bringing in the horses from the
flat where they were grazing; Bullis said that he had seen
one of his men ride into camp at full speed and it was evi-
dent that something was wrong. Turning to me Young
said, "Damn it, Phelps, I wish you had remained in camp,
for you would know what to do, and I don't suppose Guest
does ;" then turning to Lieutenant Bullis, he directed him to
go down and take command of the camp and do what he
deemed best. It turned out afterwards that the six or seven
men, who had followed up the trail the night before, had
discovered some of the Indians' horses just at dark; conceal-
ing themselves in the rocks, they waited till daybreak when,
instead of returning at once to our camp with the informa-
tion, they tried to steal the Indians' horses. An opportunity
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 211
to steal a horse is one no Indian could ever resist. As they
approached the horses, the Indians, who had evidently dis-
covered them also, fired on them, fortunately, or unfortu-
nately, without hitting any of them, and they immediately
took refuge in a pile of rocks. There was only six of them
against twenty or twenty-five Indians, but one of them
sprang on his pony and went back for help at full speed,
and that was the man we had seen ride into camp. Had I
remained in camp, I would, of course, have mounted all the
men there and gone at full speed to the rescue of these men ;
we found afterwards that I would have cut the Indians off
from the ravine and would have driven them straight into
Young's command. Lieutenant Bullis mounted twenty or
twenty-five men and hurried around, but the time lost had
been sufficient for the Indians to start up a canyon. As we
arrived on the edge of it, crawling up on our hands and
knees, Young and one or two of the officers, peering over,
discovered the Indians making their way slowly up the op-
posite side of the canyon; to me it looked as though they
we're walking along the side of the cliff like flies, but we
afterwards found there was a narrow ledge, in some places
not more than three feet wide, and they arrived at the top
of the canyon almost at the same moment that we did. My
troop had been deployed as skirmishers; I had charge of
the left wing and Captain Wells had charge of the right.
I discovered four or five Indians with their horses not
more than one hundred yards distant; apparently they had
not yet caught sight 'of us and were a little undecided which
way to go. Raising my rifle, I fired straight at a buck, as
the warriors are called, and at that distance I fully expected
to get him, but just as I fired his horse moved slightly for-
ward and the bullet struck the poor brute instead of the
Indian. Like a flash they scattered among the rocks ; for ten
or fifteen minutes we banged away at each other without
anyone being hurt on either side so far as we could discover.
We were simply endeavoring to hold them there, for another
troop had been sent to make a circuit and we had hopes of
holding them until this troop could come up on their rear.
I was lying flat behind a rock when I became aware of the
212 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
fact that one of those Indians seemed to have a pick at me,
for several of his bullets struck very near me. I finally dis-
covered him about one hundred yards to my left by seeing
him raise and lower his arm while loading his rifle. I called
two of the men near me and, resting our guns on the top
of a rock, we waited a moment until he should raise to shoot,
when all three of us fired at him at once. He toppled over
backward, his gun going over his head, and we heard no
more of him.
Just at that moment a bullet struck a piece of rock near
my left foot, chipped off a piece of it which struck my left
ankle bone with terrific force ; when I arose to my feet the
ankle gave way beneath me and I could not walk a step.
The Indians had rushed down the side of the hill ; the men
ran to the edge, opened fire on them and, as we afterwards
found, succeeded in killing four or five. One of these Indians
was on his pony, for they succeeded in getting part of the
ponies down the hill. Bending over his saddle, he was going
at full speed when a bullet struck him in the back, and he
rolled off. One of the men went down and captured his pony,
a cream colored one ; tied to the saddle was a complete, beau-
tifully dressed buckskin suit, fringed with beads and porcu-
pine quills, the most handsome Indian costume that I have
ever seen. I immediately offered the man twenty-five dollars
for it, but he declined to part with it ; when we got back to
Fort Clark he asked me to send it to his girl for him, which
I did. By this time my ankle had swollen enormously and
I was helped on one of the captured ponies, which one of
the men led back to the camp. I knew the doctor had no
medicine of any kind, for the mule bearing his medicine
chest had fallen over a cliff a week before, and I was greatly
worried about my ankle. They had to cut off the shoe and
stocking ; ripping up my trousers, the doctors saw that it was
already swollen to nearly double its usual size and rapidly
turning purple. One of the hot springs, as I have mentioned,
was close by and, with my blanket spread beside it, I com-
pletely immersed my foot and ankle in the hot water ; here I
remained all night. Possibly nothing better could have been
done; in the morning the swelling had gone down at least
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 213
half, and much of the soreness was gone. It was a month
before I could walk or put on a shoe, but I wore an Indian
moccasin which one of my men had picked up and had given
to me. We captured something like twenty-five or thirty
mules and horses, and afterwards found that the Indian, at
whom we three had fired, was the chief and that all three
bullets had struck him squarely in the breast. His gun proved
to be an old Harpers Ferry musket, model of 1854, with
brass rings and the stock extending clear to the muzzle. It
was a smooth bore, carrying a round bullet. The gun was
loaded, cocked, and capped, but one of the bullets had broken
the stock, or possibly the fall had broken it, and it was lying
by his side. The men brought it back to me. I took it back
to Fort Clark, sent it to the Ordnance Arsenal at San An-
tonio, had it restocked and it made one of the best single-
barreled shot guns that I had ever seen ; when I left theiroop
the men still had it. , <c&
• ' » r~t*%£LS ^^ **J "
This last skirmish occurred on Thanksgiving Day,78
though I doubt if any of us remembered it until evening.
I had had charge of the mess and knew that our supplies
were completely exhausted, except for a little sack, perhaps
four or five pounds, of flour, and one can of apples, which
I had stowed in my saddle bags on my own saddle a week
before, intending to give the mess at least something to eat
on Thanksgiving Day. While lying beside the spring, boiling
my foot, I called to the soldier who cooked for our mess, gave
him the flour and the apples and told him to make some apple
dumplings, but not to tell anybody. We had no baking pow-
der, so all he could do was to mix up the flour with water,
put in some sugar and the can of apples, and boil the dump-
78. "November 1, [1877], near the Rio Grande, Lieutenant Bullis, Twenty-fourth
Infantry, with a detachment of thirty-seven Seminole scouts, had a fight with a band
of renegade Apaches and other Indians. Captain S. B. M. Young, Eighth Cavalry, with
a force of one hundred and sixty-two men, consisting of Troops A and K, Eighth
Cavalry, and C, Tenth Cavalry, and Lieutenant Bullis' detachment of scouts, after a
very long pursuit, succeeded in surprising this band of Indians near the Carmen
Mountains, Mexico, on November 29th. A charge by the troops dispersed the Indians
in every direction, with a loss of their camp equipage, seventeen horses, six mules, and
some arms ; one enlisted man was wounded." Record of Engagements with Hostile
Indians within the Military Division of the Missouri, from 1868 to 1882 (Washington:
Government Printing Office, 1882), quoted in West Texas Historical Association If ear
Book, IX, 111 (October, 1933).
214 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
lings in a kettle. For supper that night we had hard tack
and coffee only, for our bacon was all gone, but just as the
officers were about to scatter I told them to wait, and our
cook produced the dumplings. Well, we ate them, though
they were as heavy as lead, and every Thanksgiving Day I
remember the apple dumpling supper that we had that day
nearly two hundred miles down in old Mexico.
Among the animals captured, we found several mules
loaded with dried deer, horse and mule meat, all of which
was divided equally among the men and officers, but it only
gave us about two or three ounces each and we started back
the next day for Myers springs where we had left most of
our rations. We marched very rapidly and I suffered in-
tensely with my foot. Finally we arrived at the point where
we crossed the Rio Grande, and here Colonel Young directed
me, as Adjutant of the scout, to send two men to Myers
springs with instructions to Lieutenant Clay,79 who had
been left there with a small detachment, to send us rations.
That same evening we were sitting around a little camp fire
when Bullis came over and told us that he had found a small
sack with a few pounds of rice in it which he would give us.
What he was living on, I don't know, but I have always be-
lieved that, like his Seminoles, he was living on rattlesnakes,
for I have time and again seen the Seminoles kill and skin
rattlesnakes and fry them just the same as fish. I had never
tried it but once, and that was enough. We put the rice in
a big kettle, poured on a lot of water and set it on the fire.
I did not know that rice swelled so, but in a few moments
it had swelled clear over the top of the kettle, so we concluded
that it must be done. We had plenty of sugar left and stirred
in a couple of quarts of brown sugar, then gathered around
it and each one helped himself. The rice had been slightly
scorched and made me deathly sick ; it was twenty years be-
fore I could eat rice again. The next day we marched about
fifteen miles, the horses being very weak, for there was but
little grass and, of course, no grain; about dark the two
men we had sent to Myers springs came into camp with
three mules loaded with coffee, bacon, and hard tack, a most
79. Lieutenant Clay is not identifiable in Heitman, Historical Register. . . .
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 215
welcome sight. The men had a method of cooking the hard
tack which made it very palatable to a hungry man. Break-
ing the hard bread into fragments, they put it to soak and
it soon swelled. They then fried their bacon, poured the
bacon grease over the hard bread, and mixed a liberal quan-
tity of brown sugar with it; while it doesn't sound very
nice, it certainly was very palatable when a keen hunger was
the sauce. The next day we arrived at our old camp at
Myers springs. We found Clay had sent us all the rations
there were, so here we were one hundred and fifty miles
from the nearest post and the men living on quarter rations,
while the officers had absolutely none. Jack rabbits were
very plentiful, so I took my shot gun, which I had left at this
camp, and killed great numbers of them, which we boiled,
and I got so sick of rabbit that it was years afterwards before
I could eat any again. From this point we sent one of the
Seminoles to Fort Clark with a letter to the commanding
officer, Colonel Shafter, asking that rations and forage be
sent to meet us as soon as possible, and two or three days
afterwards, as soon as we could shoe up the horses, we
started on our return.
By this same messenger, Colonel Young sent a short offi-
cial report of the scout to Colonel Shafter, which I prepared,
under his direction, on leaves torn from my note book and
in pencil. I also wrote a note to my wife telling her that I
was all right, that my ankle was much better and not to
worry. I endorsed on the back of it a request to Colonel
Shafter to send it to her, and both were enclosed in an old
envelope and addressed to the commanding officer of the
Post. I told the Seminole to make the best speed he possibly
could and, on arrival, whatever might be the hour, day or
night, to report immediately to the commanding officer and
deliver the letter. I also told him to go down to my troop
barracks, where two or three men had been left, and they
would take care of him, giving him something to eat and
care for his horse. I afterwards learned that he arrived at
the Post about two o'clock in the morning, aroused Colonel
Shafter from his bed, delivered the letter and then went over
to my troop barracks. As soon as he came in, the men began
216 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
to question him about the scout, as not a word had been
heard from us after leaving Del Rio about two months be-
fore. The Seminole could talk very little English and per-
haps understand less, and the men only knew a few words of
Mexican, which was the language that the Seminoles used.
He told them, "Heap big fight, muchos Indians killed," which
was, of course, an exaggeration. They then asked him if any
soldiers were killed. Not understanding the question but, I
suppose, believing that it meant if anybody was hurt, he
said, "Yes, Adjutante," which is the Mexican for Adjutant.
The men knew that I was Adjutant of the command. They
were, of course, keenly interested, and asked him if the Adju-
tant was killed, and again misunderstanding the question, the
Seminole nodded his head.
By this time it was daylight. The news that there had
been a fight and that the Adjutant had been killed was
quickly communicated to other companies, and by them com-
municated to servants up along the officers' line, or to use
an old frontier expression, "the news went up the back porch
of the officers' line and came down the front." Mary, of
course, knew nothing of this, as she had not left the house
at that time. At guard-mount, which took place about eight
o'clock, it was customary for the officers to sit out on their
front porches with their families and listen to music of the
band. Mary took May and started to walk up the line to
watch guard-mount. She told me afterwards that whereas
officers would usually spring to their feet as she passed their
quarters and lift their caps, she noticed that every one of
them hustled inside, and she wondered why. About half
way up the line she approached a group of three officers who
had their backs toward her. One of them was Lieutenant
Donovan,80 of the 24th Infantry, who messed with us. As
she approached, she overheard one of the officers say, "Hush,
here is Mrs. Phelps, now," and it flashed on her mind in
a moment that there was some bad news. Walking straight
up to Mr. Donovan she asked him, "Is there any news of
80. Edward Donovan was born in Ireland. He enlisted as a private in the Union
Army during the Civil War and was mustered out with the rank of Captain, July 1.
1866. He re-enlisted as a Lieutenant and resigned, July 9, 1878.
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 217
the scout/' to which he answered by inclining his head. "Is
anybody hurt," she asked, and again he inclined his head.
"Is Mr. Phelps hurt," she demanded. At that question, Mr.
Donovan stepped by her side and said, "Mrs. Phelps, let me
take you home." He told me afterwards that quick as a flash
she straightened up to her full height and, looking him
squarely tn the eye quietly said, "Mr. Donovan, I am a sol-
dier's wife, if there is any bad news I want to know it in-
stantly. Is Mr. Phelps dead?" He replied, "Yes, Mrs. Phelps,
he was killed on Thanksgiving Day at the head of his troop."
She turned ghastly white, took his arm, and leading May by
the hand, she went back to our quarters, bowed to him, en-
tered the house and closed the door. In about half an hour
Colonel Shaf ter knocked at the door and she bade him enter.
Colonel Shaf ter was a large, jovial man and generally spoke
in a loud tone of voice; in his jovial way, and not noticing
the tears streaming down her cheeks, he said to her, "Madam,
allow me to congratulate you." A month later he told me
that he had not noticed that she had been crying, but that
she instantly straightened up and, looking him in the face,
she answered in a cutting tone, "Since when, Colonel Shaf ter,
has it been the custom of the Army for the commanding offi-
cer to congratulate the widow?" He was dumbfounded for a
second, and then blurted out, "If Mr. Phelps is dead, he is
a mighty lively corpse, for here is a letter from him." Then,
and I believe the only time in her army service, she fainted,
and he caught her as she fell to the floor. Laying her gently
on the carpet, he rushed out of the room into Mrs. Pond's
quarters, next door, and shouted, "For God's sake come over
to Mrs. Phelp's house, I have killed her." Mr. Pond81 ran
into the house and dashed water in her face ; they lifted her
on the bed and in a few moments she revived. We had many
a laugh over this afterwards, but at the time it was serious
enough. Once afterwards when I was on a scout, Mrs. Wis-
81. George Enoch Pond was born in Connecticut. He enlisted as a private in
Company K, 21st Connecticut Infantry, December 9, 1863, and was discharged June 7,
1865. Graduating from the United States Military Academy, he was commissioned 2nd
Lieutenant, 8th Cavalry, June 14, 1872.
218 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
hart,82 the wife of an officer of the 20th Infantry, whom Mary
and I cordially detested, rushed up to her on the porch, threw
her arms around her and said, "Oh, you poor thing, you
poor dear." Without attempting for a moment to remove
her arms, Mary cooly asked, "What is the matter," and the
reply came, "Oh you poor dear, don't you know that your
husband has been killed." For some reason or other the
gossips seemed determined to kill me off. Mary quietly un-
wound her arms and then icily said, "My husband has been
killed once before. This time I think I will wait for the
official confirmation." How this second rumor got out, I
never knew.
The country was covered with mal pais [bad land] rock,
evidently of volcanic origin, with keen, sharp, edges, and it
made the marching very hard. We only made about fifteen
miles and camped in a small valley with only the water we
had in our canteens. Before starting on this scout I had
provided myself with two very large canteens, each made of
two tin wash basins with the edges placed together and riv-
eted and soldered. These were covered with four thicknesses
of woolen blanket, with a broad leather strap to attach to
the saddle. Each of these canteens held four quarts of
water ; I made it a point to go without water during the day
and almost invariably went into camp at night with my can-
teens full. About four o'clock in the afternoon I went out
and posted the pickets and had just returned to camp when
a picket stationed on a hill, about half a mile distant, gave
the alarm that he saw something by riding rapidly on his
horse in a circle. I immediately galloped out to him with a
couple of men, and he told me that he believed he saw wagon
tops in the distance ; with my glasses, I soon saw the tops of
four wagons about three miles distant moving along the old
overland trail which I knew was there somewhere. I im-
mediately sent one of the men back to Colonel Young with a
note, and received from him an order to ride out and inter-
cept them. If they were our wagons to bring them to camp,
82. Alexander Wishart was born in Pennsylvania. He was a Captain during
his service in the Union Army, resigning September 10, 1862. He re-enlisted as 2nd
Lieutenant, 27th Infantry, January 22, 1867, and was promoted to 1st Lieutenant,
October 19, 1867. He was dismissed from the service, January 22, 1881.
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 219
but if, as we suspected, they were civilian wagons carrying
goods to the upper Post, to take from them such quantities
of rations as I thought we might need, giving them a receipt
for the same, on which the Government would pay them.
I rode out and found that it was our own wagons which
Colonel Shafter had pushed out with orders to meet us at
the earliest possible moment regardless of the loss of mules,
and they had made an average of more than thirty miles a
day, which is unusually fast marching for six-mule teams.
Three of the wagons were loaded with corn and oats, the
other two with rations, and we were a happy lot that night
in camp.
In the field our baking was done in a Dutch oven. This
is a kind of cast iron pot with three legs and a flat iron cover
with edges turned all around for about two inches. To bake
bread in this, it is set over a bed of coals ; when thoroughly
heated, the bread is placed in it, the lid put on and the coals
are not only heaped all around the pot, but also on top of
the lid which has an iron ring by which it can be easily
removed. After a little experience, a cook can bake as good
bread in one of these Dutch ovens as in a kitchen range. This
night our cook proceeded to make biscuits for our mess and
our Dutch oven, being eighteen inches in diameter, made the
biscuits of enormous size, seven filling it completely, so that
each biscuit was as large as a bowl. Lieutenant George H.
Evans,83 10th Cavalry, and an old friend, was then stationed
at Del Rio, about thirty miles west from Fort Clark. When
the wagons passed through there, he gave the wagon master
a bucket of fresh butter, containing about ten pounds, to give
me with his compliments. As we had not seen butter for over
two months, this was very welcome. We broke the biscuits
open, put in an ample supply of butter, and waited till the
butter had melted and worked all through the biscuit. Lieu-
tenant Guest was a heavy eater ; to the best of my recollection,
he ate this night five or six of these enormous biscuits ; about
midnight we had to call the doctor, and it was years before
83. George Howard Evans was born in Pennsylvania. He graduated from the
United States Military Academy and was commissioned 2nd Lieutenant, 10th Cavalry,
June 14, 1872.
220 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
he heard the last of this occurrence. Colonel Shaf ter had not
only sent ample supplies, but the wagon master finally rolled
out a barrel addressed to Colonel Young, and when we
opened it the first thing we saw on top was the mail that had
accumulated at Fort Clark for officers and men ; as we had
not heard a word from the outside world for two months,
the letters and papers were very welcome. Mary had heard
of the wagons going out and had written me a long letter
so that I was relieved of any anxiety. We proceeded slowly
to the Pecos,84 the rain falling continually ; when we arrived
at the river we crossed at once and went into camp, and that
was one of the most miserable nights that I ever spent. We
had no tents, the cold rain fell in sheets all night, and wood
was very scarce. One of my men discovered an old govern-
ment ferry boat about half a mile below the crossing ; in a
short while they had broken the boat up, which was made
of two-inch pine plank, and we had roaring fires everywhere.
When we discovered the planks being placed on the fires we
were suspicious of where they came from, but so far as I
know no questions were asked, as the ferry boat had never
been of any use anyhow. I was the Quartermaster and Adju-
tant of this expedition and the next three days I had as hard
work as I ever had in my life to get the wagon trains through.
The road was a rough one at best ; with the heavy rains the
wheels cut through to the hubs and we could only make ten
or twelve miles a day. For three days and nights I never
had my clothes off and was afraid to take off my boots for
fear that I could never get them on again. Finally we arrived
at Del Rio and found that Captain Kelley,85 10th Cavalry,
stationed at this Post, had prepared tents for all our com-
mand and had bread and hot coffee ready for the soldiers.
Lieutenant Hunt,86 of the 10th Cavalry, a dearly loved class-
84. The text indicates that they were following the old overland mail route. It
is probable, therefore, that they crossed the Pecos river just west of Fort Lancaster.
For a map of the route see Roscoe P. and Margaret B. Conkling, The Butterfield
Overland Mail 1857-1869. vol. 3 (Glendale, Calif.: The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1947).
85. Joseph Morgan Kelley was born in New York. He joined the Union Army
during the Civil War and was mustered out, March 4, 1863. He re-enlisted with the
rank of Lieutenant, March 7, 1867, and attained the rank of Captain, April 15, 1875.
86. Levi Pettibone Hunt was born in Missouri. He graduated from the United
States Military Academy and was commissioned 2nd Lieutenant, 10th Cavalry, June 15,
1870. He was promoted to 1st Lieutenant, June 30, 1875.
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 221
mate, was stationed there and he invited Geddes Guest and
myself to stay at his house. He had only four rooms and one
of these had no floor but the earth, but he had scattered hay
liberally over the floor and had a number of blankets and
buffalo robes; when he apologized profusely for not being
able to afford us better accommodations, we hustled him
out of the room for, compared to what we had been going
through, this warm, dry room was heaven.
The next day we marched to Fort Clark. As we entered
the Post, we marched along the road in front of the officers'
quarters, and we were certainly a hard looking lot. As the
Adjutant, I rode beside Colonel Young at the head of the
column. I had lost my blouse, the back of my blue shirt (the
only one I had left) was missing, my long hair reached al-
most to my shoulders, my beard, untrimmed for three
months, fell on my breast, and I had on my head a soft
wool hat, the crown of which was missing entirely and the
brim had also been torn off at various times to help kindle
a fire. We marched straight down the line looking neither
to the right nor left and, as we turned to the right to go
down in front of the commanding officer's office, I saw, from
the corner of my eye, Mary and May standing on the porch
of our quarters. Colonel Young reported to Colonel Shaf ter ;
we marched the companies to their stables and dismissed
them then, taking an orderly with me, I trotted up to my
quarters and found Mary standing on the porch. I dis-
mounted and said to her, "Hello Old lady." She looked me
up and down then, turning to the orderly, who was of my
own troop, and whom, of course, she knew, she coolly said,
"Orderly, is that my husband?" The grinning orderly
touched his cap and said, "Yes, mam." "Take him down to
the creek and wash him," was her unexpected reply, and
everybody roared with laughter.
This was one of the hardest trips I ever took and my
ankle was far from well, but it gradually recovered ; it has
been weak from that day to this, and has frequently turned
under me since.
(To be continued)
CHECKLIST OF NEW MEXICO PUBLICATIONS
By WILMA LOY SHELTON
(Continued)
State corporation commission. Motor transportation depart-
ment.
Created in 1929, amended by session laws of 1947 and
1949 ; administers the motor carrier act.
Laws, rules and regulations governing the business of transportation
by motor vehicles for hire over the public highways of the state of
New Mexico, as provided in chap. 154, Session laws of 1933; effec-
tive Sept. 1, 1936. Santa Fe, 1936. 45p.
Laws, rules and regulations governing the business of transportation
by motor vehicles for hire over the public highways of the state
of New Mexico . . . effective Nov. 1, 1937. Santa Fe, 1937. 57p.
Laws, rules and regulations governing the business of the transporta-
tion by motor vehicles for hire over the public highways of the
state of New Mexico, as provided in sections 68-1302 and 68-1378
incl., New Mexico statutes 1941 annotated; effective Sept. 1, 1943.
(Santa Fe, 1943) 46p.
Laws, rules and regulations governing the business of the transporta-
tion by motor vehicles for hire over the public highways of the
state of New Mexico . . . effective July 1, 1947 . . . (Las Cruces,
Citizen print) 1947. 48p.
Laws, rules and regulations governing the business of the transporta-
tion by motor vehicles for hire over the public highways of the
state of New Mexico as provided in sections 68-1301 and 68-1379
incl., New Mexico statutes 1941 annotated, as amended by session
laws of 1947 and 1949. . . (Santa Fe, 1949) 48p.
Rules and regulations governing motor vehicle carriers, effective March
12, 1929. Santa Fe, (1929) 43p.
Rules and regulations governing motor vehicle carriers, effective June
10th, 1933. (Santa Fe, 1933) 47p.
Rules and regulations to govern the construction and filing of common
carrier freight tariffs, n.p.n.d. 53p.
Roster of authorized motor carriers doing business in New Mexico in
intrastate and interstate commerce. Sept. 1, 1948. 38p. mimeo.
(The only roster published)
Rules and regulations governing the transportation of inflammable
liquids by common and contract carriers; adopted from interstate
commerce commission motor carrier safety regulations. 13p.
mimeo.
222
CHECKLIST 223
State corporation commission. Rate department.
Established in 1912 ; administers railroad, aviation, pipe-
line, cotton gin, telephone and telegraph laws.
•
An act regulating aircraft common carriers within the state of New
Mexico, together with rules and regulations effective July 1, 1939.
n.p.n.d.
An act regulating pipe lines together with rules and regulations pre-
scribed by State corporation, n.p.n.d. 7p. mimeo.
The law regulating aircraft common carriers within the state of New
Mexico; together with rules and regulations effective October 1,
1949. Prescribed by State corporation commission . . . n.p.n.d.
lip. mimeo.
State council of national defense.
Organized May 10, 1917 as Council of defense under the
Public defense act passed by the state legislature May 8,
1917 ; act of 1920 provided for closing up the work of the
council ; State council of national defense committee ap-
pointed in 1941.
Report of the Council of defense of the state of New Mexico. May 10,
1917 to June 1, 1918. n.p.n.d. 87p.
Final report of the Council of defense of New Mexico . . . May 10,
1917 to May 31st, 1920. Santa Fe, New Mexico state record print
(1920) 140p.
Air raid wardens. Santa Fe, 1941. 2p. mimeo.
Air craft warning service. August 20, 1941. (Santa Fe, 1941) (2) p.
mimeo.
Auxiliary police force. Santa Fe, 1941. (2) p. mimeo.
Civilian morale. (Santa Fe, 1942) 8p.
C. D. S. no. 1— Santa Fe, 1941-42 mimeo.
A series of press releases.
Defense order no. 1-2. Santa Fe, 1941 mimeo.
no. 1 issued with "Emergency fire defense"
no. 2 issued with "Auxiliary police force"
Directive no. 1 ... for the guidance of all defense councils . . . Octo-
ber 15, 1942. (Santa Fe, 1942) (6)p.
Directory of committees, members, etc. Santa Fe, 1941. 4p. mimeo.
A directory of the agencies in the state with brief statement of their
defense program and activities.
224 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Contents :
Sec. 1 State military department. Ip.
Sec. 2 State council of national defense. Ip.
Sec. 3 Selective service. Ip.
Sec. 4 Federal agencies, lip.
Sec. 5 Educational institutions. 5p.
Sec. 6 Secondary schools. 12p.
Sec. 7 Civic club. 3p.
Sec. 8 Chamber of commerce. 3p.
Emergency fire defense plan to provide adequate protection immedi-
ately. (Santa Fe, 1941) 4p. mimeo.
(includes Defense order no. 1)
Facts about wartime food supply. Santa Fe, 1942. 2p. (C. D. S. no. 145)
mimeo.
(Letter) to all state and federal institutions and departments in New
Mexico, July 9, 1941. (Santa Fe, 1941) (2) p. mimeo.
Letters to local defense councils concerning statewide blackout, Sept.
12, 1941, August 8 to Sept. 8, 1941. 8 issues, mimeo.
Legal booklet for guidance of soldiers and sailors. Pub. by the State
council of defense of the state of New Mexico. May, 1918. (Albu-
querque, Albright & Anderson, 1918) 129p.
(List of members of the State council) July 1, 1914. (Santa Fe, 1941)
(2) p. mimeo.
Local defense councils. (Santa Fe, 1941) 2p. mimeo.
(Manual, compiled by Major Joe McCabe of New Mexico state guard)
(Santa Fe? 1942?) Iv.
Loose-leaf ; Reproduced from type-written copy.
(Manuel on defense in chemical warfare, compiled by Major Joe Mc-
Cabe of the New Mexico state guard) Santa Fe, 1941. (46) p.
mimeo.
New Mexico civilian defense notes, Dec. 21, 1942- Santa Fe, 1942.
mimeo. Dec. 21, 1942 issue "Preliminary"; proposed to issue this
publication about every two weeks.
Organization for civilian defense; control centers, first aid rescue
parties, fire and police aid, demolition and repairs. Santa Fe,
(1941) 41p.
Organization plans for local defense councils under office of civilian
defense (OEM) (Santa Fe, 1941) 3p. mimeo.
New Mexico war news; published weekly by the Council of defense;
ed. by Guthrie Smith, v.l 1-52, July 10th, 1917-July 26, 1918. Santa
Fe, 1917-1918.
(Poster) Uncle Sam needs your old aluminum. (Santa Fe, 1941) 1 leaf.
CHECKLIST 225
(Release) to all local defense councils, July 7, 1941. (Santa Fe, 1941)
1 leaf mimeo.
Report, New Mexico statewide blackout, Sept. 12, 1941. Presented by
New Mexico state military department. (Santa Fe, 1941) 2, 13,
(2) 7, (3) 41p. mimeo.
"Contains annex A, B, and C of which annex B is entitled:
Organization for civilian defense" 41p.
Outline for state blackout, state of New Mexico. August 1, 1941. Santa
Fe, 1,941. 7p. mimeo.
Scrap conservation program. Dec. 18, 1941. Santa Fe, 1941. 2p. mimeo.
State council of national defense. Executive committee. Santa Fe, Jan.
14, 1942. Ip. (CDS no. 68) mimeo.
State wide defense survey. Jan. 1, 1942. (Santa Fe, 1942) (5), 11, (1),
5, (1), 12, (8) p. mimeo.
Summary of organization and activities . . . Santa Fe, 1941. 4p.
mimeo.
Training letter no. 1 (Jan. 26, 1942) Santa Fe, 1942. (no. 1, as CDS
no. 92, 99)
State fair commission.
Established in 1913 ; the first fair was held in Albuquer-
que Oct. 3-8, 1881 ; others have been held annually from
1881-1916, 1938-date.
Report to the governor . . . Albuquerque, 1938
1938 (81)p. (L. H. Harms) typewritten.
1939 (59) p. (L. H. Harms) typewritten.
19,40 63p. (L. H. Harms) typewritten.
1941 50p. (L. H. Harms) typewritten.
1942 58p. (L. H. Harms) typewritten.
1943 64p. (L. H. Harms) typewritten.
1944 72p. (L. H. Harms) typewritten.
1945 69p. (L. H. Harms) typewritten.
1946 93p. (L. H. Harms ( typewritten.
1947 95p. (L. H. Harms) typewritten.
1948 95p. (L. H. Harms) typewritten.
1949 HOp. (L. H. Harms) typewritten.
Horse racing . . . Albuquerque, 1938-
1938 14p. (C. W. Jackson)
1939 15p. (C. W. Jackson)
1940 14p. (C. W. Jackson)
226 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
1941 13p. (C. W. Jackson)
1942 14p. (C. W. Jackson)
1943 14p. (C. W. Jackson)
1944 14p. (C. W. Jackson)
1945 15p. (C. W. Jackson)
1946 15p. (C. W. Jackson)
1947 15p. (J. E. Knott)
1948 14p. (J. E. Knott)
1949 14p. (J. E. Knott)
Premium list of New Mexico exposition and Driving park association;
second annual fair to be held at the city of Albuquerque, Sept.
18-23, 1882. Albuquerque, Journal book and job printing office,
1882. 48p.
Premium list of the New Mexico exposition and driving park associa-
tion. Fifth annual fair to be held at the city of Albuquerque,
Sept. 29 and 30, and Oct. 1 and 2, 1885. Albuquerque, Taylor and
Hughes printers, 1885. 24p.
Premium list 31st annual New Mexico state fair. Albuquerque, Oct.
9-14, 1911. unp.
Premium list and rules of the New Mexico state fair. Albuquerque,
1938-
Oct. 9-16, 1938 180p.
Sept. 24-Oct. 1, 1939 239p.
Sept.22-29, 1940 272p.
Sept. 21-28, 1941 248p.
Sept. 27-Oct. 4, 1942 228p.
Sept. 26-Oct. 3, 1943 240p.
Sept. 24-Oct. 1, 1944 248p.
Oct. 7-Oct. 14, 1945 240p.
Sept. 28-Oct. 6, 1946 224p.
Sept. 28-Oct. 5, 1947 228p.
Sept. 19-26, 1948 232p.
Sept. 25-Oct. 2, 1949 256p.
Premium list of the junior department . . . Albuquerque, 1939-1940.
1939 32p.
1940 50p.
Daily program . . . 1943. 9p.
New Mexico state fair, Sept. 24-Oct. 1. Albuquerque, 1939. 6p.
New Mexico state fair, Sept. 22-29, 1940. Albuquerque (1940) (16) p.
New Mexico state fair, Sept. 27-Oct. 4, 1942. Albuquerque (1942) folder
New Mexico state fair, Sept. 26-Oct. 3, 1943. Albuquerque (1943) folder
New Mexico state fair, Sept. 24-Oct. 1, 1944. Albuquerque (1944) folder
Plate of the New Mexico mile high state fair grounds, n.p.n.d.
You are invited . . . Albuquerque, 1938. 6p.
CHECKLIST 227
State highway commission.
Established in 1917 ; has charge of the expenditures of
state road funds, employes, removes and fixes the salary
of employees, makes rules and regulations governing the
methods of construction improvement and maintenance
of highways and bridges and compels compliance with
the laws.
Biennial report. Santa Fe, 1918-
Dec. 1, 1916-Nov. 30, 1918 175p. 5-6 fiscal yrs. (A. French)
Dec. 1, 1918-Nov. 30, 1920 108p. v.4 7-8 fiscal yrs. (L. A. Gillett)
Dec. 1, 1921-Nov. 30, 1922 lOlp. 9-10 fiscal yrs.
Dec. 1, 1922-Dec. 31, 1932 Never published
Jan. 1, 1933-Dec. 31, 1934 99p. (G. D. Macy)
Jan. 1, 1935-Dec. 31, 1936 107p. (G. F. Conroy)
Jan. 1, 1937-Dec. 31, 1938 135p. (G. F. Conroy)
Jan. 1, 1939-Dec. 31, 1940 113p. (B. G. Dwyre)
Jan. 1, 1941-Dec. 31, 1942 128p. (B. G. Dwyre)
Jan. 1, 1943-Dec. 31, 1944 56p. (F. G. Healy)
Jan. 1, 1944-Jne. 30, 1945 lllp. (M. 0. Howell) mimeo.
Jan. 1, 1945-Dec. 31, 1946 152p. (B. G. Dwyre)
• Jan. 1, 1947-Dec. 31, 1948 158p. (B. G. Dwyre)
Future highway requirements of New Mexico; 1940. (Santk^f 1941)
92p.
General highway map . . . New Mexico (counties) Prepared by the
New Mexico state highway department in co-operation with the
Federal works agency, Public roads administration. (Santa Fe,
1938) 36 sheets. Complete set of maps for 31 counties; data ob-
tained from the state-wide highway planning survey.
New Mexico magazine . . . v.l- Santa Fe, 1923-
monthly.
Title varies: v. 1-9 no. 6, 1923-June, 1931 as N. M. highway jour-
nal; v.9 no. 7-v. 12 no. 10, July, 1931-Oct. 1934 as New Mexico, the
sunshine state recreational and highway magazine; v. 12-16 no. 1,
1934-Jan. 1938 New Mexico, the state magazine of national inter-
est; v. 16 no. 2, Feb. 1938- New Mexico magazine. Up to Jan. 1,
1934 New Mexico was published under the co-operative auspices
of several departments and all indebtedness was underwritten by
the State highway department. Beginning with v. 12 no. 1 Jan.
1934 this magazine has been published by the State bureau of
publications created by House bill 38, special sess., llth legisla-
ture, 1934.
New Mexico highway journal v. 1-9 no. 6. Santa Fe, New Mexican pub-
lishing corporation, 1923-July 1931. 9v. . w
228 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Combined with the New Mexico conservationist to form "New
Mexico"
Official road map of New Mexico. Santa Fe, 1935. 1 sheet.
20% x 17 in. folded to 8% x 3% in.
Official road map of New Mexico, "the sunshine state"; 1936, showing
U. S. highways and principal state roads, motor patrolled. Santa
Fe (1936) 1 sheet. 20% x 17 in. folded to 8% x 3% in.
Official road map of New Mexico, "Land of Enchantment" showing
U. S. highways and principal state roads motor patrolled. Santa
Fe, 1937. 1 sheet 20% x 17 in. folded to 8% x 3% in.
Official 1939 road map of New Mexico; showing the principal state
roads motor patrolled. (Santa Fe, 1940) 1 sheet 20%xl7 in.
folded to 8^4x3% in.
Official road map of New Mexico; showing U. S. highways and princi-
pal state roads motor patrolled. (Santa Fe, 1940) 1 sheet.
20% x 16% in. folded to 8^4 x 3% in.
Official road map of New Mexico, 1941; showing U. S. highways and
principal state roads, patrolled. Santa Fe, 1941. 1 sheet 20% x 16%
in. folded to 8% x 3% in.
Official road map of New Mexico, 1942; showing U. S. highways and
principal state roads motor patrolled. (Santa Fe, 1942) 1 sheet.
20 x 16% in. folded to 8% x 3% in.
Official road map of New Mexico. Santa Fe, 1946. 1 sheet 20 x 16% in.
folded to 8^4x3% in.
Official road map of New Mexico. Santa Fe, 1948. 1 sheet 20 x 16% in.
folded to 8^4x3% in.
Official road map of New Mexico. Santa Fe, 1949. 1 sheet 20% x 16%
in. folded to 8% x 3% in.
Oil processed roads in New Mexico, by W. C. Davidson and E. B. Bail.
2nd ed., Dec. 1, 1930. (Santa Fe, 1930) 18, (l)p. (Bulletin)
Road map of New Mexico, 1931. Santa Fe, 1931. Sheet 20% x 17 in.
folded to 8% x3% in.
Roads to Cibola; U. S. scenic highways of the southwest . . . Official
tourist guide of New Mexico; 2nd ed. (Santa Fe, 1934) 68p.
Roads to Cibola, what to see in New Mexico, and how to get there.
(Santa Fe) 1931. 32p.
Special road laws and miscellaneous legislation relating to the State
highway commission of New Mexico; passed by the eighth legis-
lature. Santa Fe, 1927. (78) p.
Special road laws and miscellaneous legislation relating to the State
highway commission of New Mexico; passed by the ninth legisla-
ture. Santa Fe, 1929. 144p.
Special road laws and miscellaneous legislation relating to the State
CHECKLIST 229
highway commission of New Mexico; passed by the tenth legisla-
ture. Santa Fe, 1931. 68p.
Special road laws and miscellaneous legislation relating to the State
highway commission of New Mexico; passed by the eleventh legis-
lature. Santa Fe, 1933. 121p.
Special road laws and miscellaneous legislation relating to the State
highway commission of New Mexico; passed by the twelfth legis-
lature. Santa Fe, 1935. 60p.
Special road laws and miscellaneous legislation relating to the State
highway commission of New Mexico; passed by the thirteenth leg-
islature. Santa Fe, (1937). 113p.
Special road laws and miscellaneous legislation relating to the State
highway commission of New Mexico ; passed by the fourteenth leg-
islature. Santa Fe, 1939. 58p.
Special road laws and miscellaneous legislation relating to the State
highway commission of New Mexico ; passed by the fifteenth legis-
lature. Santa Fe (1941) 39p.
Special road laws and miscellaneous legislation relating to the State
highway commission of New Mexico; passed by the sixteenth leg-
islature. Santa Fe, 1943. 44p.
Special road laws and miscellaneous legislation relating to the State
• highway commission of New Mexico; passed by the seventeenth
legislature. Santa Fe, 1945. 35p.
Special road laws and miscellaneous legislation relating to the State
highway commission of New Mexico ; passed by the eighteenth leg-
islature. Santa Fe, 1947. 45p.
Standard specifications for road and bridge construction; ed. of 1944.
(Santa Fe, 1945). 200, lOp.
Through New Mexico on the Camino road. (Santa Fe, 1915) (56) p.
A book of half tones from photographs taken at intervals through-
out the five hundred miles of highway.
State inspector of mines.
Sec. 3 of Act of congress, approved Mr. 3, 1891 for the
protection of the lives of miners in the territories ; con-
stitution of the state continued federal mining inspection
laws (art. 22, sec. 3)
Annual report
July 1, 1892-June 30, 1893 v.l submitted but not printed
July 1, 1893-June 30, 1894 v.2 submitted but not printed
July 1, 1894-June 30, 1895 35p. v. 3 (J. W. Fleming)
230
NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
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22p. v. 4
7p. v. 5
33p. v. 6
48p. v. 7
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50p. v. 9
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79p. v.12
67p. v.13
87p. v.14
48p. v.15
48p. v.16
64p. v.17
73p. v.18
72p. v.19
35p. v. 1
58p. v. 2
56p. v. 3
46p. v. 4
71p. v. 5
72p. v. 6
lOlp. v. 7
74p. v. 8
34p. v. 9
65p. v.10
67p. v.ll
107p. v.12
124p. v.13
63p. v.14
39p. v.15
61p. v.16
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21p. v.29
18p. v.30
(J. W. Fleming)
(J. W. Fleming)
(J. E. Sheridan)
(J. E. Sheridan)
(J. E. Sheridan)
(J. E. Sheridan)
(J. E. Sheridan)
(J. E. Sheridan)
(J. E. Sheridan)
(J. E. Sheridan)
(J. E. Sheridan)
(J. E. Sheridan)
(J. E. Sheridan)
(R. H. Beddow)
(R. H. Beddow)
(R. H. Beddow)
(R. H. Beddow)
(W. W. Risdon)
(W. W. Risdon)
(W. W. Risdon)
(W. W. Risdon)
(W. W. Risdon)
(W. W. Risdon)
(W. W. Risdon)
(W. W. Risdon)
(W. W. Risdon)
(Warren Bracewell)
(Warren Bracewell)
(W. W. Risdon)
(W. W. Risdon)
(W. W. Risdon)
(W. W. Risdon)
(Warren Bracewell)
(Warren Bracewell)
(Warren Bracewell)
(Warren Bracewell)
(Warren Bracewell)
(Warren Bracewell)
(Warren Bracewell)
(Warren Bracewell)
(Warren Bracewell)
(Warren Bracewell)
(Warren Bracewell)
CHECKLIST 231
Nov. 1, 1941-Oct. 31, 1942 18p. v.31 (Warren Bracewell)
Nov. 1, 1942-Oct. 31, 1943 20p. v.32 (Warren Bracewell)
Nov. 1, 1943-Oct. 31, 1944 20p. v.33 (Warren Bracewell)
Nov. 1, 1944-Oct. 31, 1945 19p. v.34 (Warren Bracewell)
Nov. 1, 1945-Oct. 31, 1946 17p. v.35 (Warren Bracewell)
Nov. 1, 1946-Jne. 30, 1947 23p. v.36 (J. A. Garcia)
July 1, 1947-Jne. 30, 1948 24p. v.37 (J. A. Garcia)
July 1, 1948-Jne. 30, 1949 27p. v.37* ( J. A. Garcia)
Title varies: 1894/95-1910/11, Annual report of the U. S. Coal
mine inspector for the territory of New Mexico; 1st (1911/12)
Report of the state mine inspector of New Mexico; 2nd-7th
(1912/13-19,17/18) Annual report of the state mine inspector;
8th-10th (1918/19-20/21) Annual report of the state inspector of
mines; llth-21st (1921/22-31/32) State inspector of coal mines;
22nd- 1932/33- State inspector of mines.
1895-1909 also in Annual reports of the Interior department.
Dangers involved in entering old mines. 1 sheet mimeo.
M-S-A Chemox oxygen breathing apparatus; instructions for use and
maintenance. 4p. mimeo.
Mining laws of New Mexico including laws in relation to location and
operation of metalliferous and coal mines . . . transcribed at the
office of the Attorney general; pub. by the State inspector of
. mines, (Silver City, Enterprise print) 1919. 63p.
Mining laws of New Mexico, providing for the health and safety of
persons employed in and about mines and including inspection,
penalties, mine bell signals, etc. (Santa Fe) 1946. 81p.
Questions and answers, shotfirer's examination. (5) p. mimeo.
Resultant mine fatalities for New Mexico for a ten-year period. 2p.
mimeo.
Rules pertaining to mine safety for underground workmen. 3p. (E&S)
mimeo.
Suggestions on safe procedures on the use and handling of explosives
in mines other than coal in the state of New Mexico. (Albuquer-
que, 1949) 6, (4) p. mimeo.
State library extension service.
Established in 1929 to increase and extend library serv-
ice to all the citizens of the state, to raise library stand-
ards and give help to existing libraries. Since 1941 the
extension service has been under the supervision of the
State library commission.
* By decision of State Bureau of Mines the same volume number was used.
232 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Annual report . . . 1st- Santa Fe, 1930-
July 1, 1929-June 30, 1930 v.l (Mrs. J. B. Asplund)
in El Palacio v. 29, no. 12-13 p. 213-222
July 1, 1930-June 30, 1931 v.2 (Mrs. J. B. Asplund)
in El Palacio v. 32 nos. 1-2 p. 69-70.
July 1, 1931-June 30, 1932 v.3 (Mrs. J. B. Asplund)
in New Mexico library bulletin v. 1 no. 6 p. 2-7
July 1, 1932-June 30, 1933 v.4 (Mrs. J. B. Asplund)
in New Mexico library bulletin v. 2 no. 5 p. 2-7
July 1, 1933-June 30, 1934 v. 5 (Mrs. M. C. Datson)
in New Mexico library bulletin v. 3 no. 3 p. 2-8
July 1, 1934-June 30, 1935 v. 6 (Mrs. Esther Cox)
in New Mexico library bulletin v. 4 no. 3 p. 2-6
July 1, 1935-June 30, 1936 v. 7 (Mrs. Esther Cox)
in New Mexico library bulletin v. 5 no. 3 p. 2-7
July 1, 1936-June 30, 1937 v. 8 (Miss Helen Dorman)
in New Mexico library bulletin v. 6 no. 3 p. 2-8
July 1, 1937-June 30, 1938 v. 9 (Helen Dorman)
in New Mexico library bulletin v. 7, no. 3 p. 2-12
July 1, 1938-June 30, 1939 v. 10 (Helen Dorman)
in New Mexico library bulletin v. 8 no. 3 p. 2-12
July 1, 1939-June 30, 1940 v. 11 (Helen Dorman)
in New Mexico library bulletin v. 9 no. 3 p. 2-8
July 1, 1940-June 30, 1941 v. 12 (Mrs. I. S. Peck)
in New Mexico library bulletin v. 10 no. 3 p. 5-16
July 1, 1941-June 30, 1942 (Mrs. I. S. Peck)
in New Mexico library bulletin v. 11 no. 3 p. 3-12
July 1, 1942-June 30, 1943 (Mrs. I. S. Peck)
in New Mexico library bulletin v. 12 no. 3 p. 26-40
July 1, 1943-June 30, 1944 (Mrs. I. S. Peck)
in New Mexico library bulletin v. 13 no. 3 p. 26-40
July 1, 1944-June 30, 1945 (Mrs. I. S. Peck)
in New Mexico library bulletin v. 14 no. 3 p. 26-36
July 1, 1945-June 30, 1946 (Mrs. I. S. Peck)
in New Mexico library bulletin v. 15 no. 3 p. 2-16
July 1, 1946-June 30, 1947 (Mrs. I. S. Peck)
in New Mexico library bulletin v. 16 no. 2 p. 2-12
July 1, 1947-June 30, 1948 (Mrs. I. S. Peck)
in New Mexico library bulletin v. 17 no. 3 p. 2-5
July 1, 1948-June 30, 1949 (Mrs. I. S. Peck)
in New Mexico library bulletin v. 18 no. 3 p. 2-5
Includes a brief report of the Museum library and statistics of
New Mexico libraries. Beginning with 1941/42 the reports are
for the State library commission and the State library extension
service.
New Mexico librarian, v. 1-3 Oct. 1938-Oct. 1941. Santa Fe, 1938-1941.
CHECKLIST 233
v. 1 issued Oct. Nov. Jan.-May.
v. 2 issued Oct. Nov. Dec. Jan.-May.
8 nos. per volume.
New Mexico library bulletin v. 1- Jan. 1932- Santa Fe, 1932-
v. 1 #1-9 monthly Jan. -May, Sept.-Dec. 1932.
v. 2 #1-7 Jan. -April, Aug. Oct. Dec. 1933.
v. 3-9 #1-5 Feb. April Aug. Oct. Dec. 1934-1940.
v. 10 quarterly Jan.-Oct. 1941-
Library laws of New Mexico, pub. by the New Mexico library associa-
tion and The Library extension department of the New Mexico
federation of women's clubs. (Santa Fe, n.d.) (6) p. folder.
Library laws of New Mexico, pub. by the State library extension
service. Santa Fe, n.d. (8) p.
New Mexico state library extension service. Santa Fe, n.d. (4) p.
Library service for New Mexico . . . (Santa Fe, 1948) 38p.
State planning board.
Created in 1935 ; made inquiries, investigations and sur-
veys concerning natural, economic and human resources
and proposed plans for the economic and social develop-
ment of the state; abolished July 1, 1949; replaced by
N. M. Economic development commission.
Progress report to National resources board ; S. R. DeBoer, consultant.
Santa Fe, 1935. 339p.
Loose leaf.
On cover : New Mexico planning board. Preliminary report to the
National resources board, Dec. 15, 1934 and Progress report, Apr.
15, 1935. mimeo.
Final report. Santa Fe, 1949. 9p. (V. J. Jaeger) mimeo.
Capital improvement, workpiles for New Mexico; rev. to July 1, 1946.
Santa Fe, 1946. lip. mimeo.
Farm tenancy in New Mexico. Santa Fe, 1937. 48, 22p. typed.
Health survey of the state of New Mexico, by Carl E. Buck. This report
of a survey sponsored by the N. M. tuberculosis association is
published by authority of New Mexico State planning board.
(Santa Fe, New Mexican publishing corporation, (1935?) 35p.
Illiteracy in New Mexico, by L. V. Horton and S. R. De Boer. Santa Fe.
1936. 48p. mimeo.
Indian lands in New Mexico ... by Leo V. Horton . . . James L.
Rutledge ... and S. R. DeBoer . . . Santa Fe, 1936. 208p.
mimeo.
234 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
New Mexico facts and figures. (Santa Fe) 1948. lOOp.
Outline of mineral resources of N. M. Santa Fe, n.d. 21p. typed.
Post-war planning, a manual of simple methods of improving business,
with jobs and profits after the war, in New Mexico municipalities.
Prepared by Trent Thomas. (Santa Fe) 1944. 21, 19p.
The post-war years; a long-range program of capital improvements
for the state of New Mexico. (Santa Fe) 1943. 276p.
"Prepared by the staff of the N. M. State planning board . . .
with the co-operation of Trent Thomas . . . and Frank Donahue"
Potash production and marketing, by Leo V. Horton. Santa Fe, 1937.
15, 34p. mimeo.
Preliminary outlines for a state development plan submitted to State
planning board and National resources board, by S. R. DeBoer,
consultant. Santa Fe, 1934. 173p. mimeo.
Preliminary report of state lands of New Mexico. Santa Fe, 1936.
156p. mimeo.
Public domain. Santa Fe, n.d. 191p. typed.
Second progress report . . . Dec. 15, 1935. Santa Fe, 1935. 252p.
State lands: laws, revenue, management. Santa Fe, 1936. 252, 4p.
mimeo.
Tobacco as a new industry for New Mexico, by R. G. Newbourne . . .
Santa Fe, 1936. 26, 5p. mimeo.
State police.
Motor patrol created in 1933 ; in 1935 transferred appro-
priation and members of Motor Patrol to N. M. State
police; laws of 1941 repeal parts of the laws of 1935,
1937, 1939. Provides for supervision, qualifications, ap-
pointment, promotion, compensation and removal of
members of state police.
Report of Motor patrol.
Aug. 5, 1933-Jan. 1, 1935 v. p. (E. J. House)
Annual report of state police.
Jan. 1-Dec. 31, 1939 95p. v. 1 (T. A. Summers)
Jan. 1-Dec. 31, 1940 66p. v. 2 (T. A. Summers)
Biennial report
Jan. 1, 1941-Dec. 31, 1942 69p. (T. A. Summers)
Jan. 1, 1943-Dec. 31, 1944 92p. (Frank Young)
Make yourself a safe driver; facts you need to know to get a motor
vehicle operator's license, issued in the interest of public safety
CHECKLIST 235
by the New Mexico state police; rev. and pub. by J. A. Gallegos
. . . 39p.
News v. 1 no. 1-2.
Rules and regulations n.p.n.d. 13p.
State purchasing agent.
Created in 1943 for centralized purchasing of supplies
and materials for all institutions in the state, as well as
all departments and agencies.
Rules and regulations governing purchases . . . H. N. McDaniel.
(Santa Fe, 1943). 6p. mimeo.
State racing commission.
Established in 1933 to issue licenses and make rules and
regulations.
New Mexico law and rules governing horse racing.
(Santa Fe) 1938. 80p. xvip.
New Mexico law and rules governing horse racing.
(Santa Fe) 1949 56,xvi
on cover: Rules of racing.
Annual report of state racing commission.
1947 lip. v.l (J. E. Knott)
1948 21p. v.2 (J. E. Knott)
1949 21, (3) p. v.3 (J. E. Knott) (mimeo.)
Chart book . . . 1948. n.p.n.d. 33,5p. mimeo.
State tax commission.
Established in 1915; superseded the Territorial board
of equalization ; approves county and municipal budgets ;
is responsible for assessing all property belonging to or
leased by railroad, telegraph, telephone and transmission
lines, values shares of capital stock of banks and trust
companies, assesses all mineral property, oil and gas
wells and private car companies, determines and fixes
values for tax purposes of livestock and grazing lands.
Biennial report, v.l- Santa Fe, 1916-
Mar. 15, 1915-Nov. 30, 1916 133p. v. 1 (J. W. Poe)
236 NEW MEXLCO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Nov. 30, 1916-Nov. 30, 1918 130p. v. 2 (A. W. Pollard)
Nov. 30, 1918-Nov. 30, 1920 162p. v. 3 (J. E. Saint)
Nov. 30, 1920-Nov. 30, 1922 118p. v. 4 (J. E. Saint)
Nov. 30, 1922-Nov. 30, 1924 13p. v. 5 (J. E. Saint)
Nov. 30, 1924-June 30, 1926 55p. v. 6 (J. E. Owens)
July 1, 1926-June 30, 1928 156p. v. 7 (Nathan Jaffa)
July 1, 1928-June 30, 1930 74p. v. 8 (Nathan Jaffa)
July 1, 1930-June 30, 1932 71p. v. 9 (B. O. Beall)
July 1, 1932-June 30, 1934 102p. v.10 (B. 0. Beall)
July 1, 1934-June 30, 1936 93p. v.ll (B. O. Beall)
July 1, 1936- June 30, 1938 122p. v.12 (P. B. Harris)
July 1, 1938-June 30, 1940 142p. v.13 (P. B. Harris)
July 1, 1940-June 30, 1942 220p. v.14 (H. E. Sellers)
July 1, 1942-June 30, 1944 98p. v.15 (H. E. Sellers)
July 1, 1944-June 30, 1946 131p. v.16 (H. E. Sellers)
July 1, 1946-June 30, 1948 127p. v.17 (H. E. Sellers)
Act creating State tax commission of New Mexico. (Santa Fe) 1915.
12p.
Act estableciendo una comision de impuestos del estado de Nuevo
Mexico. (Santa Fe) 1915. lip.
Compilation of authorized county tax levies and opinions of the At-
torney general. Santa Fe, June 9, 1915. 5p. (Frank W. Clancy)
Federally held lands, the west's greatest problem. Address by Hon.
O. A. Larrazola, governor of New Mexico, before the U. S. Good
roads association, Hot Springs, Ark. Souvenir copy, compliments
of the State tax commission of New Mexico. Santa Fe, 1920. 20p.
New Mexico revenue and tax code, annotated; 1937 compilation, con-
taining all of the existing revenue and tax laws of state of New
Mexico relating to state, counties, municipalities, irrigation,
drainage and conservancy districts and state institutions; comp.
and ed. by Henry C. Allen. Denver, Courtright, 1937. 285p.
New Mexico State tax regulations under the 1933 Income tax act.
(Santa Fe, 1933) 87p.
Proceedings. Santa Fe,
March session 1915 24p.
Extracts from proceedings
November session 1915 16p.
February session 1916 22p.
July meeting 1916 22p.
September special meeting 1916 64p.
October special meeting 1916 13p.
November special and regular meetings 1916 39p.
February session 1917 12p.
March special meeting 1917 6p.
July 16-17 regular meeting 1917 16p.
CHECKLIST 237
Aug. 27-Sept. 1, 3-6 meeting 1917 16p.
October special session 1917 16p.
November session 1917 39p.
December special meeting 1917 8p.
1918 44p.
July, 1917-1918 appear in N. M. tax bulletin v. 1 No. 1-5; v. 2 No.l.
Report of appraisal of mining properties of New Mexico, by J. R.
Finlay, 1921-22 (Santa Fe, 1923) 154p.
Supplemental to the fourth biennial report of the State tax commission
relating to the reassessment of Guadalupe county. (Santa Fe,
1923) 15p.
Tourist bureau.
Created in 1935 as a branch of the State highway depart-
ment to carry on a national advertising campaign to at-
tract tourists to the state.
Annual report
1936 20p. (Joe Bursey) Mimeo.
1937 unp. (Joe Bursey)
1938 14p. (Joe Bursey)
1939 12p. (Joe Bursey)
1940 12p. (Joe Bursey)
1941 unp. (Joe Bursey)
Battlefields of the conquistadores in New Mexico. (Santa Fe, c!942)
(12) p. folder.
Historical map on verso.
Cattle, corn and cotton, by Margaret Page Hood. (The story of New ^
Mexico agriculture) Reprinted from New Mexico magazine; pre-
sented with the compliments of the New Mexico State tourist bu- -
reau. Santa Fe, c!946. 4p.
Coronado cuarto centennial, 1540-1940; New Mexico, "land of enchant-
ment" (Santa Fe, 1940) (28) p. (Descriptive booklet)
Coronado cuarto centennial; New Mexico, 1940. (8) p. folder.
Facts about New Mexico, n.p.n.d. 4p. mimeo.
"The first Americans"; Indians of New Mexico. (Santa Fe, 1939) 20p.
"The first Americans"; Indians of New Mexico. (Santa Fe, 1935)
(36) p. folder.
Historical trails through New Mexico, the land of enchantment. (Santa
Fe, 1940) (12)p. folder 22x 17 in. folded to 8% x 3% in. Historical
map on verso.
List of New Mexico Dude ranches and resorts. Santa Fe, 1947. 8p.
mimeo.
238 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Mission churches of New Mexico. (Santa Fe, 1935) (40) p.
Mission churches of New Mexico. (Santa Fe, 1939) (40) p.
New Mexico, the land of enchantment. (Santa Fe, 1941) 32p.
New Mexico, the land of enchantment. Santa Fe, 1942. 32p.
New Mexico, the land of enchantment. (Santa Fe, 1947) 32p.
New Mexico, the land of enchantment. (Santa Fe, 1948) (32) p.
New Mexico cookery; issued by State land office. (Santa Fe) 1916.
38p. mimeo. copies courtesy of N. M. state tourist bureau.
Official insignia. . .of the state of New Mexico. (Santa Fe, 1940) (4) p.
Official insignia. . .of the state of New Mexico. (Santa Fe, 1941) (4) p.
Official insignia. . .of the state of New Mexico. (Santa Fe, 1947) (4) p.
Official insignia. . .of the state of New Mexico. (Santa Fe, 1948) (4)p.
Recreational map of New Mexico; the land of enchantment. (Santa Fe,
1941) (12) p. folder map on verso.
Recreational map of New Mexico; the land of enchantment. (Santa Fe,
1947) (12) p. folder map on verso.
Recreational map of New Mexico; the land of enchantment. (Santa Fe,
1948) (12) p. folder map on verso.
Recreational map of New Mexico; the land of enchantment. (Santa Fe,
1949) (12) p. folder map on verso.
Two Weeks in New Mexico, "land of enchantment". (Santa Fe, 1935)
29, (3)p.
Two Weeks in New Mexico, "land of enchantment". (Santa Fe, 1936)
29, (3) p.
Two Weeks in New Mexico, "land of enchantment". (Santa Fe, 1938)
32p.
Two Weeks in New Mexico, "land of enchantment". (Santa Fe, 1939)
29, (3))p.
Welcome to the land of enchantment. (Santa Fe, 1937) (16) p. folder.
You can choose your climate, by Cleve Hallenbeck (The story of New
Mexico's weather) Reprinted from New Mexico Magazine; printed
for free distribution by New Mexico State Tourist Bureau.
(Santa Fe, c!946) (4) p.
Traveling auditor.
Offices of Traveling- auditor & Bank examiner were Es-
tablished in 1903 ; separated in 1915 ; duties and powers
of traveling auditor were transferred to the Comptroller
in 1923.
CHECKLIST 239
Report
1903-Nov. 30, 1904 35p. (C. V. Safford)
in Message of M. A. Otero to the 36th Legislative assembly
Jan. 16, 1905. Exhibit "N" 35p.
1905-Nov. 30, 1906 9p. (C. V. Safford)
in Message of H. J. Hagerman to the 37th Legislative assembly
Jan. 21, 1907. 9p. Exhibit 3. '
July 1, 1909-June30, 1910 21p. (C. V. Safford)
Dec. 1, 1911-Dec. 31, 1912 82p. (Howell Earnest)
Dec. 1, 1912-Dec. 31, 1913 114p. (Howell Earnest)
Apr. 1, 1915-Nov. 30, 1916 94p. (A. G. Whittier)
in Report of auditor 1915-16 p. 41-94
Dec. 1, 1916-Nov. 30, 1918 123p. (A. G. Whittier)
in Biennial report of State auditor 1917-18 p.41-123
Title varies: 1909-13 Report of the Traveling auditor and bank
examiner.
For publications of Bank examiner after 1914 see State bank
examiner Rules and regulations; circular letters and prescribed
forms Santa Fe, 1919. 103p.
Treasurer's office.
Established in 1846 ; receives and keeps all money of the
state, disburses the money upon warrants signed by the
auditor, keeps an account of all money received and ex-
pended.
Report
May 10, 1851-Dec. 1, 1851
in Journal of the House 1851/52 p.233-35.
Dec. 1, 1852-Nov. 21, 1853. (Charles Blumner)
in Diario del Consejo legislative 1853/54 p.243-250.
Nov. 15, 1854-Nov. 15, 1855
in Diario del consejo 1854/55 p.187.
Nov. 15, 1855-Nov. 15, 1856 (E. T. Clark)
in Journal of the Council 1856/57 p.75-91.
Nov. 15, 1856-Nov. 15, 1857 (Charles Blumner)
in Journal of the House 1857/58 p.112-113.
Nov. 15, 1858-Nov. 15, 1859 (Charles Blumner)
in Journal of the House 1859/60 p.30-41.
Nov. 15, 1859-Nov. 15, 1860 (Charles Blumner)
in Journal of the House 1860/61 p.21-33.
Nov. 16, 1860-Nov. 15, 1861 (Charles Blumner)
in Journal of the House 1861/62 p.37-51.
Nov. 16, 1861-Nov. 15, 1862 (Charles Blumner)
in Journal of the House 1862/63 p.52-68.
240 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Nov. 16, 1862-Nov. 15, 1863 (Wm. Osterton)
in Journal of the House 1863/64 p.41-52.
Nov. 16, 1863-Nov. 15, 1864 (A. Sandoval)
in Journal of the House 1864/65 p.49-63.
Nov. 16, 1864-Nov. 15, 1865 (J. M. Gallegos)
in Journal of the House 1865/66 p.357-65; Journal of Legis-
lative council 1864/65 p.49-63.
Feb. 21, 1882-Dec. 31, 1883 (A. Ortiz y Salazar)
in Official reports, 1882/83 p.17-27.
1884 1885
Dec. 3, 1886-Dec. 15, 1888 41p. (A. Ortiz y Salazar)
Dec. 4, 1890-Dec. 5, 1892 43p. (R. J. Palen)
Dec. 5, 1892-Dec. 1, 1894 25p. (R. J. Palen)
Dec. 3, 1894-Nov. 28, 1896 16p. (45-47 fis. yr.) (Samuel El-
dodt)
Nov. 30, 1896-Dec. 3, 1898 23p. (47-49 fis. yr.) (Samuel El-
dodt)
also in Message of M. A. Otero to the 33d legislative assembly.
Jan. 16, 1899. "Exhibit B." p.92-108.
Dec. 3, 1898-Dec. 1, 1900 41p. (50-51 fis yr.) (J. H. Vaughn)
also in Message of M. A. Otero to the 34th legislative assembly.
Jan. 21, 1901. Exhibit "A" 58p.
Dec. 1, 1900-Nov. 30, 1902 36p. (52-53 fis. yr.) (J. H. Vaughn)
also in Message of M. A. Otero to the 35th legislative assembly.
Jan. 19, 1903. "Exhibit A" 36p.
Dec. 1, 1902-Nov. 30, 1904 60p. (54-55 fis. yr.) (J. H. Vaughn)
also in Message of M. A. Otero to the 36th legislative assembly.
Jan. 16, 1905. Exhibit "A" 60p.
Dec. 1, 1904-Nov. 30, 1906 71p. (56-57 fis. yr.) (J. H. Vaughn)
also in Message of H. J. Hagerman to the 37th legislative
assembly.
Jan. 21, 1907. Exhibit 1. 71p.
Dec. 1, 1906-Nov. 30, 1908 62p. (58-59, fis. yr.) (J. H. Vaughn)
Dec. 1, 1908-Nov. 30, 1911 8p. (60-62 fis. yr.) (R. J. Palen)
Dec. 1, 1908-Nov. 30, 1911 23p. (60-62 fis. yr.) (O. N. Marron)
Dec. 1, 1911-Nov. 30, 1912 20p. (63d fis. yr.) (O. N. Marron)
Dec. 1, 1912-Nov. 30, 1914 46p. ( 1-2 fis. yr.) (O. N. Marron)
Dec. 1, 1914-Nov. 30, 1916 ( 3-4 fis. yr.) (0. N. Marron)
Dec. 1, 1916-Nov. 30, 1918 34p. ( 5-6 fis. yr.) (H. L. Hall)
Dec. 1, 1918-Nov. 30, 1920 22p. ( 7-8 fis. yr.) (C. V. Strong)
Dec. 1, 1920-Nov. 30, 1922 20p. ( 9-10 fis. yr.) (O. A. Matson)
Nov. 30, 1922-Nov. 30, 1924 22p. (11-12 fis. yr.) (W.R.Graham)
Nov. 30, 1924-July 1, 1926 20p. (13-14 fis. yr.) (W.R.Graham)
July 1, 1926-June30, 1928 46p. (15-16 fis. yr.) (W.R.Graham)
July 1, 1928-June30, 1930 53p. (17-18 fis. yr.) (Emer. Watts)
July 1, 1930-June30, 1932 95p. (19-20 fis. yr.) (W.R.Graham)
CHECKLIST 241
July 1, 1932-June30, 1934 73p. (21-22 fis. yr.) (C.P.Anderson)
July 1, 1934-June 30, 1936 81p. (23-24 fis. yr.) (J. J. Connelly)
July
July
July
July
July
1936-June 30, 1938 ( J. J. Connelly)
1938-June 30, 1940 86p. (27-28 fis. yr.) (Rex French)
1940-June30, 1942 90p. (29-30 fis. yr.) (Rex French)
1942-June30, 1944 94p. (31-32 fis. yr.) (Guy Shepard)
1944-June30, 1946 91p. (33-34 fis. yr.) (Guy Shepard)
July 1, 1946-June30, 1948 53p. (35-36 fis. yr.) (H. R. Rodgers)
Title varies:
1852-Dec. 1, 1900. Report of the territorial treasurer;
1901-Nov. 30, 1908. Report of the treasurer of the territory;
1908-Nov. 30, 1911. Report of the territorial treasurer;
1912-Nov. 30, 1920. Report of the state treasurer;
Dec. 1, 1920. Biennial report of the state treasurer.
Reports for the 15-16; 17-18 fiscal years are separate reports
bound together.
Bonded debt as of June 30th, 1935. (Santa Fe, 1935) (4) p. (mimeo)
Informe del tesorero territorial desde Diciembre 5 de 1892 a Diciembre
1 de 1894. Santa Fe, N. M.: Compania impresora del Nuevo
Mexicano, 1894. 25p.
Informe del tesorero territorial desde Diciembre 30, 1896, Hasta
Diciembre 3, 1898. Santa Fe, Compania impresora del Nuevo
Mexicano, 1899. 21p.
Informe del tesorero territorio. J. H. Vaughn desde Diciembre 3,
1898, Hasta Diciembre 1, 1900. Santa Fe, Compania impresora
del Nuevo Mexicano.
(To be continued)
Notes and Documents
The minutes of the Historical Society of New Mexico that
record the organization of the Society have been printed in
the NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, XVIII, 252ff .
The Circular printed below was no doubt a solicitation
for membership, and a copy was sent to Dr. Micheal Steck,
in southern New Mexico, where he was serving as Agent
for the Apache Indians.
The original of the Circular is in the Steck Papers, Uni-
versity of New Mexico. It is printed, but the signature of
Sloan is in script, and the name of Steck is signed in the
same handwriting.
CIRCULAR
Santa Fe, New Mexico
December SO, 1859
Sir,
It gives me pleasure to announce to you, that on the 26th
inst. a number of gentlemen residing in Santa Fe, formed an associa-
tion, called "THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF NEW MEXICO."
Its object, quoted from the Constitution then adopted, is "the col-
lection and preservation, under its own care and direction, of all
historical facts, manuscripts, documents, records and memoirs, rela-
tive to the history of this Territory;1 Indian antiquities and curiosities;
geographical maps and information,2 and objects of Natural History."
The Society commences its investigations in this vast and compre-
hensive field, under the most favorable auspices. It does not contemplate
a sphere of operations, confined to Santa Fe, but one embracing the
extreme limits of the Territory and Gadsden Purchase; sufficiently
extensive and varied, to ex[c]ite the best efforts of all active resident
explorers, and the hopes and encouragement of the friends of science, in
every part of the Union.
There will be no halting in this work, if those devoted to science,
and the development of the resources of this Territory, unite with us.
Your co-operation therefore, is earnestly desired. Applications for
membership, may be made, in writing, at any regular meeting, recom-
mended by two members. Upon election, five dollars must be paid to
the Treasurer, and thereafter, a monthly sum of one dollar as the
society is at present organized, to carry out its objects.
1. There is a slight difference in the wording of this quotation from that in the
original constitution as printed in the NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, XVIII, 255f ;
the constitution reads : "relating to this Territory. . . ."
2. The constitution reads : "and curiosities, geographical maps and information,
geological . . ."
242
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 243
A copy of the Constitution and Py-Laws will be transmitted to you,
as soon as printed ; but an immediate answer is respectfully requested,
with your views in reference to this important movement.
Dr. Steck Very respectfully
Las Cruces your obedient Servant,
WM. J. SLOAN
Cor. Secry.
When I first came to Sierra County in 1908 and the stage-driver
pointed out to me, at the crossing of Jaralosa Creek, a handsome range
of mountains which he said were known as the Sibley Mountains, it
was informative but not impressive. To me, a newcomer from New
York, the name meant nothing. For that matter it meant very little to
the stage-driver. He did not know why they were called the Sibley
Mountains.
I did not find out why until 1928. By that time I had studied New
Mexican history and I knew that Henry Sibley, commander of the
Texas Volunteer Cavalry which invaded the Territory in 1862, had
fought a victorious skirmish, sometimes called battle, at Valverde, had
gone on to Santa Fe, had been defeated at Glorieta, and had then re-
treated south, to be afterwards indicted by a federal grand jury in
Santa Fe as a traitor, in fact the great and leading traitor in these
parts during the Civil War.
In 1928 I met John Snyder, then around 90 years of age. I was
introduced to him by his nephew Marcus Snyder, of Texas. John
Snyder's daughter, I understand, was postmistress of Clayton, New
Mexico, during the first years of our Statehood.
John Snyder told me that he had been in the commissary train of
General Sibley when first he invaded New Mexico. He was left behind
with the detachment in charge of securing subsistence for the Texas
Volunteer Cavalry, at Mesilla. Communications in those days were by
despatch. The commissary at Mesilla was sadly disappointed when it
heard of Sibley's defeat. However, Sibley was a man of great courage,
unwilling to admit defeat, and he advised the Mesilla detachment to
meet him this side [north] of the ford near Rincon, as he, the general,
had decided to invade California via Tucson, a town which was sup-
posed to be sympathetic with the south, and in the extreme western
part of what was then the federal territory of New Mexico but had
been declared to be the Confederate Territory of Arizona by Sibley's
decree.
But when the commissary in Mesilla received the message from
Sibley the news had already reached Mesilla that the California Col-
umn had occupied Tucson and was then on the march east. John
Snyder was sent north to meet the Sibley remnants. He met them at
their camp on what is now called Jaralosa Creek at the foot of the
244 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
range named after Sibley. The message which John Snyder brought
caused Sibley to turn east towards Mesilla and then to El Paso.
I have read all the accounts of Sibley's retreat that were available
to me, but none of them contained the story John Snyder told me.
Hillsboro, New Mexico EDWARD D. TITTMANN
SOME ORIGINAL NEW MEXICO DOCUMENTS
IN CALIFORNIA LIBRARIES*
With the aid of a "minor scholarship" tendered by the
New Mexico Historical Society I had the privilege, during
January, 1950, of examining certain files in the Ritch Collec-
tion of the Huntington Library at San Marino, and the
Bancroft Collection at the University of California at Ber-
keley. The most generous and courteous helpfulness shown
me by Mary Isabel Fry, Registrar, and Haydee Noya, Cura-
tor of Manuscripts, at the Huntington, was matched by that
of Drs. Bolton and Hammond and the manuscript curator,
Mrs. McLeod, at the Bancroft. At the Old Mission of Santa
Barbara the archivist, Fr. Maynard Geiger, O.F.M., showed
me a handful of New Mexico originals which he at my re-
quest had photostated and forwarded to the Museum in
Santa Fe.
Because of my limited time, I confined myself to original
Spanish manuscripts of the long Spanish and brief Mexican
period of New Mexican history; that is, documents which
many years ago strayed away from the Spanish Archives of
New Mexico in Santa Fe. Of course, I kept an eye open for
any other written or printed matter relating to the same
place and period. Of all these I made comprehensive notes
from which the following lists are taken. — Fr. A. C. •
I. HUNTINGTON LIBRARY, RITCH COLLECTION
Mr. Ritch's collection consists of: 1) a few Spanish Ar-
chives originals interspersed among typewritten or manu-
script translations of other documents still extant in Santa
Fe (Boxes 1 to 4) ; 2) a very large number of boxes filled
with original documents and copies relating to the New
Mexico American Period from 1846 to the close of the cen-
* Prepared for publication by Fr. Angelico Chavez, O.F.M., Pena Blanca, New
Mexico.
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 245
tury; 3) memorandum books and tablets filled with his own
historical jottings as well as clippings from contemporary
newspapers; 4) a manuscript biography of Padre Martinez
of Taos and other papers on the same subject.
The following are the Spanish originals in the first four
boxes.
1681. Sept. 18. San Lorenzo. Sargento Mayor Luis Granillo to Gov-
ernor Otermin requesting improvement of the refugees' living
conditions. (2ff. 37-38.) (Box 1, no. 7.)
1681-1682. Otermin Campaign. Nov. 5, 1681-Jan. 1, 1682. Incomplete,
(ff. 2-66) (Box 1, no. 12.)
1689. April 12. Conde de Galve to Santa Fe Cabildo at el Paso del Rio.
(1 f.) (Box 1, no. 17.)
1693-1694. De Vargas, Autos de Guerra, Dec. 17, 1693-Jan. 5, 1694.
(88ff. ff. 87-130.) (Box 1, no. 25.)
1694. De Vargas, Autos de Guerra, Sept. 3-Oct. 8, 1694. (95ff., ff.
1-55.) (Box 1, no. 30.)
1697. De Vargas, Certificate to Jose Trujillo for excellent military
service. Santa Fe, Aug. 28, 1697. (If) (Box 2, no. 35.)
1704. May 29. Duke of Alburquerque to Santa Fe Cabildo. (If.)
(Box 2, no. 38.)
1705. April 28. Conveyance of slave girl from De Vargas estate. Juan
Paez Hurtado to Antonio Valverde y Cosio. (2ff.)
(Box 2,jw>. 39.)
1705. October 6. Gov. Cuervo, certificate to Jose Trujillo for military
service in Navajo Campaign. (If.) (Box 2, no. 41.)
[17 — ] Dec. 26. Memoria (unsigned) to Petronila Gongora for sale of
house. (A small piece of paper.) (Box 2, no. 2164.)
1706. July 11. Capt. Jose Trujillo appointed substitute Alcalde of
Pecos and Galisteo by Juan de Ulibarri in latter 's absence. (2ff.)
(Box 2, no. 42.)
1707. June 28. Mexico. Duke of Alburquerque. Resolutions concerning
the policies of Governor Cuervo. (4ff.) (Box 2, no. 44.)
1708. July 7. Mexico. Duke of Alburquerque. Concerning poverty of the
"Poblacion de Santa Maria de Grado." (If.) (Box 2, no. 45.)
1709. March 24. Santa Fe. Governor Penuela. Appointment of someone
as Alferez in place of Ambrosio Fresqui, very sick. (Fragment.)
(Box 2, no. 46.)
1709. May 7. Appointment of Jose Trujillo as Alcalde of Santa Cruz.
(If.) (Box 2, no. 47.)
1709-1710. Santa Fe. Testimonial of expenses in the reconstruction of
the Chapel of San Miguel. (7ff.) (This document was fully
246 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
treated by George Kubler in his monograph: The Rebuilding
of San Miguel at Santa Fe in 1710, Colorado Springs, 1939.)
(Box 2, no. 48.)
1712. Dec. 22. Appointment of Jose Trujillo as Alferez. (If.)
(Box 2, no. 49.)
1713. Aug. 31. Certification of Jose Trujillo's service in three wars.
(If.) (Box 2, no. 50.)
1714. Nov. 12. Appointment of Jose Trujillo as temporary Alcalde of
Santa Cruz. (If.) (Box 2, no. 53.)
1717. April 5. Mexico. Decree repealing a previous order concerning
presidios in New Mexico. (2ff.) (Box 2, no. 56.)
1717. Aug. 16. Santa Fe. Proclamation by Antonio Valverde y Cosio of
Viceroy's orders that Indians be taught Spanish. (If.)
(Box 2, no. 57.)
1737. Aug. 17. Santa Fe. Edict forbidding certain exports from New
Mexico. (Broadside.) (Box 2, no. 58.)
1748. April 25. Gov. Codallos y Rabal. Report concerning thirty-three
Frenchmen (no names) who arrived at a place forty leagues
from Taos and left after selling fire-arms to Indians. (2ff.)
(Box 2, no. 60.)
1789. Aug. 21. Santa Fe. Gov. de la Concha proclaims general visita-
tion of the Province. (2ff.) (Box 2, no. 62)
1789. Sept. 11-Dec. 9. Report by Concha of general Visitation. Census
of Pueblos. Census and names of residents of Santa Fe. (68ff.)
(Box 2, no. 40.)
1789. Sept. 11. Inventory of Taos Mission by Fray Gabriel de Lago.
(2ff.) (Box 2, no. 51.)
1789. Sept. 12. Inventory of Picuries Mission by the same. (If.)
(Box 2, no. 335.)
1789. Sept. 13. Inventory of Santa Cruz Mission by Fray Jose Carral.
(If.) (Box 2, no. 1834.)
1789. Sept. 13. Inventory of San Juan Mission by Fray Santiago
Fernandez de Sierra. (If.) (Box 2, no. 337.)
1789. Sept. 14. Inventory of San Ildefonso Mission by Fray Ramon
Antonio Gonzales. (If.) (Box 2, no. 1836.)
1789. Sept. 14. Inventory of Pojoaque Mission by the same. (If.)
(Box 2, no. 1837.)
1789. Sept. 14. Inventory of Abiquiu Mission by Fray Jose de la Prada.
(If.) (Box 2, no. 1835.)
1789. Inventory of Nambe Mission by Fray Ramon Antonio Gonzales.
(If.) (Box 2, no. 1838.)
1789. Sept. 15. Inventory of Santa Clara Mission by Fray Diego Munoz
Jurado. (If.) (Box 2, no. 1839.)
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 247
1789. Inventory of San Felipe Mission by Fray Antonio Caballero
(2ff.) (Box 2, no. 1841.)
1789. Inventory of Santo Domingo Mission by the same. (2ff.)
(Box 2, no. 1842.)
1789. Inventory of Cochiti Mission by the same. (If.)
(Box 2, no. 1840.)
1789. Inventory of Jemez Mission by Fray Jose Vilchez. (If.)
(Box 2, No. 1843.)
1789. Inventory of Zia Mission by the same. (If.) (Box 2, no. 1844.)
1789, Inventory of Santa Ana Mission by the same. (If.)
(Box 2, no. 1845.)
1789. Inventory of Sandia Mission by Fray Ambrosio Guerra. (If.)
(Box 2, no. 1846.)
1789. Inventory of Isleta Mission by Fray Cayetano Bernal. (If.)
(Box 2, no. 1848.)
1789. Inventory of Albuquerque Mission by Fray Ambrosio Guerra.
(If.) (Box 2, no. 1847.)
1789. Inventory of Laguna Mission by Fray Jose Mariano Rosete.
(If.) (Box 2, no. 1849.)
1789. Inventory of Acoma Mission by the same. (If.)
(Box 2, no. 1850.)
1789. Inventory of Zuni Mission by the same. (If.) (Box 2, no. 1851.)
1789. Inventory of Pecos Mission by Fray Francisco Martin Bueno.
(If.) (Box 2, no. 1852.)
1789. Inventory of Tesuque Mission by the same. (If.)
(Box 2, no. 1853.)
1789. Inventory of Santa Fe by the same. (If.) (Box 2, no. 1854.)
1789. Inventory of Real de San Lorenzo by Fray Esteban Aumatell.
(If.) (Box 2, no. 1856.)
1789. Inventory of Guadalupe del Paso by Fray Rafael Benavides.
(2ff.) (Box 2, no. 1855.)
1789. Inventory of Isleta (el Paso) by Fray Antonio Campos. (If.)
(Box 2, no. 1857.)
1789. Inventory of Socorro Mission (el Paso) by Fray Francisco
Duenas. (If.) (Box 2, no. 1858.)
1810. Dec. 31. General Census of New Mexico Mission by Fr. Pereyro.
(If.) (Box 3, no. 68.)
1812. July 24. Inventory of goods in possession of several American
traders in New Mexico. (4ff.) (Box 3, no. 69.)
1815-1819. (May 10; Sept. 6.) Larraniaga's record of vaccinations
giving names of children and father of each child. (40pp.)
(Box 3, no. 70.)
248 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
1837. Sept. Santa Fe. Inventory of the goods of Santiago Abreu, killed
by rebel Indians. By order of Jefe Politico, Jose Gonzales.
(Box 4, no. 164.)
II. BANCROFT LIBRARY
The following Spanish originals were in two large draw-
ers. The first, labeled "New Mexico Original," (NMO), con-
sists of documents belonging to the Spanish Archives of New
Mexico. The second, labeled "Southwest Originals," (SWO),
contains material pertaining to the general Southwest region
outside of New Mexico proper. In it, however, are half a
dozen documents that ought to be in the first drawer. I also
glanced through several drawers full of northern Mexico
material but failed to see any New Mexicana there.
1693. Sept. 4. Mexico. Conde de Galve to De Vargas. Receipt of news
of first De Vargas Reconquest and latter's request for new colon-
ists; these to be transported from Mexico City by Fr. Farfan.
No other names. (2pp.) (NMO)
1685. Nov. 28. Mexico. Marques de la Laguna to Governors of New
Mexico and New Vizcaya re boundaries. (4pp.) (NMO)
[17 — ] Census of Abiquiu district. Made during term of Gov. Fer-
nando de la Concha. Names and ages of husbands and wives.
(12pp.) (NMO)
1694. June. De Vargas Journal. Incomplete, (n*. 146-163). Battle of
San Ildefonso Mesa. (34pp.) (NMO)
1694. De Vargas Auto re Juan Paez Hurtado bringing in new fami-
lies, and recent victories at Jemez, etc. Santa Fe, Sept. 1. (3pp.)
(NMO)
1702. (The following documents are in one legajo.)
Feb. 25, Santa Fe. Cubero Auto following news of peace in
Moquiland brought by Jose Naranjo. But Padres fear uprising.
(3pp.)
Feb. Roque Madrid of Santa Cruz sends in similar news. But
Padre seems to be afraid. (2pp.)
Halona, February. Letter of Fr. Garaycoechea to Cubero recom-
mending Indian governor. (lp.)
Acoma, Feb. 19. Letter of Fr. Miranda to Cubero. Friendly note,
asks for two bison skins, (lp.)
Cristobal de Arellano reports rumors of uprising to Cubero.
(2pp.)
Cochiti, Feb. 25. Juan de Uribarri to Cubero on same subject,
dp.)
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 249
Zia, Feb. 25. Letter of Fr. Colina to Gustos, sends rumors of
intended revolt at Zufii. (3pp.)
Zuni. Jose Trujillo to Cubero.
Cochiti, Feb. 25. Gov. Cubero. Junta de Guerra. Visitation of
various pueblos. (54pp.)
(NMO)
1711. Marques de la Penuela. Aug. 25. Incursions of Plains Indians
into Pecos. (3pp.) (NMO)
1713. Autos of Junta General following a letter of Fr. Yrazabal of
Halona about sending Indian emissaries into Moqui province to
feel out people for conversion.
1715. New investigations, same problem. Gov. Mogollon. (32pp.)
(NMO)
1714. Jan. 20. Gov. Mogollon. Auto warning friars and alcaldes to
guard lest Pueblos erect new estuf as. Any built to be destroyed.
Reports from Alcaldes of various Pueblo groups. (8 pp.)
(NMO)
1715. July 20, Santa Fe. Autos of Junta de Guerra against Apaches
for stealing horses. List of officers and men under Juan Paez
Hurtado. Hurtado's Campaign Journal. (34 pp.) (NMO)
1719. Journal of Antonio Valverde y Cosio, campaign against Utes and
Cumanches. Incomplete. (54pp.) (NMO)
1727. Nov. 26. Mexico. Marques de Casafuerte to Gov. Bustamante
about French having settled El Quartelejo. (5pp.) (NMO)
1728. April 20. Santa Fe. Auto of Gov. Bustamante following letter
from Fr. Jose Xardon stating that the Tigua Pueblo in Moqui-
land is ready and willing to return to ancestral sites. Junta in
Santa Fe, two opinions discussed. Incomplete. (4pp.) (NMO)
1728. Santa Cruz. Complaint by Miguel Martines against the phy-
sician Xavier Romero for attempted "nefarious sin" with his
son. Incomplete. (4 pp.) (Most likely a missing part of Sp.
Arch. II, no. 353 in Santa Fe.) (NMO)
1730. Orders of Viceroy to Gov. Bustamante forbidding soldiers to
sell equipment. (Torn) (4 pp.) (NMO)
1731. Residencia of Governor Juan Domingo Bustamante. (360 pp.)
(NMO)
1732. Residencia of Governor Henrique de Olavide y Michelena. (356
PP.) tptf
1727. June 20. Albuquerque citizens vs. Antonio Martin .coridenm@
lands belonging to the Villa. (12 pp.) Incomplete.^ .gtfmb)
1737. Bando of Gov. Michelena forbidding public grazing in pastures
set aside for presidio horses. (Large broadside.) (NMO)
1738. Charge against christianized Plains Indians for murdering a
pagan Cumanche. (15 pp.) (NMO)
250 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
1738. Autos of Visitation made by Gov. Michelena. (77 pp.) (NMO)
173-. Petition of Juan Jose Moreno for better pastures for presidio
horses. Lands mentioned are near Santa Fe. (3 pp.) (NMO)
1744. Residencia of Gov. Caspar Domingo de Mendoza. (266pp.)
(NMO)
1744. Viceregal order suppressing five commissions in the Santa Fe
Presidio. (5pp.) (NMO)
1745. Testimonial of original Autos sent by Gov. Codallos y Rabal to
the Viceroy. On the Reduction of the Navajos to the Faith.
(60pp.) (NMO)
1746. Viceregal orders on efficacious efforts in pacification of Cu-
manches. (22pp.) (NMO)
1747. Gov. Cachupin. Ordinance against gambling. (Broadside.)
(NMO)
1748. Petition by Fr. Juan Miguel Menchero that a certain Apache be
appointed chief tain of his rancheria. (8pp.) (NMO)
1749. Testimonial of Fr. Menchero about his entrance into Navajo
country to gather Indians at Paraje de Cebolletas. (llpp.)
(NMO)
1749. Viceregal orders following above report of Fr. Menchero.
(13pp.) (NMO)
1756. Santa Fe. Feb. 16. The Vicar Don Santiago Roybal asks Gov.
Marin del Valle to have Juan Bautista Duran apprehended.
(5pp.) (NMO)
1756. Santa Fe. Bernardo Miera y Pacheco proposes to cast a new
cannon from broken ordnance pieces. (7pp.) (NMO)
1757. Indian Principales of Isleta VS Indian Raymundo of same
pueblo. (9pp.) (NMO)
1759. Sandia. July 20. Petition by Francisco Saes and Jose Pacheco.
(Ip.) (NMO)
1766. Autos against Genizaro Indians of Abiquiu, accused of sorcery
by Fray Juan Jose Toledo. (97pp.) (NMO)
1762. Petition of Barbara Gallegos, Canada de Cochiti, in favor of her
husband in prison. (4pp.) (NMO)
1762. El Paso del Norte. April 24. Manuel Antonio San Juan to Gov-
ernor Cachupin about a Dam on the Rio del Norte. (2pp.)
(NMO)
1762. Autos against Manuel Armijo, alias Redondo, for criticizing
drafting of men for Indian campaigns. (47pp.) (NMO)
1762. Petition by Albuquerque citizens for continuation of local guard.
Granted. (5pp.) (NMO)
1762. Taos. Investigations concerning bigamy charges against Miguel
Romero, Apache, (llpp.) (NMO)
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 251
1763. Feb. 22. Investigations concerning flight of Jose Reano, detained
in Santa Fe presidio for dementia, with four Genizaros. — 1763,
July 10, Galisteo. A Nataje chieftain reports finding their bones
in the bison country. (12pp.) (NMO)
1765. Sorcery charges against Mauricio Moya and Francisco Esquibel
by Fray Juan Jose Toledo. May 31. (17pp.) (NMO)
1763. Complaint against Alcalde Antonio Baca by Albuquerque citi-
zens for malfeasance in office. (12pp.) (NMO)
1763-1764. Complaint of Juan Antonio Baca of La Cienega against
two Genizaros for stealing a cow. (28pp.) (NMO)
1764. Viceroy Cruillas to Gov. Cachupin on complaint of Santa Cruz
people about flight of some militiamen with local horses. — 1763.
Testimony by Cachupin on same subject. (30pp.) (NMO)
1764. Cruillas on Cachupin's Report on the Cumanche wars. (5pp.)
(NMO)
1764. Petition of settlers of San Rafael de los Quelites asking for royal
munitions. (3pp.) (NMO)
1764. Cruillas to Cachupin on his reports concerning Indian idolatries
and orders for suppression of them. (6pp.) (NMO)
1765. Investigations against Baltasar Griego, Teniente of Albuquer-
que, for trading illegally with Paches at Carnue. (6pp.) (NMO)
1765. Suit by Domingo de Luna against Fernando de Chavez for as-
sault. (12pp.) (NMO)
1765. Juan de Prado of Chama against Cristobal Vigil about a debt.
(7pp.) (NMO)
1766. Proceedings against two Genizaros and Jose Miguel Moya, for
cattle theft. (41pp.) (NMO)
1766. Proceedings against mestizos Juan Roybal and Chato Beitia for
death of a Jicarilla Apache. (26pp.) (NMO)
1766. Jose Maria Montano and Gertrudis Cuellar, Genizaro man and
wife, against Juan Bautista Montano for peonage, rape, mis-
treatment. (5pp.) (NMO)
1766. Note from Cruillas to Gov. Cachupin. (2pp.) (NMO)
1766. De Croix to Cachupin about re-populating Abiquiu pueblo or
founding another new one. (7pp.) (NMO)
1766. Proceedings in case between Pedro Padilla and Manuel Vigil.
(3pp.) (NMO)
1766. Complaint by Cochiti Indians against Jose Moya of Santa Fe.
(16pp.) (NMO)
1789. Ugarte y Loyola to Governor de la Concha. (3pp.) (NMO)
1800. De Nava to Governor of New Mexico. (3pp.) (NMO)
1804. Salcedo to Governor of New Mexico. (Ip.) (NMO)
252 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
1821-22-23. Account of receipts from all magistrates in New Mexico
for the expenses of Pedro Pino, deputy to Spain. (2pp.) (NMO)
1821. Judgment in favor of Maria Manuel Perea against Miguel Quin-
tana. Fragment. (Ip.) (NMO)
1823. Santa Fe Presidio. Annual pay lists. Names of personnel. (5pp.)
1784. Santa Fe. Suit by heirs of Ana Maria de Herrera against
Manuela Lopez on petition of Santiago Padilla. Concerning
ancestral lands in Santa Cruz de la Canada. (77pp.) (SWO)
1681. Otermin's interrogation of Indians. Fragment, (if. 17-18) (4pp.)
(SWO)
1681. Otermin Autos, official copy. (16pp.) (SWO)
1684. Instructions of Cruzate to Juan Dominguez on Jumanas Expedi-
tion. (3pp.) (SWO)
1759-60. New Vizcaya. Investigations concerning Sumas War. New
Mexico patronyms in soldier lists, (ff. 172-362) (380pp.) (SWO)
1754. Investigations made by order of Gov. Cachupin concerning
projects on the Rio del Norte at El Paso. (345pp.) (SWO)
Another section of the Bancroft Library consists of
bound volumes of manuscripts, for which there is an index,
under the heading: Mexican Manuscripts. Due to circum-
stances I was not able to examine this section as thoroughly
as I desired. But here are contained the following:
Tamaron, Pedro de, Visita de Durango. 1760. ("The Tamaron Jour-
nal") (Mex. Mss., no. 232, ff. 123-152.)
Apuntes sobre el Nuevo Mexico. Written at Santa Rosa, Sept. 3, 1776.
Census of New Mexico, Spanish and Indian.
(Mex. Mss., no. 167)
Libros de Entradas y Recepciones, etc. Three manuscript volumes con-
taining the names and date of reception of friars into the
Province of the Holy Gospel in Mexico, with their origin and
names of parents. Also interesting marginal notes. Here are
found many friars who later came to New Mexico, some of
whom played important roles. — First volume: 1562-1584; second,
1585-1597; third, 1597-1680. (Mex. Mss., nos. 216, 217, 218.)
Nuevo Mexico, Cedulas Reales, 1601-1765. (Mex. Mss., no. 167.)
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 253
III. SANTA BARBARA MISSION ARCHIVES
These few sheets bear the personal stamp of Benjamin
Read. Might have been lent or given by the owner to Fr.
Engelhardt many years ago.
1804. Circular letter of the Gustos, Fr. Jose de la Prada. Declaration
of receipt by several friars. (4pp.)
1811. Census of all the Missions. Fr. Antonio Cavallero, Gustos. Names
of Missionaries. (2pp.)
1801. Census of Laguna Pueblo with other mission data by Fr. Jose
Benito Pereyro. (2pp.)
1800. Census of San Antonio del Senecii, el Paso district. (lp.)
1798. Circular letter of the Gustos, Fr. Francisco de Hosio. Receipts by
various friars. (4pp.)
1712. Santa Fe. Complaint by the Gustos, Fr. Juan de Tagle, to the
Governor, concerning an unsigned letter against the friars. Some
depositions taken. Incomplete. (18pp.)
Book Reviews
Hopi Kachina Dolls. Harold S. Colton. Albuquerque : Univer-
sity of New Mexico Press, 1949. Pp. xv, 144.
This very attractive volume, which takes Hopi Kachina
dolls as its point of departure, is actually a more compre-
hensive study than the modest disclaimer of the author indi-
cates. Dr. Colton in this volume has collated all of the ma-
terial on the Kachina cult among the Hopi villages repre-
sented by the publications of Fewkes, Dorsey and Voth,
Stephen, Earle and Kennard, and Mrs. Stephenson's and
Ruth Bunzel's accounts of the Zuni, in order to give the
uninformed a clear picture as to the nature and function of
Kachina dolls and their relationship to the colorful cere-
monies of the Kachinas as they occur in the Hopi villages.
In addition to published sources, Dr. Colton has amplified
and extended a description of the characteristics of both the
Kachinas and their miniature counterparts by some 30 years
of personal observation and additional checking and verifica-
tion by Hopi informants.
While the book is not addressed primarily to the scientific
specialist, it would still be an extremely useful book for
Southwestern ethnologists who would like a rather complete
compendium of the distribution of various features of
Kachina masks and dancing throughout the Southwest.
The nature of the cult, the beliefs surrounding them, the
variety of masks, body decorations and appurtenances, and
the conventional manner in which these are represented by
the Hopi who is carving and painting a doll, are all described
with sufficient detail so that the unwary need not be led
astray by some of the tall tales of the Southwest.
The volume is illustrated by nineteen photographic illus-
trations of Kachina dolls, half of them in color and half in
black and white. In addition to the photographic illustrations
by Jack Breed, there is a complete set of line drawings of
Kachina masks classified according to common features of
the mask, its forms or a significant aspect of its decoration
which enables the observer to group them into systematic
254
BOOK REVIEWS 255
categories. In the description and cross reference of some
250 Kachinas which have either been reported in the litera-
ture or mentioned by his informants, black and white line
drawings are included wherever possible.
This reviewer feels certain that this volume will be very
welcome as an addition to the ethnological literature of the
Southwest and a valuable vade mecum for the perceptive but
unwary tourist who is interested in collecting Indian sou-
venirs in the Southwest.
Arlington, Virginia. EDWARD A. KENNARD
The Journey of Fray Marcos de Niza. Cleve Hallenbeck.
Illustrated by Jose Cisneros. Dallas : University Press in
Dallas, 1949. Pp. 115. $10.00.
This masterpiece of the printer's art begins with a brief
treatise on certain ancient legends which in the sixteenth
century found their supposed locale in the unknown country
north of New Spain. After mentioning Cabeza de Vaca's
adventures the author leads up to Viceroy Mendoza's plan
to send Fray Marcos de Niza to discover the legendary Seven
Cities of Cibola. Then follow the author's own translations
from the Pacheco printed narratives of the Viceroy's instruc-
tions, of Fray Marcos' Narrative, and of the two official
certifications of this Narrative. The last main portion of the
book consists of Hallenbeck's Analysis of the Narrative and
his Notes, followed by the expected bibliography and index
as well as a brief biography of the author, who died before
the completed manuscript saw print.
Hallenbeck apodictically concludes that Fray Marcos
never reached Hawikuh, pictures him as a sensual fellow pri-
marily interested in his meals and his siestas, and vitri-
olically labels him an unmitigated liar — "The Lying Monk."
The publisher, endorsing the work as "the first really serious
study testing the accuracy of the Narrative of Fray Marcos
de Niza," blazons the theme of "Lying Monk" on the jacket-
blurb with undisguised gusto.
The serious student of New World history knows that the
Narrative of Fray Marcos de Niza presents many problems,
256 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
problems that have divided historians into two camps re-
garding the matter. The proponents of both sides have been
able men who have stated the arguments with convincing
force if not entirely conclusive validity. For the controversy
centers on a man who lived four centuries ago and on a
single document of his which leaves plenty of room for spec-
ulation. It would require a book to review all these argu-
ments, and the result would be another Niza volume, but
not an end to the controversy. Apparently, no mere specu-
lation on this single document will settle the question ; future
documentary discoveries might, one way or the other.
Hallenbeck's general argument, and that of his prede-
cessors contra Niza, seem to run as follows: Fray Marcos
made a journey to Cibola in which he minutely jotted down
every single league and day of travel, and when he got back
to New Spain he wrote down a complete and detailed account
of that journey; but, my own study of the terrain as it is
today, of the Indian villages and Spanish towns as I think
they were located then, and the time element needed for
traveling between certain points, do not jibe in many in-
stances with that journal ; therefore, Niza's Narrative is in
great part a fabrication and Niza himself is a liar. The con-
clusion flows from the premises. However, who of us expects
this pioneer sixteenth-century friar to have measured the
miles exactly and kept a diary while he trekked over immense
stretches of unknown territory, beset by real or imagined
dangers on every side? And when back in New Spain he sat
down to pen his account, how can he possibly have set down
every adventure in precise logical order, especially since the
only thing required of him was a general statement of what
he had seen and heard? I myself have an average memory,
but I recall that, on being asked to write about my experi-
ences shortly after my return from the Pacific War Theater,
I could not place the many interesting happenings in their
right sequence, or guess how many days or weeks I had spent
at a certain spot or in traveling from one point to another.
Even after I established some general dates by running
through my military orders, I still could not marshall these
facts in the exact time-and-space order in which they oc-
BOOK REVIEWS 257
curred. And I don't think that my own experiences were
more confusing, surrounded as I was by my American fellow-
soldiers, than those of poor Marcos all alone in an unmapped
wilderness among strange savages whose language he could
not understand. The second premise speaks for itself. De-
spite the author's admirable exploration, the exact location
of some place-names mentioned by Niza and others has not
been settled definitely. Nor can we say that the weather cycle
in a locality was the same four centuries ago as it is today.
And yet Hallenbeck, for instance, says that Fray Marcos
could not have traveled fast across a certain territory be-
cause, on the ipse dixit of Sauer, the many arroyos and
streams of this area are swollen torrents at this time of year
today. This is an example of several minor proofs offered to
bolster up the premise. They are good arguments, coming
from one who personally studied the terrain as the profes-
sional weatherman that Hallenbeck was, but they are by no
means conclusive enough to warrant his all-sweeping conclu-
sion. Nor does it seem that he ever read the arguments on
this score put forth in April, 1947, by a pro-Marcos historian
who writes ably and coolly and more convincingly than Hal-
lenbeck, yet humbly admits that he has not solved the Niza
problem because of a lack of further necessary data.1
Another Hallenbeck proposition that colors his analysis,
though not expressed in so many words, can be stated some-
thing like this : There are many lies in the Niza Narrative
(which everybody admits) ; but, the Indians who informed
Niza did not tell him any lies, and the slave Esteban, who was
not really a Negro, was a truthful and jolly fellow; ergo,
all the lies in Niza's Narrative are Niza's own. The author's
idea of the Indians' moral character seems to be the Cooper-
Longfellow fantasy coupled with Rousseau's noble savage.
Actually, the Indian as such is neither more of a liar nor a
paragon of truth than the white man or any other race ; but
there are several instances in New World history that show
him telling the eager white explorer what the latter wants
to know. One can see how Esteban, far ahead, asked the
1. George J. Undreiner, "Fray Marcos de Niza and His Journey to Cibola," The
Americas, Vol. Ill, No. 4, pp. 415-486.
258 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
tribesmen about the seven golden cities, and they obliged by
turning his very words into an answer ; and when days later
the friar arrived asking the same questions, these Indians
were already well-primed to give him the same answer with
further details. And Niza, no different from his contempo-
raries, was gullible enough to believe them because he firmly
believed the fables of his times to be true. As for Esteban,
Dorantes' Morocco-born slave, Hallenbeck insists that he was
an Arab and not a Negro, as he did in a previous work on
Cabeza de Vaca, contrary to the testimony in many contem-
porary documents where he is repeatedly called a Negro and
regarded as such. Why he does so, since this fact has nothing
to do with the Niza problem, is hard to figure out — unless
Esteban is a sort of hero to him, and he does not want his
hero and discoverer of New Mexico to be a Negro. The fact
that the slave is euphemistically called a moreno once does
not change the color of his skin.2 Was Hallenbeck anti-Negro
as well as anti-friar?
This brings us to the almost pathological hate which Hal-
lenbeck harbored against a friar four hundred years dead,
and which makes it hard for the reviewer who feels that he
must criticize the work of a man who also has passed away.
Had Niza's supposed lies hurt the reputation of some other
historical person, and were Hallenbeck trying to defend that
person, one could understand his animosity. But this is not
the case as he goes tooth and nail after the person of Fray
Marcos. And so there comes the repeated epithet of "Lying
Monk" as the name given to Niza (so he states) by his con-
temporaries, and for which he avoids giving a reference.
Niza was a friar, not a monk, and there were no monks in
Spanish America at the time ; maybe this is why he cannot
give a reference. The word "monk," though still a highly re-
spected term in Catholic and well-informed circles for mem-
bers of the ancient Monastic Orders, has gathered a simian
connotation among other people, and hence Hallenbeck's de-
liberate and unscientific use of it points to a decided bias.
Space does not allow for even a cursory criticism of his many
2. Cf. "De Vargas' Negro Drummer," El Palacio, Vol. 56, No. 5, p. 136, where a
Negro of the African jungle is referred to as "de Nation Moreno."
BOOK REVIEWS 259
misinterpretations of old Spanish terms in his Analysis, and
Notes particularly, the result of using a modern Spanish
dictionary without a thorough background of sixteenth-
century semantics.
Fray Marcos de Niza is not a candidate for canonization.
He could have been a liar, or worse, or at least he could have
lied with regard to his discovery of Cibola. But that remains
to be demonstrated by a sober historian well-versed in all
the known documentary sources of sixteenth-century Span-
ish America plus as yet undiscovered documents that might
clarify the matter. The late Mr. Hallenbeck lacked these
qualifications, not to mention the undiscovered sources.
The material book of paper and type, designed and pro-
duced by Carl Hertzog and wonderfully illustrated by Jose
Cisneros, is worth the price asked for it. Any author of his-
tory, poetry, or fiction, would be justly proud to see his works
in such an artistic format. If Cisneros makes Fray Marcos
look like a sensual brigand, and Esteban like a nattily dressed
Spanish soldier with Semitic features (instead of the Negro
with bright feathers on wrists and ankles as he actually wore
them) , he is but being faithful to the author's descriptions.
What his medium is, whether genuine engraving or ink-
drawing to simulate engraving, even some seasoned artists
cannot tell for sure — the title-page (with a kind of negative
deception?) merely introduces them as "Illustrations and
Decorations. " They are beautiful nevertheless, and match
the type perfectly. This book is indeed a fine piece of jewelry
made to display a beautiful pearl that unfortunately turns
out to be a bitter pill.
Pena Blanca, New Mexico FRAY ANGELICO CHAVEZ
Grassland Historical Studies : Natural Resources Utilization
in a Background of Science and Technology. Volume I,
Geography and Geology. James C. Malin. Lawrence, Kan-
sas. Printed by the author, 1541 University Drive, 1950.
Pp. xii, 377. $2.50. (Lithoprint from typescript, paper
cover)
In this, the first of three volumes in a series, there are
260 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
two loosely integrated studies : first, an essay on geological
factors in the settlement of the grasslands region between
the great bend of the Missouri River and the Rocky Moun-
tains, and, second, a fragmentary history of Kansas City
culled mostly from the columns of a local newspaper of the
1850's decade.
The study of historical geology occupies the first seventy-
five pages, and was prepared simultaneously with the au-
thor's earlier work, The Grassland of North America:
Prolegomena of Its History (1947). Briefly, the thesis here
is that the grasslands required increasing dependence upon
minerals in the development of those areas. That fact, rather
than Frederick Jackson Turner's concept of geographical
movement or the closing of the frontier has made for signifi-
cant changes in twentieth century society. Utilization of min-
erals has interacted with mechanical invention to bring
about an interdependent civilization.
After tracing with scholarly detail the various geological
surveys that uncovered knowledge of mineral wealth from
the Alleghenies to the Rockies, the author demonstrates with
numerous quotations the interest of some immigrants in
these resources of the grasslands. It was not until later,
however, or outside the scope of this volume, that the use
of minerals became a decisive factor in the region.
The remaining eighteen chapters of this work illustrate
how well a single newspaper can be used to develop the
history of a town. From the columns of the Kansas City
Enterprise (later published as the Western Journal of Com-
merce) there emerges a many-sided account of five years in
the life of a thriving river-valley entrepot. The reader can
follow the jealous conflict for supremacy between Kansas
City and nearby towns, and read an ecological explanation
of the outcome. Especially interesting to southwesterners
are new details of the Santa Fe trade in the late 1850's. The
commerce was then largely carried on by New Mexicans (not
eastern merchants) , and wool was increasingly significant in
eastward bound trains. There is also a valuable description
of early marketing of Texas cattle in Kansas City (Texas
fever was a hindrance even then), and the historically ne-
BOOK REVIEWS 261
glected overland droving- from the Missouri River to Colo-
rado and California. All aspects of Kansas City's trade for
the period find presentation in statistical summaries from
the newspaper's annual reviews of commerce. Although the
analysis is complete enough, much could have been gained
here by a better organization of the facts. Never is it pos-
sible to escape an admission made in the preface that these
studies "are frankly fragments put together with the mini-
mum of organization." Long and undigested quotations are a
disadvantage to the narrative.
Other aspect of early town development : levees, streets,
building materials and kindred subjects have more interest
for the antiquarian and less for the historian than do chap-
ters given to river communication, manufacturing, the Panic
of 1857, railroads, and a summary of conditions after the
Civil War. Views of the Kansas City editors on political
aspects of sectional controversy and the Civil War are hardly
adequate explanations of major events in spite of Professor
Malin's attempts to find in these biased views a significant
relationship to larger trends. Indeed, the political aspects of
the study underline the limitations inevitable in too complete
reliance upon a single source.
This reviewer cannot agree with the statement (preface,
v) that this is the "first time that geology and the expansion
of geological knowledge has (sic) been made an integral part
of a major historical study," or that (p. 59n) "in most fields
of both the sciences and the humanities Americans of the
middle and late nineteenth century were European trained."
Various homilies on hindsight in history and other obiter
dicta are strewn gratuitously through the chapters. There
is also unnecessary jargon acquired from the social sciences.
But Professor Malin has gleaned significant ideas on trade,
manufacturing, and transportation from the yellowed files of
a western newspaper, and his synthesis of geological explora-
tion and social development is important.
This volume has neither index nor bibliography; foot-
notes are placed at the end of each chapter. A brief history
of Kansas City (William H. Miller, "Kansas City, Its His-
tory From the Earliest Times," first published in the West-
262 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
em Journal of Commerce, January 14, 1877) is reprinted as
an appendix. There are a number of interesting illustrations
taken from early prints or engravings of Kansas City. The
lithoprint text is quite legible.
University of New Mexico GEORGE WINSTON SMITH
The Lost Pathfinder: Zebulon Montgomery Pike. W. Eugene
Hollon. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1949.
Pp. xv, 240. Illustrations, map, bibliography and index.
$3.75.
Pike is numbered among those to whom the Louisiana
Purchase brought lasting fame. For this reason, too, he
stands high on the local honor roll. In fact he placed his name
there with triple honors: as explorer, author of a bizarre
book of travels, and as a brave and resourceful army officer.
In Colorado his name is attached to an imperishable monu-
ment and in New Mexico one traces the first stages of his
trail that reverses the course of the early Spanish conquis-
tadores.
Despite such memorable connections Pike has received
far less local attention than his stirring career deserves.
Hence the appearance of an attractive volume from an Okla-
homan press affords welcome evidence that the Far South-
west is not unmindful of its own. This hero, like its earlier
explorers, came in alien garb and his course has apparently
inspired more pens outside this area than within it. The pre-
sent author, like most of the previous biographers, is a re-
cent arrival in the region ; but to his task has brought much
of the energy and resourcefulness that marked the explorer's
own career. Dr. Hollon, with the aid of a substantial grant,
was able to add a meager store of personal data, without
changing greatly the earlier conclusions of such critical
scholars as Coues, Quaife, Hart and Hulbert, with whom his
work will bear close comparison.
Pike's family affairs as well as his major activities were
closely connected with many of the leaders of the Ohio Val-
ley. Born in New Jersey his father, like himself an army of-
ficer, early moved his family to the Old Northwest. Here the
BOOK REVIEWS 263
future explorer-author found the frontier and the army his
chief teachers, but he proved no tyro in self -instruction and
in guiding the younger members of the family. It is unfor-
tunate that fire and other destructive elements have deprived
us of most illustrative materials of this initial activity from
which Pike himself derived the major reward. In spite of
these handicaps, Dr. Hollon has presented us with a readable
narrative that provides a substantial foundation for the
young officer's adult years.
Among those who supplemented Nature's efforts in train-
ing him was General James Wilkinson. Such a connection,
it later appeared, was to prove a handicap, but the younger
man owed much to the General and he never let the latter's
double dealing affect either personal devotion to his patron
or his loyalty to the nation he served. It was a difficult course
for a subordinate to pursue ; but Pike, as our author shows,
kept it up with honor. In this and in other mooted points,
Prof. Hollon preserves both good temper and critical judg-
ment, but cannot wholly relieve Pike of the charge of plagiar-
ism from Humboldt's narrative and map of Mexico. Much
of this charge may be explained from Pike's inexperience
and the loose copyright laws of the day. In his behalf it may
be stated that Pike was the first of the leading explorers of
the Louisiana Purchase to bring his results before the pub-
lic. In this sense the young officer performed a meritorious
national service.
While Pike's reputation rests primarily on his work as an
explorer, his author does not neglect his hero's course as an
officer. His career in a few years raised the young lieutenant
to a brigadier. Most criticisms of the work will deal with in-
terpretation rather than fact. The reviewer notes one minor
slip (p. 50) but congratulates the author on the high level
of his performance and his interesting style.
Aside from the general merits of the book the reviewer,
for one, hopes to note a wider interest in its subject. "Pike's
Peak" forms a fitting memorial to his wanderings in the
vicinity during the trying winter of 1806-07. Little effort is
necessary to call public attention to both the natural me-
morial and its hero. New Mexico, on its part, needs to pay
264 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
more attention to Pike's route to the border, or to Chihuahua,
or even back to Natchitoches on the Louisiana-Texas fron-
tier. "Pike's Pilgrimage" thus defined may well supple-
ment "Pike's Peak" as an object of well-deserved patriotic
attention.
University of New Mexico ISAAC JOSLIN Cox
^Mexico
Historical Review
'<v.
Palace of the Governors, Santa Fe
October, 1950
Editors
FRANK D. REEVE PAUL A. F. WALTER
Associates
PERCY M. BALDWIN GEORGE P. HAMMOND
FRANCE V. SCHOLES THEODOSIUS MEYER, O.F.M.
ARTHUR J. 0. ANDERSON
VOL. XXV OCTOBER, 1950 No. 4
CONTENTS
Page
Ramon Ortiz: Priest and Patriot
Fidelia Miller Puckett 265
A Civilian at Old Fort Bayard 1881-1883
Roy Goodale, editor 296
Frederick E. Phelps: a Soldier's Memoirs (concluded)
Frank D. Reeve, editor 305
Notes and Documents 328
Book Reviews 335
THB NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW is published jointly by the Historical Society
of New Mexico and the University of New Mexico. Subscription to the quarterly ia
$3.00 a year in advance; single numbers, except those which have become scarce, are
$1.00 each.
Business communications should be addressed to Mr. P. A. F. Walter, State
Museum, Santa Fe, N. M. ; manuscripts and editorial correspondence should be
addressed to Prof. Frank D. Reeve, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, N. M.
Entered as second-class matter at Santa Fe, New Mexico
UNIVERSITY PRESS, ALBUQUERQUE, N. M.
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III
NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL
REVIEW
VOL. XXV OCTOBER, 1950 No. 4
RAMON ORTIZ: PRIEST AND PATRIOT
By FIDELIA MILLER PUCKETT*
An hour later the door into the big room of the city prison opened
and the colonel, a young priest, and the surgeon of the garrison stepped
in. — The man with the yellow beard was kneeling before a squaw
seated on a bench. He was washing and binding up her wounded feet.
— The young priest walked forward and touched Anthony on the
shoulder. "I see we both serve the same master, senor," he said. — "We
have come to help you. Wipe your hands on my gown. — My name is
Ramon Ortiz. As you may have guessed, I am the cura of El Paso —
and yours!"1
THE many thousands of readers who followed the adven-
tures of Anthony Adverse in Hervey Allen's widely-
read novel of the same name may recognize the above quota-
tion and remember the gratitude they felt toward the young
Padre for his kindness to the sorely tried Texan prisoners.
However, few of those readers may know that "Ramon
Ortiz" was a true historical character who had actually
figured in a similar occurrence one hundred years ago. In
1844, George W. Kendall, a journalist, first brought the
* Fidelia Miller Puckett (Mrs. C. A. Puckett) of El Paso, Texas, wrote this very
interesting article in 1935 as a "theme paper" which has never been published intact.
Mr. Luis Alfonso Velarde of El Paso acquainted me with it, and its author has
graciously given me permission to edit it for publication in the NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL,
REVIEW. I have confined myself to correcting genealogical data which are based on
TwitchelTs many erroneous assertions, and these corrections are appended to the
footnotes to avoid altering large sections of Mrs. Puckett's original text. There are
also some helpful notes offered by Mr. Velarde. N. B. My interest in the origins of the
Ortiz family is also personal, as shown in the accompanying chart which I have
drawn up from accurate data in civil and church records. — Fray Angelico Chavez.
1. Hervey Allen, Anthony Adverse (New York, Farrar & Rinehart, inc., 1933) pp.
1184-1185.
265
266 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
young "cura" into national prominence when he published
his account of the Texas-Santa Fe Expedition. This book,
which was read and discussed in every corner of the United
States, created such a furore of resentment against the
Mexicans that it helped to precipitate the war with Mexico.
The name of Ramon Ortiz was on many tongues, although to
a people who knew the whole Mexican race only by the Santa
Anas and the Armijos he must have seemed a paradox.
After the war and its consequent antagonisms had become
only a part of history, the good priest was quickly forgotten
by the nation; but with the ever-growing interest in the
development of our great Southwest and its literature,
Ramon Ortiz is being rediscovered. Soldier and trader, his-
torian and adventurer alike seem to have known, liked and
respected him, and all who have delved into the fascinating
writings of these pioneer chroniclers have encountered his
name so many times that they must have felt at least a faint
curiosity about the man. In my case, the desire to become
better acquainted with the young "cura" was first aroused
by a few lines in Ruxton's Wild Life in the Rocky Mountains.
The young British adventurer told of his rejection of the
invitation from the "prefecto" of Paso del Norte because, he
says, "I had letters to the cura, a young priest named Ortiz,
whose unbounded hospitality I enjoyed during my stay."2
This interest led me into a quest for added information from
all available literature and from the lips of a few surviving
relatives who knew and loved Father Ortiz personally. My
findings have been incorporated in the following short
biography.
For many centuries the name of Ortiz has been a dis-
tinguished one in the pages of Spanish and Mexican history.
During the struggle of Spain with the Moors, a certain Ortiz
gained immortal fame by virtually stealing, almost single-
handed, the city of Guevarra from the Moors, and was
rewarded by his sovereign with the title "Nino Ladron de
2. G. F. A. Ruxton, Wild Life in the Rockies (New York, Macmillan, 1916) p. 23.
RAMON ORTIZ 267
Guevara."3 The descendants of this valiant cavalier proudly
kept this addition to their name for many generations, and
in 1582 we find Don Pedro Ortiz Nino Ladron de Guevara
entering New Spain as the Secretary of War and Govern-
ment to Don Domingo Petriz Cruzate, captain-general of
the province of New Mexico and successor to Otermin.4 At
that time the Spaniards had all been driven from New
Mexico by the Indian uprisings, and Cruzate and Ortiz were
unsuccessful in several attempts to reconquer the province.
In 1692, Don Diego de Vargas was appointed governor of
New Mexico, and he, too, chose an Ortiz to aid him in his
campaign, — this time the younger brother of Pedro, Nicholas
Ortiz Nino Ladron de Guevara. With Don Nicholas into the
savage territory went his wife, Maria Coronado, and his son,
Don Nicholas II.5 From that time on, during Spanish, Mexi-
can and United States supremacy, the Ortiz family has
figured prominently among the "ricos politicos" of New
Mexico.
Nicholas Ortiz II proved himself worthy of the blood of
the conquistador and reconquistador flowing in his veins,
spending fifty busy years helping to subdue the Indians and
3. R. E. Twitchell, Spanish Archives of New Mexico (Cedar Rapids, Iowa, The
Torch Press, 1912) I, 177. While this gives the origin of the name, "Ladron de
Guevara," it and the name "Ortiz" are neither synonymous nor interchangeable. —
Fr. A. C.
4. Ibid., p. 2. Cruzate's Captain, "Don Pedro Ladron de Guevara," thus signed
his name in two matrimonial investigations at El Paso in 1691 and 1692 (Archives,
Archdiocese of Santa Fe) ; also in civil documents as secretary to Cruzate (Bancroft
Collection, Southwest Originals) ; and this is his name in his marriage to Maria
Gomez Lozada, July 16, 1684 (Peabody Museum, Bandelier Notes from the first marriage
book of El Paso). Twitchell here inserted "Nino" and "Ortiz" to identify him with
the altogether distinct Nicolas Ortiz family which did not arrive until 1693. — Fr. A. C.
5. Ibid., p. 177. De Vargas had no Ortiz officers in his Reconquest Campaigns of
1692 and 1693. The primogenitor of the New Mexico Ortiz family arrived in the latter
year as a settler and is so included among the new colonists : Nicolas Ortiz, son of the
same, native of Mexico, forty years old. His wife is Mariana Coronado, daughter
of Francisco Hernandes, twenty-eight years old, and a native of Jimiquilpa. Their
six children are : Josefa, fourteen ; Manuela, three ; Nicolas, ten ; Antonio, eight ; Luis,
six; Francisco, one year old (Spanish Archives . . ., v. II, Velasco list, no. 64c).
Although he had signed up as a sergeant at Zacatecas, Nov. 30, 1692 (Biblioteca
Nacional de Mexico, leg. 4, pt. 1, pp. 814-816), a later list drawn up at Durango and
Parral, Aug. 19-Sept. 1, 1693, has him and his family among the civilians (Ibid., pp.
830-834). One of his sons, Nicolas Ortiz II, who later did become a prominent soldier,
is here set down as eight years old, and ten years old in the Velasco list above. —
Fr. A. C.
268 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
building a home for his ever increasing progeny. As a re-
ward for his zeal, he was given a large grant of land near
the San Ildefonso pueblo by the "most excellent Viceroy, the
Conde de Galvez, by authority of the King himself/'6 A home
was built on the Ortiz grant, but so frequent and disastrous
were the Indian depredations that the grandsons of Nicholas
were forced to seek more protected dwellings within the city
of Santa Fe.7 Here, in 1813, one of these grandsons, Don
Antonio Ortiz, alferez-real of Santa Fe, and his wife, Maria
Teresa Mier,8 became the proud parents of a son, whom they
called Ramon.
There were already several daughters in the family, one
of whom, Ana Maria, was grown and married, and the couple
had almost despaired of being blessed with a son. With the
6. Ibid., p. 318. Nicholas Ortiz II was the first to append "Nino Ladron de
Guevara" to his name, probably harking back to a paternal or maternal grandparent
as was often the custom in those times. (In this page referred to by Mrs. Puckett,
Twitchell mixes up sons and grandsons with their fathers and grandfathers in one
inextricable mass). Already in 1697, Nicolas Ortiz II, a mere youth of seventeen,
received a special military citation for bravery from Governor De Vargas (B. N. M.,
leg. 4, no. la). He was stationed at the post of Bernalillo when he married Juana
Baca, Nov. 6, 1702 (A.A.S.F.) . Back in Santa Fe, where he lived the rest of his life,
he acquired lands and fortune as a very diligent merchant (Spanish Archives . . . , v.
I, nos. 181, 102, etc.). He died in 1742, leaving his wife and three sons: Francisco,
Nicolas III, and Toribio (Spanish Archives . . . , v. I, no. 647). — Fr. A. C.
7. Ibid., p. 319. Church and civil records of the first half of the eighteenth cen-
tury show that the many descendants of these three Nicolas Ortizes (I, II, III), by
their respective children, were living both in Santa Fe and the Pojoaque-Nambe dis-
trict. Some individual families moved back and forth between the Capital and their
northern grant lands. But Indian depredations were certainly not the cause, for this
peaceful area has been populated continuously by Spanish people from 1697 to this
day.— Fr. A. C.
8. Actual date of birth unknown ; year figured from age at death, according to
notice in El Paso Daily Herald (March 6, 1896, p. 4, col. 2). Nor have I been able to
find the birth record of Ramon Ortiz in the Santa Fe or Rio Arriba books for this
period, although I did find those of several brothers and sisters : Francisco de Paula
Ortiz, Feb. 8, 1790, in Santa Fe ; Jose Manuel and Salvador Jose Miguel Ortiz, twins,
June 5, 1795, at Nambe ; Maria del Rosario Ortiz, Sept. 4, 1799, at Pojoaque ; Maria
del Refugio Ortiz, April 30, 1805, in Santa Fe ; Maria Josefa Ortiz, March 18, 1810,
in Santa Fe (A.A.S.F.). The WILL of Don Antonio Ortiz in the New Mexico Museum
Archives provides the following data: Drawn up, April 27, 1837. Don Antonio was a
son of Jose Antonio Ortiz and Rosa Bustamante. Up to this date he and his wife,
Maria Teresa Miera, had been married for forty-nine years. Their eleven children are
named in the following order: Francisco de Paula "the eldest," Maria Barbara, Miguel
and Manuel (these two died after baptism), Ana Maria, Juana Maria (died after bap-
tism), Maria del Rosario, Maria del Refugio, Maria Josefa. Jose Ramon, and Ana
Teresa (died after baptism). The testator further on refers again to"wiy son, the
Padre Don Ramon Ortiz" and to a son-in-law, Jose de Jesus Sanchez (Casa Mortuoria
de Dona Rosa Bustamante and other Ortiz Papers ) . — Fr. A. C.
Names of parents from Ecclesiastical Records of Juarez Mission, Libro de Entie-
rros, 1886-1896, f. 231.
RAMON ORTIZ 269
strong and simple faith of the Spanish mother, Dona Teresa
had never ceased to pray to St. Joseph to intercede in her
behalf that God might send her a son. She made a solemn
vow that, should her boon be granted, she would return
thanks by rearing her son for the priesthood. Her prayer
was answered, but by the time Ramon was born, her husband
had died, and she knew that she was soon to follow him.
Dona Teresa never regained her strength, and a few months
later she called her eldest child to her death-bed and en-
trusted her beloved infant to his sister's care, admonishing
Ana Maria not to fail to carry out the promise made to St.
Joseph. Ana Maria had a child of her own, a daughter,
Josefa, about the same age as Ramon, and the two children
were entrusted to the same nurse. During the whole of their
lives, these two "hermanos de leche" were as deeply devoted
to one another as if they had been truly brother and sister.9
A few years after the adoption of Ramon, Sr. Delgado,
the husband of Ana Maria, was killed ; the young widow later
married the brilliant and dashing Colonel Antonio Viz-
carra.10 Col. Vizcarra was attached to the presidio at Santa
Fe and had gained much renown as an Indian fighter. A man
of commanding appearance, dignified, with perfect manners,
and the best horseman in Santa Fe,11 he was, with his
glamorous background, just the type for an impressionable
boy to regard as a hero. To Ramon he was a model of man-
hood, and the boy's one desire was to emulate his foster-
9. Interview with Mrs. J. O. Najera, nee Daguerre, daughter of Refugio Samaniego
de Daguerre. — From the tenor of Don Antonio's will it appears that Dona Teresa Miera
was still living in 1837 ; and from the baptism of her daughter, Maria Josefa, we learn
that her parents were Don Anacleto Miera and Maria Tafoya. She and Antonio Ortiz
were married in the military chapel, Santa Fe, on June 20, 1785. Their eldest, Francisco
de Paula Ortiz, married Martina de Arce in Santa Fe, April 13, 1809. Maria Josefa
married Manuel Doroteo Pino, Nov. 15. 1826. Barbara was the wife of Jose de Jesus
Sanchez. Ana Maria was already married to Fernando Delgado in 1814, and their child,
Maria Josefa de Jesus del Pilar, was born in Santa Fe, Jan. 25 of that same year
(A.A.S.F.).— Fr. A. C.
10. Interview with Mrs. J. J. Flores, nee Samaniego, daughter of Fernando
Samaniego, grand-nephew of Father Ortiz. — On June 16, 1821, took place the burial
of the bones of the Alferez, Don Fernando Delgado, and of two soldiers, brought to
the military chapel of Our Lady of Light in Santa Fe. In this same chapel, April
14, 1824, his widow married Don Jose Antonio Vizcarra, Lieutenant Colonel in charge
of all troops in New Mexico, the son of Juan Jose Vizcarra and Gertrudis Alvarado,
residents of Cuencame, Province of Durango (A.A.S.F.). — Fr. A. C.
11. R. E. Twitchell, The Leading Facts of New Mexican History (Cedar Rapids,
Iowa, Torch Press, 1912) p. 23.
270 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
father in every way possible. In 1823, Colonel Vizcarra was
chosen, by popular petition, first "jefe politico" of New
Mexico under the Mexican regime,12 and Ana Maria became
the first lady of Santa Fe. As Ramon was then nine years of
age, it was high time to give serious thought to his education.
There was no school worthy of the son of the governor
closer than Durango, and Ana Maria, mindful of their
mother's vow, urged that Ramon be sent to the diocesan
seminary in that city. Accordingly, the lad set out on the long
trek into Mexico, and it is a pity that we have no record of
his sensations and experiences during that journey. Prob-
ably the thrilling accounts of the Indian fights which he had
heard from the Colonel had made him eager for the adven-
ture and compensated in some measure for the sorrow he
must have felt at being separated from his beloved family.
During the next six years, Colonel Vizcarra's fame and
popularity increased. After his first term as "jefe" had
expired, he was made inspector-general of the Mexican
forces in the territory, in recognition of his success in sub-
jugating the Navahos. The first big caravans from the east
were beginning to arrive in Santa Fe, and Colonel Vizcarra,
with his troops, escorted some of the richest of these trains
from that city to Choteau's Island, to protect them from the
Indians. In 1828, he again occupied the governor's chair for
a short while, until the regular appointee could arrive from
Mexico.13
Meanwhile, young Ramon was becoming restless in the
confinement of the seminary ; his letters home carried pleas
for permission to return. Josef a had been married, at four-
teen years of age, to a Don Samaniego, and had moved to
Sonora,14 and Ramon had begun to realize more than ever
his segregation from all he held most dear. He had reached
the age when he must begin serious preparation for Holy
Orders if he was to remain at the seminary, and he rebelled
at the thought of the restricted life of a priest. His soldier
12. L. Bradford Prince, Concise History of New Mexico (Cedar Rapids. Iowa.
The Torch Press, 1914) p. 150; Twitchell, op. eft., p. 16.
13. Ibid., pp. 17, 22, 26, 43.
14. Interview with Mrs. Najera.— Don Florentine ( ?) Samaniego, father of Dr.
Mariano Samaniego ; he moved to Bavispe, Sonora.— Note by Luis Alfonso Velarde.
RAMON ORTIZ 271
ancestry and his intense admiration for the man he called
father made him long for a military career of his own. His
entreaties became so urgent that Colonel Vizcarra, secretly
in sympathy with the boy, decided to make a visit to Durango
to talk the matter over with him. In his position of impor-
tance, Vizcarra was privy to all the quarrels then raging
between the Franciscans and the secular native-born priests ;
few knew better than he the bitter fight the church was hav-
ing against poverty and political interference. He had no
desire to see his ward thrust into this atmosphere of bicker-
ing and intrigue, nor did he feel that a descendant of con-
quistadores could be happy in any life but that of a soldier.
Despite Ana Maria's fearful warnings against any inter-
ference with her mother's sacred compact, the Colonel went
to see the Bishop of Durango and sought to have Ramon
relieved from the vow. The good Bishop assured him that
Dona Teresa, despite her pious motives, had been wrong in
seeking to determine the future of her son, and that the
Church did not consider such an oath as binding.
It was a relieved and happy Ramon who began his prepa-
rations to leave the seminary. He and his foster-father
discussed plans for his future, agreeing that a course of
intensive training in the famous "Ecole Militaire" of St. Cyr
would be the best way to begin his career. Ramon resolutely
overlooked any secret qualms he might have had in thus
disregarding his mother's wishes, and impatiently awaited
the day for departure. When all was in readiness, an epi-
demic of cholera broke out in the city. Among the first
victims was the redoubtable Colonel Vizcarra. One can
imagine the depths of Ramon's despair. In addition to his
grief at the loss of the only father he had ever known, there
was the awful fear that this calamity might be the ven-
geance of an offended God. Dona Ana Maria and all the other
pious women of the family also regarded the tragedy as a
manifestation of the Divine Will and urged Ramon to think
no more of renouncing his calling. There was nothing for him
to do but to turn back to his studies. Colonel Vizcarra had
left but little money ; so he could not go on with his military
schooling had he been so inclined. He foresaw that the day
272 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
was not far off when he would have to help to care for his
sister and repay some of her former kindness to him. Slowly
he became resigned to the inevitable.15
As the years passed and he grew wiser, he began to
realize that he could probably be of greater service to his
country as a priest than as a soldier. In 1832, the Rt. Rev.
Jose Laureano de Zubiria, the new Bishop of the Durango
diocese which included New Mexico, chose Padre Juan Felipe
Ortiz, cousin to Ramon, as vicar general.16 From these two
men, Ramon learned the deplorable condition of the church
in the province since the end of the Franciscan Custodia,
and the great need for zealous priests to restore the dilapi-
dated churches and missions and to re-arouse the zeal of the
faithful.17 In 1830, there were less than a dozen pastors to
minister to more than forty thousand souls.18 Ramon felt a
challenge in the accounts of the struggle of the church to
provide priestly ministrations, particularly for the "pobres"
and the Indians, and became fired with impatience to do his
part in alleviating their misfortunes. He had not long to
wait. Because he had distinguished himself both in scholastic
aptitude and religious zeal, a papal dispensation was ob-
tained permitting his ordination at the age of twenty-one.19
His first assignment was a small, primitive mining village
in Mexico where his parishioners were mostly Indians and
"mestizos."20 To a young man of gentle birth, reared as
Ramon had been in an atmosphere of breeding and culture,
the life into which he was so suddenly thrust must have been
very trying. There seems to be no record of these next few
years, but it is evident that they taught him two things which
stood him in good stead throughout his life. He learned to
understand and sympathize with the "pobres," and he ac-
quired a certain skill in ministering to bodily as well as to
spiritual needs. From his Indian parishioners he learned
the efficacy of many of their simple remedies and the use of
15. Interview with Mrs. Najera.
16. Prince, Concise History . . . , p. 155.
17. H. H. Bancroft, Arizona and New Mexico, 15SO-18S8 (San Francisco, The
History Co., 1889) p. 290.
18. Prince, op. eft., p. 18 ; Bancroft, op. cit., p. 342.
19. Interview with Mrs. Flores.
20. Interview with Mrs. Flores.
RAMON ORTIZ 273
"yerbas" to cure ills when no doctor's prescriptions could be
secured. With this knowledge and the aid of a small hand-
book called " Dr. 's Method" he helped many a poor
sufferer to regain his health; when he was an old man, he
took great delight in proving to his Paris-trained physician-
nephew that the primitive methods sometimes succeeded
where more scientific measures failed.21
By the time he was twenty-five, Ramon had served his
apprenticeship, and was ready for a position of responsi-
bility in a larger parish. Ecclesiastical records show that on
January 1, 1838, Padre Ramon Ortiz first administered the
sacrament of baptism in Paso del Norte, as "cura" of the
mission, Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe.22 This mission was
in good repair, as it had been in constant use since the Fran-
ciscans had built it some hundred and seventy-five years be-
fore.23 It had been one of the first churches to be secular-
ized,24 and was also one of the few to draw a regular stipend
from the Mexican government.
In Paso del Norte, Ramon found a comfortable house
awaiting him, and, at last, he could send for his sisters,
Dona Ana Maria and Dona Rosario.25 No sooner had he
settled down to a life of comparative comfort than bad news
arrived from Josefa, who was still in Sonora. Her husband
had fallen a victim to Apache arrows, leaving her and her
five small children unprotected in that wild and savage land.
The young priest immediately set out on the dangerous trip
to Sonora. After many days of irksome travel, he succeeded
in rescuing the young widow and her children and bringing
them safe and sound to his home.26
With such a large addition to his family, the need for a
21. Interview with Mrs. Najera. — Dr. Mariano Samaniego was trained at the
Sorbonne and knew Pasteur personally. — L. A. V.
22. Church Records of Juarez, Libra de Bautismos, 1830-1840.
23. John Russell Bartlett, Personal Narrative of Explorations and Incidents in
Texas, New Mexico, California, Sonora and Chihuahua, connected with the United States
and Mexican boundary Commission, during the years 1850 to 1853 (New York, D.
Appleton & Co., 1854) I, 190.
24. Bancroft, Arizona and New Mexico, p. 342.
25. Rosario was commonly called Rosalita. See Susan Shelby Magoffin, Down the
Santa Fe Trail and into Mexico, 1846-1847. Edited by Stella M. Drumm. Yale Univer-
sity Press, 1926.
26. Interview with Mrs. Flores.
274 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
new home became imperative. Much as he loved the com-
panionship of Josefa and the chatter of her brood, there was
no chance for prayer and meditation, for conferences and
study, with so many people about. As material and labor
could be had almost for the asking, it was not long before the
little rectory became a spacious and comfortable dwelling,
the largest in the village.27 The house was of adobe, like all
houses of Mexico, but the inside walls of the principal rooms
were whitened with calcined "yezo" and the floors were
carefully coated with soft mud, which hardened into a dry
smooth covering, over which Dona Ana could spread her
few treasured carpets. There were two patios, with rooms
built in hollow squares around them. Opening into the first
patio were the reception and living rooms, the guest bed-
rooms, and the pastor's little apartment. A narrow "sala"
led into the second patio, which was paved with cobble-
stones, and often served as an outdoor family dining-room
in warm weather. There was a wall, Moorish fashion, in the
center, and the kitchen, the "comedor" and the bedrooms for
the women and children surrounded it. Back of the second
patio was the corral for the poultry and animals, and around
the corral the quarters for the "domesticos." Behind the
house, an orchard and vineyard covered several acres, ex-
tending as far as the "acequia" which furnished the principal
water supply for the hacienda.28
Padre Ortiz was hospitable almost to a fault, feeling that
so much luxury was forgivable for a priest only if it were
shared impartially among all who might need food or refuge.
Dona Ana Maria was a gracious and capable "patrona" and
did all she could to make even the most humble of visitors
welcome and comfortable. But so generous was the good
Padre with his possessions that her patience was often sorely
tried. It was difficult to keep a well-stocked larder, for no
sooner had she laid in her supplies than Father Ortiz would
find a dozen hungry mouths to feed. The wine from the vine-
yard, the fruit from the orchard, the milk from the cows and
27. Present site of the Plaza de Toros.— L. A. V.
28. Interview with Mrs. Najera. The "Acequia del Pueblo," still in existence.—
L. A. V.
RAMON ORTIZ 275
goats, the vegetables from the garden, as well as the precious
coffee and sugar which could be secured only when a wagon
train arrived from Chihuahua, — these all became the com-
mon property of the parishioners. Josefa, who personally
cared for the Padre's quarters, complained that it was im-
possible to keep his bed in proper order, as it was no
uncommon occurrence for him to take the linen and blankets
off his own freshly-made bed to carry them to some ailing
member of his flock who had no covering for his "colchon."
Such household equipment was at a premium in those days,
with no shops nearer than Santa Fe or Chihuahua, and the
Padre's gifts meant that he often had to sleep on a bare
mattress until more bedding could be secured.29
As there was no inn in the village, Padre Ortiz opened his
house to the many traders and travellers who arrived in
Paso del Norte and needed a few nights lodging. The fame of
the Ortiz hospitality spread throughout the Southwest. It
was an unforgettable experience for a weary and thirsty
traveller, who had journeyed many miles over the dry sandy
wastes, to arrive at the fertile little settlement on the Rio
Grande, and to find a genial host, a clean bed, a good meal,
and a bottle of the palatable "vino del pais" awaiting him.
The few who have left written records of their adventures
on the Chihuahua trail in the early nineteenth century never
fail to mention with gratitude the hospitality of the "cura"
of Paso del Norte.
In the pursuance of his arduous clerical duties, Padre
Ortiz was indefatigable. There were more than five thousand
souls in his parish proper, and a few thousand more in small
settlements scattered up and down the Rio Grande.30 Fre-
quently he made trips on horseback, or on his favorite mule,
to these small missions to say mass, and at every hour of the
day or night he was at the beck and call of any who needed
the services of a priest.31 He never stopped to consider per-
sonal safety or convenience when summoned to minister to
29. Interview with Mrs. Najera.
30. Bartlett, op. cit., p. 192.
81. Cleofas Calleros, San Jose de Concordia. Leaflet. Reprint from World Newt,
El Paso, Texas, June 4, 1932.
276 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
the dying. A fifteen mile trip in the dead of night, over rough
country, where unfriendly Apaches lurked behind every
bush and where frequent sandstorms made the going even
more hazardous, was no uncommon occurrence in the life of
this intrepid missionary. His untiring zeal for their welfare
and his endless unselfishness endeared him to rich and poor
alike. There are hundreds of the "pobres" still living who
remember his kindness with gratitude. Even today you have
only to mention the name of Padre Ortiz to any old Juarez
settler in order to see his face light up and to hear a burst
of enthusiastic praise. One old woman, whom I met quite by
chance and afterwards went to visit in her one-room adobe
dwelling, met my query about the "cura" with a delighted
"Si, si, senora. The good Padre himself got up out of a warm
bed at midnight to marry my husband and me — and without
grumbling, either." Why she chose such an hour for the
nuptials, I was too discreet to inquire, but it was evident that
she still felt a warm gratitude to the Padre for his assistance.
There were reasons other than his charitable nature and
his lavish hospitality that made Padre Ortiz the most popu-
lar man in his community. He was personally a fine figure
of a man, with a frank, handsome, intelligent face, and a
well-knit athletic figure. He had a certain ingenuous charm
of manner which seemed to attract people of all stations in
life, although he was rather quiet and reserved in the pres-
ence of strangers. At home, he enjoyed the comradeship of
his young grand-nieces and grand-nephews immensely, and
he joked with them or listened to their tales of woe with
equal sympathy. The children called him "Padrino" (God-
father) at first, which Concepcion, the youngest, soon changed
to an affectionate "Papanino," and this nickname clung to
him the rest of his life. He is still "Papanino" in the memory
of the few surviving relatives.32
His one great love other than his church and his family
was his country of Mexico. He was intensely patriotic and
had an intimate knowledge of the political affairs of his
country. When he was at school, Durango had been one of
32. Interview with Mrs. Najera.
RAMON ORTIZ 277
the hot-beds of the revolution,33 and the boys had had many
dissensions and debates over the rebellion. His relatives in
New Mexico were all closely concerned with the formation of
government in the new republic, and were intensely patri-
otic, also.34 The war with Texas and the uprisings in New
Mexico he had watched with dismay, for he sensed, along
with the intelligentsia of his time, the approaching trouble
with the United States and the danger of an American inva-
sion. From the letters of his cousins in Santa Fe, from the
lips of the traders en route to Chihuahua, and from the
couriers, he kept in touch with the affairs of state, and was
well-informed of the latest developments in the relations
between the two republics. He had many good friends among
the Americans, but he resented American encroachment in
Mexican territory and American interference in govern-
mental affairs.
Among his intimate friends in Paso del Norte was Don
J. M. Elias y Gonzales, commandante of the presidio, at
whose house he was a frequent visitor.35 Here he met many
distinguished people, — all the ranking military and the im-
portant "politicos" from both the province and the interior.
It was from General Elias that he had first news of the cap-
ture of the Texas expedition under General McLeod and of
the expected arrival of the prisoners in Paso del Norte. Thus
it happened that he was present when the little band
marched in. If he had felt a natural patriotic satisfaction
at the frustration of what he regarded as a Texan plot and
an armed invasion, that sentiment was quickly replaced by
the surge of Christian indignation that the first sight of the
pitiful little band aroused in him. Captain Damacio Salazar,
who had been in charge of the captives, had treated them
with unwarranted cruelty, had murdered those who were not
able to keep up on the march, and had starved and robbed
and beaten the others, until they were more dead than alive.36
33. Twitchell, Leading Facts . . ., II, 7.
34. Ibid., p. 10, gives list of "diputados" of New Mexico from 1822-1846. List
mentions seven relatives of Ramon Ortiz.
35. George Wilkins Kendall, Narrative of an Expedition Across the Great South-
western Prairies from Texas to Santa Fe (London, David Bogue, 1845) II, 37.
36. Thomas Falconer, Texas, Santa Fe Expedition (New York, Dauber & Pine
Bookshops, Inc., 1930) p. 98; Kendall, Narrative . . . , I, 490-568.
278 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
When Salazar reported with his charges to Elias at El Paso,
the General's wrath and indignation at this condition
equalled that of the Padre. He censured the captain severely
and eventually sent him back to New Mexico in disgrace.
General Elias set about alleviating the sufferings of the little
army at once. Cakes and chocolate, followed by a "sumptuous
supper" were served, a three-day rest was ordered, and
Generals McLeod and Navarro were taken home by General
Elias, as his personal guests.37 The prisoners were kept under
guard, but were allowed many privileges. Padre Ortiz was
given permission to do what he could for the men and to take
whom he would to his home, provided he would be personally
responsible for their safe return to the presidio. As all one-
hundred and eighty of the men were in dire need, the task of
looking after only their most pressing wants was a pro-
digious one, but the young priest was equal to the occasion.
Dona Ana was acquainted with the situation, and she im-
mediately summoned the women of the household and set
them all to work making shirts and underclothing. The
servants were ordered to haul water from the acequia for
innumerable baths, and to prepare all available food. The
Padre also appealed to his friends for assistance, and the
response was overwhelming — shoes and clothing, medicine
and bandages, food, shaving and bathing facilities were soon
forthcoming for the men for whom he could not care per-
sonally. His own home was a bustle of activity from morning
until night, while "los Tejanos" repaired the ravages of the
past seven disastrous weeks. Ref ugio, Josefa's oldest daugh-
ter, never tired of telling her children in later years of the
number of stitches she had taken and the tubs of water she
had heated and the glasses of wine she had poured for her
uncle's numerous guests.38
Among the Texans was a young journalist, George W.
Kendall, one of the editors of the New Orleans Picayune, and
for him Padre Ortiz conceived a great liking. In his fascinat-
ing Narrative of the Texan-Santa Fe Expedition,™ pub-
37. Ibid., I. 570.
38. Interview with Mrs. Najera.
39. Op. cit.
RAMON ORTIZ 279
lished the following year in London, Kendall writes at some
length of their meeting and subsequent friendship:
On one occasion he (Ortiz) asked me if I would not be pleased
to see the town and visit him at his residence, some mile or two distant
from the house of General Elias. On my accepting his invitation, he
sent a servant for one of his horses for my use. The servant soon
returned with a noble animal, richly caparisoned, and the young cura
mounting his mule, we rode over the beautiful town. . . . Arrived at
the residence of my kind friend, a neat dwelling surrounded by trees
and vines, he called a servant to take charge of the animals, and at
once led the way into the interior. Here I found Captain Caldwell and
a number of our officers, comfortably enjoying the hospitalities of
the young priest, and loud in their praises of his kind attentions and
exceeding liberality; for they had all been provided with coat and
clean clothing by their charitable entertainer.
To myself he was even more unremitting in his offices of attention
and kindness. — During a visit of some two hours, young Ortiz appeared
to be studying my every want. In addition to an excellent dinner, with
wine of his own making, which he gave me, he invited me into his
private study, where a bath was provided. Hardly had I partaken of
the luxury before a girl brought me clean flannel and linen throughout
— and when I say that for the previous seven weeks I had had no
change of clothing, and that vermin had taken forcible possession of
all my ragged and dirty vestments, the luxury of once more arraying
myself in clean linen will be appreciated. But the liberality of Ortiz
did not stop there, for notwithstanding I told him I had a sufficiency
and obstinately refused taking it until further resistance would have
been rude and almost insulting, he still pressed a sum of money into
my hands. — Towards sunset, the cura, having ordered the same horse
to be again saddled for me, we left his quiet and hospitable mansion
for the residence of General Elias; and if I had before had reason to
thank Ortiz for his kindness, I soon had still greater cause for grati-
tude for the opportunity he gave me of making Salazar completely and
perfectly unhappy. He told me that I might openly expose any jewelry
I had saved as there was no further danger of being robbed. Conse-
quently, I displayed my breast pin and watch and chain, and on the
ride back to Elias' through the principal plaza, I saw Salazar in front
of a small tienda, conversing with friends. On the pretext of purchasing
a handkerchief, I dismounted and swaggered past the avaricious Sala-
zar, jingling the gold coins in my pockets. Ortiz, who was holding my
horse, was aware of my object in thus "showing off" before Salazar, but
not a word did he say.
We departed from El Paso at noon the next day. As we were on
the point of leaving the house of General Elias to join the main party,
the servant of young Ortiz arrived with a horse, saddle and bridle for
280 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
my use as far as Chihuahua, a distance of nearly three hundred miles.
Of this unexpected charity I had not before received the least inti-
mation; nor did the liberality of the incomparable cura end there. He
ordered his domestics to bake two or three cart-loads of excellent bread
for use of the prisoners on the road, and sent his own team of oxen to
transport it. To those most in need, he gave articles of clothing and
imitating the charitable example of their pastor, the citizens were very
liberal in their gifts.
Seldom have I parted from a friend with more real regret than
with Ortiz, and as I shook him by the hand for the last time, and bade
him perhaps an eternal adieu, I thought if ever a noble heart beat in
man it was in the breast of this young generous priest. Professing a
different religion from mine, and one, too, that I had been taught to
believe inculcated a jealous intolerance towards those of any other
faith, I could expect from him neither favor nor regard. How surprised
was I, then, to find him liberal to a fault, constant in his attentions and
striving to make my situation as agreeable as circumstances would
permit.40
It is rather ironical that the book which lauded the good
priest so unreservedly should have helped to aggravate the
war between the United States and Mexico which he had
long feared. Again his patriotism and his duty as a Christian
were to come into conflict, and again Christian charity was
to be victorious. When the news reached him of the cowardly
treachery of Governor Armijo, who had delivered New Mex-
ico to the United States without allowing a single shot to
be fired, he was naturally very indignant. He sought to incite
his patriotic countrymen to avenge this insult to the honor
and courage of Mexicans, and he became actively engaged
in promoting armed resistance to the branch of the United
States army under Colonel Doniphan which was then head-
ing towards Chihuahua.41 It was largely due to his influence
that the Pasenos rose in arms to meet the Americans at
Brazito ; and it was he who kept up a constant communica-
tion with Chihuahua to advise the government there of the
strength of enemy resources.42 A courier was despatched
by the Padre to advise the governor of the unhappy outcome
40. Kendall, Narrative . . ., II, 38-45.
41. W. E. Connelley, ed., J. T. Hughes, Doniphan's Expedition and the Conquest
of New Mexico and California (Topeka, Kansas, The Author, 1907) pp. 97, 391.
42. George R. Gibson, Journal of a Soldier under Kearney and Doniphan (Glen-
dale, California, The Arthur H. Clark Co., 1935) p. 324.
A%
RAMON ORTIZ 281
of the encounter at Brazito, but he was stopped by Colonel
Doniphan's men, who thus learned the names of the chief
instigators of the resistance. Colonel Doniphan ordered the
arrest of Padre Ortiz and his colleagues, Srs. Pino, Jaquez,
and Belundis.43 During the parley that followed, Doniphan,
like so many others, was struck with the personality and
intelligence of the priest, and offered him his freedom if he
would give his word of honor to cease his activities against
the United States army. Padre Ortiz answered frankly and
honestly that he could give no such promise, and he explained
that while he had nothing but kindly feelings to the Ameri-
can as a race, his duty to his country compelled him to do all
he could to bring about the defeat of her enemies. The Colonel
was thus obliged to keep him under surveillance. Among
Doniphan's men, however, were many Irish Catholics, and
when Padre Ortiz learned that it had been many weeks since
they had heard mass or received the sacraments, he re-
quested to be allowed to look after their spiritual needs. His
priestly conscience could not bear the idea of even an enemy
soldier going into battle without all the moral support his
religion could give him. Permission was granted for him to
circulate among the soldiers at will, and to say mass for them
in the Mission.44 The troops remained in El Paso from
December 26, 1846, to February 8, 1847, and by the time
orders were received to march on to Chihuahua, the Padre
had many friends among the men, including the Colonel
himself. Doniphan felt, however, that some assurance should
be made for the safety of the soldiers whom he was obliged
to leave in charge of the post at Paso del Norte and for the
traders who were passing along the Santa Fe trail. Accord-
ingly, he decided to take Father Ortiz, Pino, Jaquez, and
Belundis, with him as hostages. He issued a warning to the
Pasenos that if any depredations were committed upon the
United States citizens either in El Paso or Chihuahua, his
prisoners would be put to death.45 When the little army set
out from El Paso, the Padre was allowed to travel in his own
43. Connelley, Doniphan's Expedition . . . , pp. 90, 97 ; Gibson, . . . Soldier
Under Kearney . . ., p. 324 ; Magoffin, Down the Santa Fe Trail, p. 209.
44. Luis Alfonso Velarde.
45. Connelley, Doniphan's Expedition . . . , pp. 97, 397.
282 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
carriage, which he had amply provisioned with food, water,
and other necessities, knowing only too well the dry sandy
wastes over which they would have to travel and the lack
of supplies along the way. On the trip he held frequent con-
versations with the Colonel, warning him that the Mexicans
had several thousand trained soldiers guarding the capital of
Chihuahua, and urging him not to expose his handful of ill-
equipped troops to certain slaughter. Colonel Doniphan him-
self was rather fearful of the outcome since he had heard
that General Wool, who was to have joined forces with him,
had abandoned his march upon Chihuahua.46 However, he
gave no inkling of his apprehensions to his prisoner. He dis-
cussed the future of Mexico with Ortiz, questioning him as to
his opinion of Guizot's proposal to place Louis Philippe on
the throne of the republic in order to preserve the balance of
power. "Such an ideal is too preposterous to deserve serious
consideration," replied the priest. "The Mexicans, especially
those living in the northern states, would treat the proposi-
tion, if made to them seriously, with indignation and con-
tempt.— Mexicans, not less than Americans, love liberty;
Mexico would rather be conquered by her sister Republic
and lose her national existence than submit to a foreign
prince."47
Before the regiment had advanced more than seventy-five
miles across the dry Jornada, the water problem became
acute. Many of the men had no canteens and had sought to
provide a little supply of water by filling their sabre-sheaths.
This was soon exhausted, and both the men and the beasts
were suffering from thirst. Food was also scarce. They had
only the most meager commissary and could find little game
along the way. Padre Ortiz saw that the little army might
defeat itself from lack of proper provisioning, but the great
charity of his heart would not let him endure the sight of
men, many of them his friends, suffering from thirst and
falling by the wayside. He brought out his "ollas" which he
was carrying for his own use and distributed the precious
liquid among the soldiers, although they were still many
46. Ibid., p. 396.
47. Hughes Diary, reprinted in ibid., p. 399.
RAMON ORTIZ 283
miles from the next possible supply. Providentially, a heavy
downpour the following day set the mountain torrents raging
and assured the water supply for the remainder of the trip.48
When they were within sight of the enemy near the
Sacramento river, Padre Ortiz made a last desperate plea to
Colonel Doniphan to save himself and his men by surrender-
ing to the superior, well-entrenched Mexican forces who, he
honestly believed, would make short work of the Americans.
Doniphan only laughed and replied that he was confident of
victory.49 The night before the battle, the carriages were put
in the center of a corral formed by the supply wagons, and
guards were placed around them to see that they did not
escape to communicate with the enemy. One of these guards
was a young man called Odon Guitar, later a Confederate
general, who had joined the army for a lark. He and Ortiz
struck up a friendship and enjoyed a lively conversation
while waiting for the excitement to start. Guitar pretended
to be highly pleased with his assignment in the rear of the
army with a congenial companion, saying that he felt a little
squeamish about killing men towards whom he had no real
resentment. To which Ortiz replied : "Young man, I perceive
that you had in mind a good time when you enlisted, and,
while you are not so intent on picking quarrels with the
enemy, I have no doubt of you fighting well if you have to."
That he was right in his surmise was proved the next day
when the fighting was at the highest. Guitar abandoned his
guard duty and plunged bravely into the fray. Many years
later, Guitar was in El Paso and remembered the good Padre.
He made inquiries, and learning that Father Ortiz was still
"cura," he went to call on him at the Mission. The Padre was
very old and almost blind, but he recognized the Missourian,
and they re-lived the battle of Sacramento and their night
of talk and forebodings.50
The details of the battle of Sacramento have been told
many times — how on that Sunday morning, February 28,
1847, less than a thousand ragged and worn American sol-
48. Ibid., p. 400.
49. Ibid., p. 406, note.
50. Ibid., p. 407.
284 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
diers engaged in a hand-to-hand fight for three and one-half
hours with picked Mexican troops and completely routed
them. According to eye-witnesses, at the beginning of the
fighting, the Padre and his fellow-prisoners stood on the
seats of their carriages, eager to see what was going on, but
as the fighting increased and the casualties grew, Father
Ortiz fell to his knees, rosary in hand, and prayed fervently
for the wounded soldiers and for victory. That night his task
was a sad one. Several hundred of his countrymen lay
wounded on the battlefield, and all night he worked among
them, easing their pains as best he could or whispering
words of absolution and consolation into dying ears.51
Meanwhile, back in El Paso, the situation at the Ortiz
hacienda was a strange one. Several American traders with
their wagon trains had followed in the wake of Colonel Doni-
phan's army and among them was Samuel Magoffin and his
young bride, Susan Shelby. Susan, a young Kentuckian of
gentle birth, was unused to hardships, and by the time they
had reached El Paso del Norte, she was in no condition for
further travel, at least until the going became less hazard-
ous. When he heard of the Magoffin's dilemma, Padre Ortiz,
as always, had let his charitable principles outweigh his
patriotic fervor, and he offered them the hospitality of his
home. He was fully aware that Samuel's brother, James
Magoffin, was a dangerous enemy to Mexico and was then
in custody at Chihuahua; and the Padre, himself, was a
prisoner of the Americans. The Magoffins accepted the gen-
erous invitation gratefully, Samuel having known before-
hand of the comforts of the hacienda and the kindness of its
inmates. The women of the Ortiz household, in their inner-
most hearts, must have resented harboring the friends of
their brother's captors, but their sense of hospitality toward
a guest in their home prevented them from betraying even
the slightest coolness. Susan, who had never known any
Mexican women before and had felt a strong antipathy
toward the whole race, was completely captivated by her
hostesses. Before many days had passed, she was on the most
intimate terms with them, borrowing their recipes, copying
61. F. S. Edwards, Campaign in New Mexico, quoted in Connelley, p. 426.
RAMON ORTIZ 285
their dresses, and going with them regularly, staunch Protes-
tant though she was, to Sunday mass.52 She confided to her
diary that Dona Ana Maria was a "muy Sefiora" in her
estimation, evidently intending it as highest praise ; and the
well-bred young daughters of Josefa — Refugio, Adelaida
and Concepcion aroused her warmest admiration.53 The
days, however, were anxious ones for all of them, as the con-
flicting reports regarding the outcome of the battle drifted
into Paso del Norte. When the news favored the Mexicans,
Ana Maria carefully concealed her elations ; and when word
of an American victory arrived, it was Susan who "would not
say one word to hurt the feelings of the family."54
Colonel Doniphan released Padre Ortiz from custody as
soon as the troops were safely in Chihuahua. The good man
lost no time in hastening back to his home where he knew his
anxious sisters were awaiting him. However, it was nine long
days before Susan could write in her journal : "Well, joy to
the family, el senor Cura has at last returned ; arrived this
morning about ten o'clock. The news of the battle is as we
last heard — the battle lasted only thirty minutes, with not
more than seven to fourteen killed on either side."55 In view
of the official statements that not less than three hundred
Mexicans were killed and five hundred wounded, while the
Americans lost only three men, the Padre's report of the
battle of Sacramento seems to need some explanation.56 Pos-
sibly he was so chagrined over the outcome that he wanted to
keep the news from being spread about, but it is much more
likely that his version was only an attempt to adapt a har-
rowing story to feminine ears.
It was fully a year later that the last battle of the war
was fought. In the meantime, Padre Ortiz had been doing
all in his power to keep his fellow-citizens from despairing of
victory. After the battle of Santa Cruz, he was obliged to
concede defeat, but he still hoped to save the citizens of New
52. Magoffin, Down the Santa Fe Trail, p. 202.
53. Ibid., p. 20 ; Dr. Gabriel Samaniego. — Adelaida Samaniego de Velarde was my
grandmother. — L. A. V.
54. Magoffin, Down the Santa Fe Trail, p. 216.
55. Ibid., p. 217.
56. Connelley, Doniphan's Expedition, p. 415 ; p. 422, note.
286 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Mexico from bowing to a conqueror's yoke. Accordingly, he
announced his candidacy for the next congress at Mexico
City, and was elected almost unanimously.57 Once among the
legislators, he made an impassioned but losing fight against
the terms of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which ceded
New Mexico to the United States. His work was not entirely
in vain, however. Due to his eloquence and fervor, he was
appointed, in 1849, commissioner to New Mexico in charge
of carrying out that part of the treaty which allowed a choice
of citizenship to the New Mexicans.58 This task was much to
his liking.
He went from town to town exhorting the inhabitants to
retain their allegiance to Mexico and to move to Mexican
territory as soon as possible. The government had promised
to finance the removal of all families who wished to leave
New Mexico, allowing twelve dollars for each child and
twenty-five dollars for each adult. So successful was Father
Ortiz, at first, that in one town he visited nine hundred of its
one thousand citizens agreed to go, and he estimated that the
number of abdications would eventually result in seriously
depopulating New Mexico. He was unduly optimistic, how-
ever. Only $25,000 had been advanced by his government,
and when that was exhausted there was difficulty in obtain-
ing another grant. Also, the United States authorities in the
territory had become alarmed and made it increasingly diffi-
cult for the residents to sign the formal affidavit of citizen-
ship. Padre Ortiz was requested to leave, and sub-agents
were appointed in his stead, but their privileges, too, were
suspended when it became clear that the desire for emigra-
tion was wide-spread. Padre Ortiz wrote to Governor Maas
complaining of his treatment,59 but by the time the Congress
of Mexico was ready to act, the New Mexicans, due to finan-
cial and property right difficulties, had lost their first enthus-
iasm and many were ready to retract their declaration to
leave the territory. Altogether, possibly less than three
thousand individuals, many of them wealthy "hacendados,"
67. Interview with Mrs. Najera.
58. Bancroft. Arizona and New Mexico, pp. 472-478.
69. Pedro B. Pino, Noticias Historicaa (Mexico, 1849) pp. 92-98, cited in
Bancroft, Arizona and New Mexico, p. 473.
RAMON ORTIZ 287
had withdrawn their "peones" and possessions to Chihuahua
by 1850, but even this was a considerable number from a
total population of about sixty thousand, including Indians.60
After this final disappointment, it is surprising that the
patriotic priest did not turn into an embittered and disillu-
sioned man, but he seems to have accepted his defeat with
Christian fortitude. He returned to his parish in time to
receive Bishop Zubiria, who was just returning from a visit
to New Mexico, and to arrange services at the Mission in his
honor. John Russell Bartlett, first United States boundary
commissioner, had also just arrived in El Paso, and Padre
Ortiz and the Bishop made him a friendly visit to enlist his
aid in preventing dispossession of the Mexican settlers on
the Texas side of the Rio Grande.61 The Americans in the
vicinity were not proving generous victors, and many of
them greatly annoyed the Mexican population by determined
efforts to despoil them of their property. This was done by
the use of Texas "head-rights" (grants of lands, usually
640 acres, to those who served in the war) located on prop-
erty which had been for a century or more in the quiet
possession of the old Spanish colonists and their descendants.
The latter, to avoid litigation and, sometimes, in fear of their
lives, abandoned their homes and sought refuge on the Mexi-
can side of the river. Mr. Bartlett received the visitors sym-
pathetically, served them as ample a collation as his meager
commissary allowed, and later made a faithful investigation
of the situation, finding matters as had been represented to
him by the clergymen.62 He reported the situation to Wash-
ington, but it is doubtful if many of the unfortunate Mexi-
cans ever received compensation for stolen lands.
The entrance of the Americans into El Paso brought
other seeds of discord into the hitherto peaceful valley, and
a strong feeling of animosity grew up between the Spanish
and the American born population. Padre Ortiz frequently
found himself forced to assume the role of peacemaker to
prevent serious quarrels between his ignorant, child-like
60. Mexico Mem. ReL, 1849, p. 14, and 1850, p. 22, cited in Bancroft, op. cit., 473 ;
Prince, Concise History . . ., p. 148.
61. Bartlett, Personal Narrative .... p. 148.
62. Ibid., pp. 212, 214.
288 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
proteges and the new arrivals, whom the Mexicans regarded
as unwelcome usurpers. Those living on United States
territory could not reconcile themselves to the changes which
the new government necessarily entailed or to the abandon-
ment of age-old prerogatives. This feeling of resentment
flared into active resistance when an American named
Howard filed claim to the Salt Lakes,63 which for many years
had been a source of revenue to the Mexicans of Paso del
Norte and its surrounding territory. In the seventeenth
century the Spanish crown had granted the Guadalupe Salt
Lakes to Paso del Norte and neighboring towns to be con-
sidered common property ; and in 1824 the Mexican govern-
ment conceded to those same towns the use and produce of
the newly-discovered Lakes of San Andres. By the treaty of
Guadalupe Hidalgo, the United States had promised to re-
spect all private land-titles to lands situated within the
boundary ceded by the Mexicans to the United States ; thus
the Mexicans who had become American citizens, as well as
those on the Mexican side, considered themselves in posses-
sion of the same rights and privileges as had been granted
them by Spain and Mexico.64 About 1860, a road was built
to the Guadalupe Lakes by popular subscription, and soon
many Pasefios from both sides of the Rio Grande had worked
up a profitable trade, hauling salt to Chihuahua and other
Mexican towns. When, in the 1870's, they were suddenly dis-
possessed of the free use of the Lakes and were informed
that henceforth they would have to pay an "Americano" for
every load of salt carried away, the Mexicans were first
bewildered and then openly rebellious. Padre Ortiz, who felt
that his countrymen were being abused, but who was intel-
ligent enough to realize that Judge Howard was legally
within his rights, was hard put to calm the seething Pasenos.
His efforts were powerless to prevent an uprising, and much
blood was shed and lasting animosities engendered before a
peaceful settlement was reached. In 1878, the United States
government made official inquiry into the source of the
63. 45th cong., 2nd sess., H. of R., Ex. Doc., No. 84, p. 67.
64. Ibid., — "The Salt Lake War," Judge Louis Cardis was murdered by Howard,
the "Americano" mentioned above, because of his defense of Mexican rights. L. A. V.
RAMON ORTIZ 289
trouble, and Padre Ortiz, as a highly respected citizen of
long standing, was called upon by General Hatch to give
testimony. He wrote a lengthy letter in Spanish to the Gen-
eral, who was in charge of the Board of Inquiry, explaining
the attitude of his countrymen and the basis of their claims
to the Salt Lakes. This letter, which is reproduced in full in
the Congressional Record,64a gives an interesting insight into
the difficulties that beset the growth of this border city with
its intermixture of two races and two civilizations.
This letter seems to be the last recorded account of Padre
Ortiz' active concern in civil and political affairs. Changes
were taking place rapidly in the Mexican government, in his
parish, and in his home life. Dona Ana Maria and Dona
Rosario died, leaving Josefa as "patrona" of the hacienda,
which was fast decreasing in prosperity. The Pasenos, who
had always been an agricultural people, were becoming im-
poverished by the unprecedented drouths that were occurr-
ing more and more frequently. No longer did the Rio Grande
overflow each spring, fertilizing their vineyards and
orchards and the acequias ran dry for weeks at a time.
Apache Indian depredations increased; the loss of horses
and cattle assumed serious proportions.65 Many were forced
from their "rancheros" and thus lost their means of liveli-
hood. According to an article in the El Paso Daily Times
(Feb. 15, 1896) , the city of Juarez and its surrounding towns
had lost more than one-half their former population in less
than twenty years. The Ortiz lands suffered along with the
rest. The vines which had so long furnished the famous
"vino del pais" withered and died; the fig trees ceased to
bear ; the cornfields and bean patches had to be abandoned.
However, material affairs gave the good Padre little con-
cern. As long as there was enough money to keep his prom-
ising young grand-nephews in school and a roof over his
and Josef a's heads, he was content. By 1860, the three grand-
nieces had all married well. Ref ugio, the eldest, was the wife
of a prosperous Santa Fe trader, Daguerre ; Adelaida's hus-
band was a well-known merchant of Paso del Norte; and
64a. 45 Cong., 2 Sess., Hse. Ex. Doc. 84, p. 67.
65. Bartlett, op. cit., p. 152.
290 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Concepcion had married Ynocente Ochoa, one of the most
prominent citizens and a close friend of the Padre.66 He was
proud of his adopted children, but Mariano, the elder
nephew, who was studying medicine, was the apple of his
eye. Remembering his own boyhood disappointments, he had
made no attempt to influence unduly the choice of the boys'
professions, but he was overjoyed when Mariano decided to
become a physician. He determined to give him the best
education possible, and he carried out his plan. Mariano was
sent to Mexico for his first degree, and eventually to Paris
for special training. He returned home to make an enviable
name for himself and to become the progenitor of some dis-
tinguished offspring, including a grandson, Ramon Novarro
(Samaniego) of motion-picture renown.67
Political and governmental changes in Mexico were not
so much to his liking. His Hidalgo blood revolted at the idea
of Benito Juarez, a half-breed and an enemy to the Church,
at the head of the government ; but even more did he resent
the unwarranted usurpation of Maximilian and the down-
fall of his beloved Republic. So, when the French had forced
the Juarez troops to Paso del Norte, in 1865, their pitiful,
hungry faces and bare, bleeding feet evoked his ever-ready
sympathy. He had little money of his own to aid them, but
Sr. Velarde responded to "Papanino's" appeal and furnished
food and clothing for the little band. The lists of the supplies
issued to Juarez and his men, bearing the signature of the
great revolutionist, are still in the possession of Sr. Alfonso
Velarde of El Paso, grandson of Adelaida.
During the tumultuous revolutionary years, the financial
situation of the church in Mexico had become acute. With
New Mexico a separate bishopric since 1857, the diocese of
Durango was no longer able to maintain its own seminary,
and available priests became fewer and fewer. The cura of
Del Norte had to care for a number of small settlements
66. Dr. Gabriel Samaniego, son of Dr. Mariano Samaniepo. — Alejandro Daguerre
was the full name of Refugio's husband. Adelaida's husband was Rafael Velarde, my
grandfather. Ochoa owned wagon-trains that plied between Trinidad, Colorado, and
Chihuahua.— L. A. V.
67. Interview with Mrs. Najera. — Navarro is a common and noted Spanish family
name, but Ramon's movie-name, "Novarro," appears to have "been made in Holly-
wood."— Fr. A. C.
RAMON ORTIZ 291
without pastors, some eighty miles distant.68 With the rumor
of a railroad to El Paso, people were flocking to the Rio
Grande, and there were many Catholics among them. The
only church on the Texas side of the river closer than Ysleta
was a small adobe chapel at Concordia, which had been built
by Father Ortiz and his assistant, Father Vasquez, probably
in 1859. They called this chapel San Jose de Concordia el
Alto, and once a month the two priests from the Mission
took turns in crossing the river to say mass.69 On other
Sundays, the Joseph Magoffins, the Joseph Glasgows, and
other of El Paso's "first families," with many of the old
Spanish settlers and a flock of newer arrivals, ferried across
the Rio Grande to attend services at Nuestra Senora de
Guadalupe, the old Mission of Juarez. Until 1892, the Mission
was the real parish church of both Juarez and El Paso ; and
on its records are the names of many of El Paso's leading
citizens who were married or baptized or buried by its
beloved cura.
Years wore on, and Padre Ortiz became less and less able
to look after his numerous flock. He could no longer make
journeys on horseback, and a small buggy, drawn by mule,
became his favorite mode of transportation. However, the
advent of the Jesuits in the 1880's brought him able and
willing assistants both for Mission services and for the many
sick-calls up and down the river.70 In 1892, when Father
Ortiz had become old and almost blind, Father Pinto, S.J.,
the regular assistant to Father Ortiz, promoted two churches
for El Paso, and thereafter the American population wor-
shipped at the Immaculate Conception Church or the Church
of the Sacred Heart.71
With the death of Josefa, about 1885, Father Ortiz sold
the old home and retired into smaller quarters. His house-
68. New Mexico became & provisional diocese, or vicariate apostolic, independent
of Durango, by decree of Pius XI, July 19, 1850, and the first bishop appointed was
John Baptist Lamy. By decree of July 28, 1853, Santa Fe became a full-fledged
diocese. However, the southern part of present Arizona and, it appears, the New
Mexico district bordering on El Paso del Norte, remained in the diocese of Durango
until 1857 or 1859, when they were annexed to the diocese of Santa Fe. — Fr. A. C.
69. Rev. J. C. M. Garde, S. J., Vicar, El Paso Diocese.— San Jose de Concordia
el Alto, no longer in existence, stood near the site of the first Fort Bliss. — L. A. V.
70. Calleros, San Jose . ... op. cit.
71. Ibid.
292 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
hold needs were taken care of by an old housekeeper, Ref ugio
Garcia, but his nieces and nephews, with their growing
families, were his constant visitors. "Papanino" was looked
upon as the patriarch of the Ortiz tribe, who consulted his
wishes on all important family decisions. His own wants
were simple, but he gave generously as ever of his little
revenue to help with the education of his great-grand-nieces
and nephews. His lack of interest in this world's goods, how-
ever, was sometimes a source of irritation to his more practi-
cal friends and relatives, and an amusing story is told of
him in this respect:
There was an old Apache woman among his parishioners
who for many years had brought a nugget of gold as her
offering each time she came to services at the Mission. With
characteristic lack of curiosity, the good Padre made no
inquiries as to the source of the valuable metal, but one day
the old woman confided to him that she felt her days were
numbered and that she wished to reveal the location of the
mine to him, so that he might look after her family when
she was gone. She had taken an oath of secrecy when she
had inherited the knowledge, and a tribal superstition pre-
dicted immediate death for one who broke such a pledge.
As a consequence she had decided to wait until she felt
sure that death was upon her. She led Father Ortiz a few
leagues from the town, but the Padre saw she was too feeble
to go farther and suggested that they postpone the trip until
a later day. She pointed out the general direction and de-
scribed a few identifying landmarks before they turned back,
exacting a promise from him to return soon to locate the
mine's entrance. A few days later a messenger arrived from
the Apache settlement with the news of her death. True to
his word, Padre Ortiz made a few half-hearted attempts to
locate the gold ; then he dismissed the whole matter from his
mind. In later years, the priest happened to mention the
matter of the nuggets to a friend, who immediately became
fired with excitement. The friend told a friend, and he told
a friend, and the hunt was on. However, by that time all the
landmarks had disappeared and the Padre had only a vague
idea as to the general direction, so the source of the nuggets
RAMON ORTIZ 293
remained a secret. When chided for his carelessness in later
years, Padre Ortiz always said, laughingly, that the nuggets
were probably not valuable, anyway. He had never had
them assayed! Thus a probable fortune was lost and unre-
gretted ; and the Padre continued to live his peaceful life, rich
only in the love of God and of his flock.72
By 1890, his health began to fail. A cancer at the top of
his spine, together with the infirmities of old age, caused him
to spend more and more of his time in bed, and he gradually
became blind and helpless. Dr. Mariano Samaniego, his
favorite nephew, kept close watch over him, seeking to
alleviate his suffering as much as possible, and Juan Ochoa,
adopted son of Concepcion and Ynocente Ochoa, was his con-
stant companion. However, the end was near. On March 6,
1896, the following item appeared in El Paso's little four-
page newspaper :
The death of Father Ramon Ortiz from cancer is expected at any
hour. He is 85 years of age, and comes of a family of high standing.
He is an uncle of Dr. Samaniego, Sras. Daguerre and Velarde, and
the late Sr. Innocente Ochoa. Father Ortiz has been a marked figure
in local history from times extending back beyond the Mexican war.73a
That night prayers were said in many a home in Juarez
and El Paso for the recovery of the popular priest, but it was
time for Padre Ortiz to claim his long-deserved reward, and
on March llth at 3 :30 A.M., he breathed his last.73b
The following day a requiem mass was sung in the old
Mission where he had served so faithfully for fifty-eight
long years; the churchyard and plaza in front overflowed
with black-robed, weeping women and silent, grief -stricken
men. Hundreds crossed over from El Paso to pay a last
tribute to the old pastor, and there were floral offerings from
prominent Protestant friends who were unaware that Catho-
lic custom does not sanction flowers at the funeral of a
priest. One exceptionally beautiful offering came in the name
of the United States Government, by courtesy of the Ameri-
72. T. J. Turner, "Lost Mine," article in El Paso Herald, October 8, 1910, p. 1. —
According to my father, the entrance to this mine could be seen (if one knew where
to look) from the "door" of Our Lady of Guadalupe. — L. A. V.
73a. El Paso Daily Herald, March 6, 1896, p. 4, col. 2.
73b. El Paso Daily Times, March 12, 1896.
294 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
can consul. The whole city went into mourning, all business
houses were closed for the day, and it was weeks before many
of the faithful could be persuaded to remove the black crepe
from their doorways. The funeral procession of eighty car-
riages and fifty horsemen, followed by more than a thousand
humble folk on foot, was the longest ever seen up to that time
in the Southwest.
Notices of the death of Padre Ortiz appeared in many of
the Nation's leading newspapers, none of which was more
heartfelt than the black-bordered tribute in the New Orleans
Picayune. In El Paso, Juan Hart, editor of the El Paso Times
and a long-time friend of the Padre, printed this eulogy :
The death of the venerable and beloved curate of Juarez, which
occurred yesterday morning at 3:30 o'clock, caused great sorrow in
Juarez and El Paso. Father Ramon Ortiz began labors for Juarez when
he was a handsome, warm-hearted and brilliant youth of twenty
summers, and for the past sixty-two years, his home has been an
asylum for orphans and for all who were in need of a home and com-
fort, food and clothes. His door ever swung to the call of charity, his
big warm heart loved all humanity, and if everyone to whom he has
done a kindly act could lay a flower on his grave today, his beloved form
would rest beneath a mountain of flowers. His heart was full of kind-
ness, his nature was gentleness itself, and he did good for the love of
doing it. No wonder the good people of Juarez loved their curate
almost to adoration.74
Today, all that is mortal of Padre Ramon Ortiz rests in
a little cemetery adjoining the chapel of San Jose, about four
miles from the city of Juarez. Near him sleep many whom he
had known and loved in life, among them Josefa, Mariano,
and Concepcion. All are interred in concrete vaults, but that
of the Padre is covered with a heavy marble slab on which is
inscribed a Latin epitaph :
P.X.
Raymundo Ortiz
Mexican-urbis-Passensis
Divitissime parocho
Caritate patriae
Paterno concrediti-Gregis amore
Pietate erga Deum
Apprima claro
74. Ibid., March 13, 1890.— The editor was Juan Hart Siquieros, son of Capt.
Simeon Hart.— L. A. V.
RAMON ORTIZ 295
V— idus— Martias— Ad— MDCCCXCVI
Vito f uncto
Marianus-Samaniego-et-cognation
Tumulum
Mentix-gratissimae
Argumentum.
P.P.
(Translation)
The Peace of Christ be With You
To Ramon Ortiz, of the Mexican Pass City, abounding in charity,
(serving) as a host of your native land, most generous in your paternal
love for the flock entrusted to your care, and most ardent in your
devotion to God, Mariano Samaniego and his kinsmen have erected this
monument as a token of their most devoted affection, on this, the fifth
day before the Ides of March (llth of March) 1896.™
Thus lived and died one of the true Hidalgos, the last
priest of pure Spanish blood to preside at the Juarez Mission.
The last trace of his hacienda has disappeared, and the huge
Plaza de Toros and numerous tiendas now occupy its once
peaceful grounds. But because of his great charity and love
for his fellowmen, his name is inscribed indelibly in the
annals of our great Southwest ; and even when all who knew
him in life are gone, many will read with sympathy of Ramon
Ortiz, who had the heart of a soldier and the soul of a saint.
75. Translation by Catherine Flynn, Latin Dept., El Paso High School. — San Jose
was a private chapel that once belonged to our family but has passed into other
hands. It stands in the "Pueblito de San Jose" due south of Juarez. — L. A. V.
A CIVILIAN AT OLD FORT BAYARD 1881-1883
Edited By ROY GooDALE1
November 22, 1881
After staying- at Fort Cummings about 1 month, Co. "K"
(23rd Infantry) was ordered to Fort Bayard ! So we made
the march in 2 days in wagons, pretty good post and quar-
ters. Capt. Goodale2 ordered back to F. Cummings and
started in ambulance at 2 o'clk am. He is to meet relay */2
way.
November 23
Received telegram from Capt. G. arrived safely.
November 24
Thanksgiving — all well, beautiful day and post.
November 26
All our mornings are very fine — wrote sister Thurston
and Hiram Whitehouse about 1 week ago.
December 5
Splendid weather ! Dr. Cocket left this morning.
December 12
The past week has been very fine — a little frost at night.
Capt. G. returned from Fort Cummings safe and sound. Let-
ters fr. Bro. G. B. Swazey. He made me a present of $25
God bless him !
December 18
Last night it rained hard — 11 shots were fired at thieves
trying to steal waggons and mules. No one hit. Dear Fide3
very low ! She has only been ill a few days but we all have
been very anxious about her.
1. Extracts from the diary of Ephriam Goodale (1806-1887) of Orrington, Maine.
He was a retired farmer who after selling his farm lived with his son, Greenleaf Austin,
while at Camp Supply, Fort Leavenworth, Fort Dodge, and Fort Hays.
Roy Goodale is the great grandson of Ephriam, and a graduate student in History
at the University of California, Berkeley.
2. Brig. Gen. Greenleaf Austin Goodale, then Capt. 23rd Infantry.
3. Fidelia Beach Goodale, wife of Greenleaf Austin whom the latter met and mar-
ried at Jacksonville, Oregon, while stationed at nearby Fort Klamath.
296
OLD FORT BAYARD 297
December 19
Dear Fide bid us farewell and died at 10 o'clk. What a
beautiful character had this charming woman! An own
daughter could never treat an own father with more delicate
kindness and love than she has ever shown me.
December 20
How kind are all the officers and their ladies of the post
— all lavish of their attentions and sympathy. The funeral
of dear Fide at 3 o'clk. Lt. [R. H.] Pratt read the service at
house and grave finely and we had good singing.
December 21
Greenleaf and Mrs. Hay engaged all day in looking over
dear Fide's things and distributing little gifts so friendly.
December 22
Went to Silver City. What large stocks of goods for a
small place!
December 23
Mrs. Hay went this morning 8 o'clk. for Ft. Bliss Tex.
Capt. G. arrived home safe saw Mrs. Hay on cars.
December 25
Christmas — boys4 had lots of presents. Capt. G. and I
dined at Lt. Pratt's — fine dinner.
December 29
After dinner the boys and I went to top of mountain over
the stream. Evening we called at Lt. Martin's. Mrs. Martin
and her mother, Mrs. Swift very pleasant ladies — very.
December 31
Last day of the year. What changes !
January 1, 1882
Sunday 1882! On this beautiful morning I was greeted
by the boys with "a happy new year, Grandpa !" Mrs. Martin
had Sabbath School and Lt. Martin read Episcopal service
pm.
January 2
Fine morning. Greenleaf with bad cold.
4. Roy Lewis and Col. George Swazey, sons of Greenleaf Austin.
298 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
January 7
The past week I wrote to Katie Whitehouse and Dea
Thomas George. Greenleaf has had a bad cold but is much
better now. A lot of Mexicans with loaded ox teams came up
to post trader. What queer outfits ! One cart loaded with pep-
per made entirely of wood and rawhide! Not an ounce of
iron. Last thursday a cattle thief was shot dead at suttler's
store. How little human life is valued out here. It seems that
the "cowboys" or rustlers are growing scarce. Four of them
were shot 12 miles from here the other day and the owner
got his stock.
January 8
Episcopal service and Sab. School Lt. and Mrs. Martin.
January 9
Wrote [Prof. George] Lincoln [Goodale] and wife — a
little snow.
January 16
Lt. [C. D.] Cowles and family with us. Mrs. Cowles was
formerly of the Sandwich Islands.
January 19
Last night 7 shots fired by a drunken sentinel. Wrote Mr.
Marston.
February 7, 1882
Since last date there has been but little news. We have
been to Silver City. There has been frequent snow squalls —
cool nights — warm days. Dr. Whiting has vaccinated our
family and all the post. Report says one case of smallpox
S. City.
February 8
I wrote Mrs. George — fine day.
February 13
My vaccination has made me sick for days. One of the
cavalrymen shot his horse this morning — crazy it is said.
Wrote Willis Thurston. Also Ann Chapin last Saturday.
February 28
Last day of month. Good letter from S. E. Nourse. It has
OLD FORT BAYARD 299
been quite squally since last date part of the time. Inspection
this morning. Pretty good.
March 20
Capt. Goodale went to Demming this morning for his
mother White and Mrs. Hay —
April 9
Easter Sunday — my birthday — 76 years old. I found $5
under my plate at breakfast from dear Greenleaf who has
gone with Mrs. White and Mrs. Hay to Demming. We had a
charming visit from them. Mrs. White reminds me so much
of dear Fide — she gave me a fine raw silk handkerchief. We
had a fine ride to Santa Rita.
April 18
Capt. G. and Co. "K" and two companies cavalry started
for Sepor after Apaches on border of old and New Mexico.
Twenty day's rations. G. gave me $5 more. Only 1 co. at post.
April 25
The air is full of rumors of Indian hostilities. One man
killed and four wounded in Lt. Martin's cavalry company.
Wrote Capt. G. at Separ N. M.
April 29
Last night Capt. [R. I.] Eskridge and Co. [left] 11 o'clk.
with 10 day's rations — post left all alone. Wrote Capt. G.
May 9
The past week has been squally — some rain, snow, and
hail. I was sick yesterday — better this morning. Expect com-
panies pm. How I long to see dear Greenleaf. Capt. Eskridge
and Co. came back from Lordsburg, N. M.
May 26
Since last date all the companies have returned to post
looking well. All glad to see them. New suit of clothes from
N. Y. for dear Greenleaf. Wrote sister Thurston, Lizzie
Waters and Adelaid —
June 9, 1882
Since last date we have had a number of fine showers. A
party of visitors from Fort Cummings came up and spent
300 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
two or three days. Hop in their honor. Yesterday I went to
Silver City with Lt. [Stephen] O'connor and [Lt. 0. L.]
Wieting.
June 29
Day before yesterday we went in 3 ambulances to Pache
de Nos to meet 2 companies troops on march to another post.
Had a fine ride and picnick. Two officers came up with us.
Garden looks well. Rec'd letter from Willie Chapin and an-
swered it.
July 22
Very hot for 2 weeks. 146 bats killed from one window.
Lot of Mexican teams come — dull at post — two cavalry com-
panies went out 15 day's rations. Mrs. [T. M. K.] Smith gave
us ride. Lt. Wieting and family gone to New York 6 mo.
leave. Harry Waters' wife died about 1 week ago.
August 5
Hot 2 weeks — 2 companies cavalry returned yesterday.
I went to Wall and Maggie O'Brien's wedding 1st Aug. at
Silver City — nice wedding in chh. Fine ride to Hanover
Gulch with Mrs. Eskridge and family. Rain.
August 24
Greenleaf quite ill today — frequent showers. Lt. Duprey
made us 3 day's visit — rode to S. City with him. A fine
pleasant fellow.
August 29
I rode to Silver City with Lt. Martin's family. Fine ride.
August 31
We were invited to Col. [J. K.] Mizner's and stayed till
1 o'clk. Had a fine time — refreshments and music.
September 1
Heavy shower — I told the boys we went to Col. Mizner's
last summer and came back this fall!
September 3
Went down to new barracks. Company inspection.
September 14
I have been quite ill for the last 10 days part of time fine
OLD FORT BAYARD 301
weather. Flowers looking splendidly. Dr. Cocket and Lt.
Duprey called a few days ago.
September 25
Beautiful morning. My health better. We are having
plenty of melons from the garden ; grapes, apples, etc. Mr.
and Mrs. Kelley from California arrived and have performed
on the violin and organ one evening — very fine artists. Mr.
Kelley 70 and Mrs. Kelley 32. He is the finest player I ever
heard and so droll and funny !
November 1, 1882
The Kelleys have come and gone — at our house one night.
Wrote sister Thurston. A private died at hospital.
November 3
Some cases of dyphtheria and no school. Private buried.
November 4
Over to Reading Room. Capt. G. gone to S. City.
November 23
Cold with 4 in. snow. Capt. G. and Lt. Cowles gone hunt-
ing till Sat. 4th Cavalry to come soon.
December 11
Headqrs. 4th Cav. Since last date the Band and Col. [W.
B.] Royall and family have arrived — very pleasant family.
I went to Silver City last Friday. Last Sunday Capt. G. and
the boys started for Fort Bliss via Fort Cummings to be gone
a week. Last night two Episcopalian clergymen lodged with
us —
December 25
Christmas — Capt. G. and the boys had a good visit to
Fort Bliss and Mexico and ret'd safely. Lots of presents this
morning for self and boys. Letter and handkerchief from
Carrie and one fr. Cousin Belle today. Greenleaf gave me 1
silk hkf., 1 silk necktie, 1 linen hkf ., oranges, apples, cigars,
etc. etc. All the officers and ladies interchanged presents in
the most generous manner. We had a most luxurious dinner
— roast turkey, oysters, venison, sausage, and a nice dessert.
This evening we were invited to Lt. Martin's and had a nice
302 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
supper, plays etc. What a delightful family ! Met the Swartz
brothers, Mrs. Munn, and Dr. Whitney.
January 1, 1883
We have entered on another year with all its unknown
events. Oh, may God keep and bless us as a people and family.
One family at post have lost 4 children by diphtheria — the
rest of the family were ordered into a tent and their house and
furniture burned up ! A good deal of excitement. The school
stopped — no other cases.
January 16
The post has had many festivities, meetings, etc. Catholic
and Episcopal services. Sergeant Scott dead and buried. At-
tended masquerade ball reading room.
January 22
Very cold nights for 2 weeks — 8 or 10 above zero. Lt.
O'Connor and family arrived. We were invited to attend
Mrs. Col. Mizner's "German" but declined. All well.
January 31
Amateur theatricals at Co. "K" barracks. Play of "Lend-
ing a Lover." It went off splendidly. Capt. Eskridge, Lt.
, Miss Royall, Miss Martin, Lt. Martin, Mr. Mizner
took parts. Full house after play at hop room.
February 3, 1883
The boys were to have had a picknick today but too cold
and windy — three Chinamen killed out of four just above our
post!
February 6
Three Mexicans arrested for the above murder. They are
being tried at Central City today. Hop at Reading Room last
night.
February 28
Last day mo. This mo. has been quiet, not cold. Amuse-
ments 2 or 3 times per week. Rev. Mr. Gamble of Silver City
had preached nearly every Sab. evening.
March 23
Wrote Augustus Chapin. Co "K" plowing and sowing.
OLD FORT BAYARD 303
March 25
Gen'l Angar, Gen'l , Col. Forsyth and other offi-
cers arrv'd about 11 am. A salute of 15 guns, band, etc. Chh.
services at 8 pm after which Col. Roy all gave a reception and
we met all the officers at his house. Had a fine time, refresh-
ments, etc. They all left Monday morning.
March 27
Capt. Goodale, Lt. [E. de R.] Nichols, Lt. Wieting, George
and self all went to Silver City. Rumors that Indians are out
and committing murders. 5 or 6 ranchmen killed. We met the
pack mules of two companies of cavalry dispatched this
morning from Ft. Bayard to hunt them up.
March 28
Lt. Nichols' wife and baby are with us. Mrs. Nichols is
Col. Haller's daughter.
March 29
Judge and wife killed by Indians ! Great excite-
ment this morning, some talk of sending out another com-
pany of our post, Infantry. Capt. Eskridge's company went
out for about a week.
April 9
My birthday, 77 years old. Greenleaf gave me a $10 gold
piece which I gave back to him. Gen'l McKinsley, Capt.
Woodruff, Lt. called. Mr. Ed Pearson came last
f riday. We called at Lt. Martin's evening.
April 10
Greenleaf, Ed, and Frank Bennet gone to S. City.
April 27
We have had a most brilliant "German" this evening at
New Barracks, about 18 couples besides visitors. Most stayed
till 3 o'clk— decidedly gay. Mr. Pearson left Sat. 28th.
April 29, 1883
Good Chh. services — Mr. Gamble preached.
April 30
George sick. Letters f r. Lizzie and Mrs. Chapin.
May 28
This mo. thus far has been cold and backward till last
304 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
week or 10 days. Terrible cyclones reported all over the con-
tinent nearly. Capt. G. has been selling off and packing up
for our long journey, poor fellow is terribly tired. We have
boarded at 0. C. Pratt and Nichols.
June 1
Called at all the officers qrs. Mrs. Capt. Eskridge gave
me a nice silk hkf — called on Mrs. Hugo. We started for S.
City 11 am — on cars for Demming. Dined at Metropolitan
Hotel. Started on cars for Fort Bliss 7 pm arrv'd about 11
at Post and met Col. Fletcher, Capt. Wheaton and Lt. Hay.
A most cordial recp'n, lodged at Col. Flecher's, pleasant peo-
ple all. Post of 2 companies but oh, how dry and hot ! Fort
Bliss is in Texas on the river Rio Grande.
June 2
Rested all day.
June 3
Capt. G. and Mrs. Hay went to town to chh. We went over
to hear Mrs. Lt. [E. B.] Bolton sing and play — very fine.
June 4
We drove to El Paso, quite a smart place.
June 5
Drove to El Paso del Norte in Old Mexico — a queer old
M. town, queer gardens, Cathedral 300 yrs. old, relics, etc.
June 6
Oh, hot hot! 100 deg! This post 2 companies. Officers
kind.
June 7
We start tomorrow and am glad to get out of heat.
FREDERICK E. PHELPS: A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS
Edited by FRANK D. REEVE
(Concluded)
In March, 1879, I received my long delayed promotion
to First Lieutenant after nearly nine years' service as a
Second Lieutenant. This promotion carried me to "F" Troop,
which was stationed at Fort Mclntosh, near Laredo. My
commission dated from the 20th of March, 1879, but I was
directed to wait at Fort Clark until further orders. On the
llth of May, 1879, my second daughter, Elsie L., was born
at Fort Clark. Of course, I could not move my family for
sometime and, in fact did not go down to Fort Mclntosh until
September. Just before Elsie was born, Auntie came to Fort
Clark to live with us. Mary's sister, Maggie, had died at
Celina the previous October of tuberculosis, and we at once
wrote Auntie to make her home with us. She came by rail
to San Antonio and from there to Fort Clark, a distance of
one hundred and fifty-six miles, by coach, and the roads were
in such a horrible condition that it took her three days to
finish this coach ride. We had only three rooms in all. The
front room was our bed room and sitting room. Immediately
behind this was our dining room and we screened off one end
of this to make a place for Auntie. The kitchen was immedi-
ately in the rear, but before Elsie was born, we moved into
the other end of the house where we had five rooms, and we
thought this was quite sumptuous. In September, I pro-
ceeded to Fort Mclntosh by way of San Antonio, taking my
family with me and all my household goods, which filled two
six-mule wagons. When the order finally came for me to go
to Fort Mclntosh, I was out hunting and got home at nine
o'clock that night, which happened to be a Saturday. Mary
had a good supper waiting for me and after I had disposed
of it, I was sitting on the porch smoking my pipe when she
came out and told me that an order had come from the com-
manding officer, about four o'clock, that I was to start the
very next morning for my new station. The temporary Post
305
306 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
commander was Major Wilcox.87 I went over to his quarters
and he told me there was an ambulance and some wagons at
the Post belonging at San Antonio, that the Department com-
mander had ordered them returned, and that he had tele-
graphed that I would leave the next day with them.
I was provoked, of course, over the exceedingly short
notice, but said nothing. At reveille the next morning I told
my first sergeant, for I was in temporary command of the
troop, to send the entire troop to my quarters as soon as they
had breakfast. The Quartermaster let me have a lot of rough
lumber ; by noon all of our furniture was packed, crated, and
loaded on the wagons, and at one o'clock we pulled out for
San Antonio. My family rode in the ambulance. We had a
pleasant trip to San Antonio, and from there to Laredo,
except that we were nearly devoured by mosquitoes a part
of the time. On arrival at Fort Mclntosh I reported to my
new troop commander, Captain A. P. Carraher,88 with whom
I was fated to serve for some years. Carraher was a typical
Irishman, had come into the regulars from the volunteers,
and as an officer was absolutely worthless. He was noisy,
overbearing, very harsh with his men, drank hard, and every
time the troop went on a scout during the six years that I
was with him he went on sick report promptly, leaving me
to the command of the troop. I was immediately appointed
Post Adjutant, and was practically placed in command of the
troop, as I took reveille, the daily drill, and afternoon stables.
The retreat and tattoo roll calls were taken by the Second
Lieutenant, Mr. Pinder,89 who had been recently transferred
to the troop, and who was, I think, the handsomest man I
ever saw in the Army. He was married. His wife was a fine
young woman, and she became an intimate friend of Mary
and me. I hear from her once in a while even yet. Pinder
87. John Andrew Wilcox was born in Washington, D. C. He was commissioned
2nd Lieutenant, 1st Cavalry, March 28, 1861, and advanced to the rank of Major,
8th Cavalry, March 20, 1879.
88. Andrew Patrick Caraher was born in Ireland. He enlisted as Captain, 28th
Massachusetts Infantry, December 13, 1861, and was mustered out with the rank of
Colonel, November 7, 1865. He re-enlisted as 1st Lieutenant, July 28, 1866, and was
advanced to Captain, January 15, 1873.
The name is spelled with only one "r" in Heitman, Historical Register. . . .
89. Joseph William Pinder was born in Georgia. He was commissioned 2nd
Lieutenant, 8th Cavalry, August 15, 1876.
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 307
was a reckless wild blade, careless in regard to his duties,
more so in money matters, and did not last very long.
In July, Elsie was taken very ill and the doctor informed
me that I must send her east to save her life. We started
immediately and traveled one hundred and fifty miles to San
Antonio whence Mary, Auntie, May and Elsie started for
Urbana, and I returned to my station. The change of water
and climate did wonders for Elsie, and she rapidly recovered.
In October, I took six months leave of absence and joined
my family, who had gone to Saint Mary's, and that winter
we lived with father and mother in the old house, Mary
having charge of the household. On the 29th of the following
January, my daughter, Margie, was born. That was one of
the worst winters that I ever saw in Ohio, but we managed
to get through very comfortably. When Margie was ten days
old, I received a telegram from the War Department asking
me if I was willing to give up the balance of my leave and
go to Jefferson Barracks,90 Missouri, just below St. Louis,
for temporary duty; I promptly accepted and a week after
I proceeded there and reported for duty.
Jefferson Barracks was then the Cavalry Recruit depot
and I found that I was to be assigned to the command of one
of the recruit companies. The commanding officer was my
own Colonel Neill;91 I found Williams,92 of my class and
regiment, there as Adjutant, and Captain Foote,93 of my
regiment, was the Quartermaster. Mary joined me about
two months afterward, and we spent a very pleasant summer
at this place, but in September I received an order to go to
90. For a brief history of this long-time western military post, established in
1826, see Henry W. Webb, "The Story of Jefferson Barracks," NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL
REVIEW, XXI, no. 3 (July, 1946).
91. Thomas Hewson Neill was born in Pennsylvania. He graduated from the
United States Military Academy and was commissioned 2nd Lieutenant, July 1, 1847.
He held the rank of Brigadier General of Volunteers during the Civil War. He was
commissioned Lieutenant Colonel, February 22, 1869, and Colonel, 8th Cavalry, April 2,
1879.
92. Richard Algernon Williams was born in Pennsylvania. He graduated from
the United States Military Academy and was commissioned 2nd Lieutenant, 8th
Cavalry, June 15, 1870. He was promoted to 1st Lieutenant, May 17, 1876, and Captain,
April 24, 1886.
93. George Franklin Foote was born in New York. He enlisted as a private in
the Civil War and was mustered out with the rank of Brevet Lieutenant Colonel,
July 18, 1865. He re-enlisted as 2nd Lieutenant, July 28, 1866, and attained the rank
of Captain, January 18, 1881.
308 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Fort Mclntosh to be assigned to duty as Quartermaster.
On the first day of October, 1881, I assumed the duties of
Quartermaster, Commissary, Adjutant, Post Treasurer, Post
Signal Officer, and Post Ordnance Officer, all of these in
addition to my duties as troop officer. It had been decided
to build two new sets of barracks, an administration build-
ing, and two warehouses ; I found that Major S. S. Sumner,94
of my regiment, who was in command, had applied for me
to do this work. He was one of the best officers to serve
under that I ever knew, and I have always been very much
attached to him, and to his lovely wife. He is now a Major
General on the retired list. The Post Surgeon was Captain
F. C. Ainsworth,95 Medical Department, now Major General
and Adjutant General of the Army. Major Sumner was a
very easy man to get along with, prompt and active in the
discharge of his duties. Captain Ainsworth and I did not
get along so well together. He was a splendid surgeon and
had a fine hospital, but was tenacious of what he thought
were his rights; I suppose that I was equally tenacious on
the other side, and we frequently clashed, but my acquaint-
ance with him proved to be of very great value in after years.
He gave me my present detail on recruiting service at Pitts-
burg and helped me in every way to get Fred his commission
in the army ; the last time I saw him in Washington we had
a good laugh over old times at Fort Mclntosh.
With all these duties piled on to me, I worked exceedingly
hard, getting up at four o'clock and five o'clock in the morn-
ing ; I made the rounds of the stables and of the work shops,
then went to where the buildings were being erected at six,
checked off the workmen to see that all were present, had my
breakfast at seven, mounted the guard at eight, and put in
the whole day around the buildings and the office, doing
nearly all the clerical work in my office after dark. I was
94. Samuel Storrow Sumner was born in Pennsylvania. He was commissioned
2nd Lieutenant, June 11, 1861. He was promoted to Major, 8th Cavalry, April 2. 1879,
and attained the rank of Brigadier General, February 4, 1901.
Samuel Storrow Sumner was a brother of Edwin Vose Sumner, Jr. See note 40.
95. Fred Crayton Ainsworth was appointed Assistant Surgeon, November 10.
1874, from Vermont.
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 309
only allowed one clerk, P. A. Ord, a nephew of General Ord,06
and generally known as "Buck." He was a stalwart boy of
nineteen, and an excellent clerk ; he messed with us, and we
were the warmest of friends until his untimely death.
One of the most aggravating things that ever occurred
to me was in the following June when I received a telegram
from the Chief Quartermaster of the Department that there
was about forty thousand dollars left in his hands for
barracks and quarters, and that if I would get into his
office, before midnight of June 30th, ground plans, cross
sections and elevations, together with an estimate of the
cost of materials and labor for another barrack and com-
manding officer's quarters, two or three sets of officers'
quarters, and various other buildings, we could have the
money. After consulting with Major Sumner, Ord and I
went to work, drew the plans, cross-sections and elevations,
and made blue prints of the same, showing all the dimen-
sions ; we made estimates for the stone, brick, sand, lumber,
nails, glass, etc., and the necessary labor to put up the
buildings, and at noon of the 30th day of June, sent a
telegram to the Chief Quartermaster that the plans, etc.,
had been mailed. We had worked almost continuously for
forty-eight hours, leaving our office that morning at three
o'clock. To my disgust, on the first day of July we received
a telegram stating that the telegram of June 28th had been
sent to our post by mistake, and that it was intended for
another post.
In November, 1882, Captain Carraher had a misunder-
standing with the commanding officer of the Post in regard
to the number of men he had absent from a dress parade,
and the commanding officer required all company com-
manders to at once submit a statement of how many men
were absent, on what duty, and by what authority. Captain
Carraher's report showed that he had twelve or fifteen
men absent on a hunting trip without any authority from
96. Edward Otho Cresap Ord was born in Maryland. He graduated from the
United States Military Academy and was commissioned 2nd Lieutenant, July 1, 1839.
He served with distinction in the Civil War and retired with the rank of Major
General, conferred January 28, 1881. See the DAB and Appletons' Cyclopedia.
310 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
the Post commander, who, of course, was the only one who
could authorize it, and he received a sharp reprimand from
Major Sumner for exceeding his authority. Up to this
time I had had a soldier cooking for me and, of course, he
belonged to my own troop. Captain Carraher also had one.
Army regulations forbid this practice, but it was utterly
impossible on the frontier to get civilian servants at any
cost, and the practice of having soldier cooks was almost
universal. I paid my man twenty dollars a month out of
my own pocket; he attended target practice, muster, and
Sunday morning inspections, but was excused from his other
duties, and Captain Carraher's man was excused from
everything, except target practice and muster. The next
morning Captain Carraher ordered me to return my man
to duty in the company, but did not turn in his own and,
as I lived next door to him, I soon discovered this, but said
nothing.
Auntie was with us and she and Mary did the cooking,
but on the 25th of November Mary presented me with her
second child, Fred; the very next day Auntie stepped on
a rusty nail and was completely disabled for two weeks.
There was no one to do the cooking but myself, and for
two weeks I not only performed all my official duties but
had to prepare all the meals and do the housework, for
Mary and auntie were both in bed. One day Major Sumner
asked me if I had attended to some important matter and
I had to acknowledge that I had completely forgotten it.
He looked at me a moment, then quietly said, "Phelps, you
appear to be about worn out, have you too much to do?"
I then told him the whole story, that besides working from
daylight to midnight I had all the cooking and housework
in my house to do. He asked me where my servant was
and I told him that Captain Carraher had turned him in.
He asked me if Captain Carraher had turned in his man,
and I declined to answer the question, telling him that he
could easily find out for himself. He immediately sent for
Captain Carraher and asked him why he had taken away
my man and kept his own, adding that I had declined to
answer any questions about it. Captain Carraher, of course,
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 311
could offer no explanation. Major Sumner turned to me
and asked me the name of the man that I had had, and
immediately upon receiving the name, issued a written
order detaching this man from the troop. He put it down
in black and white that the soldier was to report to the
Quartermaster, The Commissary, The Post Signal Officer,
The Post Treasurer, and the Post Ordnance Officer for
duty as cook in his kitchen, and sent a copy of the order
to Department headquarters with a letter explaining the
circumstances; to Carraher's utter amazement the order
was promptly confirmed by the Department commander.
Mary did not recover rapidly, and in the meantime an
order came from the War Department transferring the
troop to Fort Clark. Doctor Ainsworth immediately in-
formed the Post commander that it would be dangerous
to her life to move Mary at present, and I applied to De-
partment headquarters for authority to remain behind until
she could travel, but for some reason the Department com-
mander disapproved it. Why, I never knew. I immediately
went to Major Sumner and told him that he could put
me in arrest, but that I positively declined to either attempt
to move my wife in her then condition or to go away and
leave her alone. He immediately telegraphed to Department
headquarters that he had assumed the responsibility of
ordering me to remain behind; he explained the matter
more fully in a letter and then the Department commander
approved it. The result was that the troop left without us,
and Captain Carraher was directed to leave ten men behind
to go with me. About the first of June we proceeded to
Fort Clark, going the first day only seven or eight miles.
Mr. Ord went with us that far and remained in camp with
us that night. The next morning he said good bye to us
and returned, and I never saw him again, for in a little
over four years he died at old Fort Concho. When our
regiment rendezvoused there, on the march to Dakota, I
went to the cemetery and saw his grave. He was one of
the best young men I ever knew. He was particularly at-
tached to Margie, in fact to all my children, and was very
kind to them.
312 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Shortly after my transfer from Fort Mclntosh to Fort
Clark, Texas, in the summer of 1883, my troop was ordered
for the summer to Meyers springs. This spring is under
a pile of rocks in a desolate valley, about four miles from
the Southern Pacific Railroad and one hundred and fifty
miles from Fort Clark. For one hundred and fifty miles
east and west of this place the Rio Grande flows through
a large canyon; the only place in this three hundred miles
that animals can be crossed was just opposite Meyers
springs and forty-five miles distant from that place. At
this point two canyons come down, one on each side of
the river, and the water there was shallow, so that a party of
raiding Indians could follow down one canyon, cross the
river and reach the plains by the other canyon.
The Southern Pacific Railroad with working parties
of five or six men each scattered along the road, asked
that troops might occupy this canyon to keep the Indians
from raiding from the Mexican side and threatening their
working parties. It was impossible to keep troops down in
this canyon on account of the awful heat, for it was not
more than one hundred feet wide and the walls two or
three hundred feet high; besides, in case of a flood, it
would be a regular death trap, there being no escape.
Accordingly a troop of cavalry was kept at Meyers
springs to pursue at once any parties crossing from the
Mexican side. The troop was camped on a level plateau
of sand and gravel, with not a tree within forty miles, and
nothing green in sight. The plain was half gravel and half
sand and thinly covered with long sage brush. The hot
wind blew almost continuously all summer and brought
clouds of dust on the camp; it was a very uncomfortable
place. We could get no fresh meat and had to live on ham
and bacon all summer and, of course, no vegetables at all.
Doctor Blair D. Taylor,97 Medical Department, was with
us that summer. About the middle of July, Doctor Taylor
and I took a dozen men and started for the Pecos river
about sixty miles from our camp, partly to explore the
97. Blair Dabney Taylor was born in Virginia. He was appointed Assistant
Surgeon, June 26, 1875.
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 313
country and partly for a hunting and fishing trip. We
struck the Pecos river about fifty miles above its mouth
where, on the western side, came down a little mountain
stream, roaring and plunging among the rocks, and making
an ideal camping place. We got there Sunday afternoon and,
shortly after making camp, I laid down under a big
sycamore tree and went to sleep. I dreamed that my father
had died. He was at home at Saint Mary's, and I had not
received any information that he was even ill. The dream
made such a strong impression upon me that it woke me
up, and I immediately told Doctor Taylor that I should
return at once to camp. By this time it was dark and I
could not ride over the mountain trail, but at daylight the
next morning I took two men and pushed rapidly from
camp, leaving Doctor Taylor and the party on this stream
for a few days. I made the sixty miles to Meyers springs
by sunset. Captain Carraher came out of his tent and, the
moment I saw his face, I knew that he had bad news. I
asked him if there were any telegrams for me, and he said,
"Yes." I said, "My father is dead." He replied, "Yes, but
how did you know it, the telegrams only came last night
by mail from Fort Clark. Your wife received them and
forwarded them; she told my wife, who wrote to me by
the same mail." He handed me two telegrams from my
brother, one saying that father was very ill and the other,
one day later, that he was dead. These telegrams had been
delayed, and were both more than a week old, so that it
was impossible for me to reach home in time for the
funeral.
I have often thought of these circumstances, but cannot
explain them. I had not the slightest idea that my father
had been ill and yet the dream was so vivid that I could
not mistake it. I went to my tent to write to my mother
and, while doing so, a man rode into camp and informed
Captain Carraher that a party of fifty Indians had crossed
the river and the railroad and were raiding the cattle
ranches. He said that he came from a little station four
miles from our camp, and that the news came there from
the telegraph operator at Langtry, a station twenty miles
314 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
further down the road, who reported that the working
parties had come in greatly alarmed, saying they had seen
the Indians. Instantly boots-and-saddles were sounded and,
in thirty minutes, the whole troop, except a small camp
guard, were moving toward the canyon mentioned above
to take possession of it and prevent the Indians' return.
Telegrams were hurried to Department headquarters noti-
fying them of our action. Our rations were sent to us once
a month from Fort Clark and a carload was due that day.
We only had two days' rations in camp, so I took the pack
mules, a dozen men, went to the station to see if the car
had arrived, and procured ten days' rations, Captain
Carraher going straight to the canyon. I found the car on
the side track, but the station agent refused to allow me
to open the car, which was sealed, as he had received no
way bill. I insisted upon having the rations and he per-
emptorily refused to open the car, so I put him under a
guard, broke open the car, took out ten day's rations, packed
them on the mules, and started on Captain Carraher's
trail. I marched as rapidly as possible and arrived at the
head of the canyon way after dark. I knew the trail down
the canyon was very narrow and steep in places, winding
along the face of the cliffs, so I went down ahead on foot
striking matches from time to time and we finally arrived
at the bottom. We remained there all the next day; about
dark one of the men from camp came down and brought
a telegram that the whole story was a fake, that the operator
at Langtry was suffering from delirium tremens, and had
made up the whole story. The next morning we started back,
Captain Carraher going through to camp at once, while I
camped at a water hole where we found fresh deer tracks.
As soon as we had watered the animals and filled our camp
kettles, we moved half a mile away and camped behind a
hill. Doctor Taylor, who was a keen hunter, and I went
back to the water hole ; he stationed himself about a quarter
of a mile away in a little canyon where tracks showed deer
were in the habit of coming down. I concealed myself within
twenty yards of the water hole and patiently waited for
the deer to come, but about sunset, getting tired, I returned
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 315
to camp. Doctor Taylor came strolling over and, to his
astonishment, a large buck deer was drinking out of the
pool, but immediately made off before he could get a shot.
If I had remained at the pool ten minutes longer, no doubt
I would have gotten him, and Doctor Taylor abused me
for a week for my neglect. We returned to camp the next
day; this little trip took my mind somewhat off my grief.
We had been at Fort Clark but a few weeks when we
were ordered to Del Rio, a one-company Post thirty miles
west. I dreaded this because Carraher would be in command
and I knew that it would be very unpleasant for me. There
were only two houses there and we each took one. About
this time our new Second Lieutenant, Matthew F. Steele,98
now a Major of the 2nd Cavalry, joined us. He had just
graduated at West Point and was a young, active and ener-
getic officer, one of the best I ever saw. We speedily be-
came very warm friends and are to this day. In June, I was
ordered to Fort Leavenworth in command of the Texas
Rifle team for the rifle competition. Just before this it
had been discovered that in surveying the limits of the
Post at Del Rio the engineer had made a mistake, both sets
of officers' quarters were just outside the line and on
private property.
Land around there was not worth more than ten or
fifteen cents an acre, and the strip we occupied was not
more than half an acre in extent, but the owner thought
he saw a chance to bleed the Government and immediately
demanded one thousand dollars for that little strip. Natural-
ly enough the Government refused and, pending some other
arrangements, we were ordered to vacate the houses and
go into camp. I knew Mary and the children could not stand
tent life in that climate in summer and therefore arranged
to take them home. To go east required three full tickets
and two half tickets, amounting to about two hundred
dollars, which was, of course, a heavy drain on me, and
would even then only carry us to St. Louis.
98. Matthew Forney Steele was born in Alabama. He graduated from the
United States Military Academy and was commissioned 2nd Lieutenant, 8th Cavalry,
June 13, 1883.
316 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
While I was Quartermaster at Fort Mclntosh, a young
man came to Laredo in charge of the railroad terminus and
brought me a letter of introduction from a classmate of
mine. Of course, we had him to dinner the following Sun-
day; for that dinner Mary prepared a number of spring
chickens and that young man ate two himself. I was always
fond of raising poultry and at that time had a large number
of chickens in the yard. This young man, whose name was
Farley, took Sunday dinner with us every week for several
months ; when we went away he told me if there was any-
thing in the railroad line that I wanted to let him know.
He had been the private secretary of the General Passenger
Agent, and was, I think, his nephew. Remembering this, I
wrote him at once from Del Rio. I told him that I had to
send my family east and asked him if he could get me
half -fare tickets to St. Louis. Nearly a month elapsed and
the time to start had arrived, but I had received no reply,
so I concluded that he had forgotten all about me. The
very day before we were to start I received a letter from
him from the city of Mexico, to which place he had been
transferred to represent the railroad interests, but I had
not heard of it. He expressed the hope that it was not too
late and inclosed a pass reading, "Pass Captain Phelps, wife,
nurse, children and extra baggage, from Del Rio to Urbana,
Ohio," which pass was signed by the General Passenger
Agent of the Missouri Pacific System. The next day Captain
Carraher took his wife and daughter down to the Depot and
I was there with all my family. He had to buy tickets, and
when he discovered that I had a through pass for my en-
tire family he was astonished. He told me that he had
asked for half-fare tickets and had been refused, and
asked me how in the world I got the pass. I only laughed
and told him that I paid for my pass with spring chickens,
and I never did tell him the rest of the story. On arrival
at some point in Missouri, Mary and the rest went on east
while I proceeded to Fort Leavenworth. While on the rifle
range there I received a telegram from the War Depart-
ment directing that, as soon as I had taken my men back
to Fort Clark, to proceed to Lexington, Kentucky, and
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 317
report to the President of the Agricultural and Mechanical
College of Kentucky, at that place, for duty as instructor
in tactical and military science. I had been making some
effort to obtain a detail of this kind at Meadeville, Pennsyl-
vania, where an officer in my regiment held that position
and was about to be relieved, but had utterly failed. I knew
nothing of a vacancy at Lexington and for a long time
wondered how it happened that I was ordered there.
I learned a year later that it was through the efforts of
a classmate of mine to whom I had been kind when he was
down and out. This man graduated at the foot of our class.
He was the son of a prominent politician in New York City.
After serving a few years with his regiment he resigned.
While I was Adjutant at Fort Mclntosh, a detachment of
recruits for the regiment came down. I took charge of them
and when I called the roll each man stepped to the front and
answered "here." Finally I came down to the "J's" ; to my
utter astonishment, there stood the name of "Lovell H.
Jerome"99 and, looking up, there stood my classmate in the
garb of a recruit. I went on calling the roll ; when through,
I dismissed the men to their camp and called to Jerome,
shook hands with him and asked him what he was doing
there. He said he had enlisted in hopes of recovering his
commission. I told him to come to my quarters that evening.
I introduced him to Mary ; she gave us a nice lunch on the
porch and left us alone, and we talked of old times nearly
all night. There were one hundred horses at the Post to
be sent down to Ringgold Barracks, one hundred miles dis-
tant, and I suggested to Major Sumner to put Jerome in
command of the men to take them there. Of course, as he
was only a soldier, he had to eat the same food as the*
other men and in that country this meant the straight
ration and nothing more. But just before he left I sent him
a box containing a lot of good things to eat, not forgetting
a box of cigars. He got the horses down in good shape and
did very well for a year. He was then ordered before a
99. Lovell Hall Jerome was born in New York. He graduated from the United
States Military Academy and was commissioned 2nd Lieutenant, 2nd Cavalry, June 15,
1870, and resigned from the service, April 12, 1879. He re-enlisted and served as
private and corporal from March 16, 1880, to January 31, 1882.
318 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
board of officers for examination and passed easily, but he
could not stand his good luck, at once went on a terrible
spree, and ended up in the guardhouse. Of course, this
killed all chances for his commission and shortly afterward
he was discharged. I next heard of him at old Fort Duncan
through a letter from his father in New York, who stated
that he had heard that his son was actually suffering for
food and raiment, that he knew by bitter experience that
any money he might send him would be spent in dissipation,
and asked my advice. I immediately wrote him to send fifty
dollars to a firm of merchants there, whom I knew, who
would furnish him a good suit of clothes and other neces-
sities ; I also gave him the name of a hotel there where he
could board, suggested that he write the proprietor that
he would send him a check each month for his son's board,
and that in the meantime I would endeavor to get his son
some employment. I knew the Collector of Internal Revenue ;
I also knew that he had eight or ten men whose duty it was
to patrol the Rio Grande and intercept smugglers, and I
asked him to give Jerome one of these places which carried
good pay if I remember right, one hundred dollars a month,
and the use of a horse, and he promptly appointed him. I
heard nothing more of him until a short time after we went
to Del Rio, when one day a carriage drove up to my quarters
and to my astonishment there was Jerome dressed in the
height of fashion. Of course, he stopped with me and told
me that night that he had been transferred to the office of
the Collector of Internal Revenue at Corpus Christi, that
he was now the Deputy Collector and was out on an in-
specting tour. He stayed with me two days and then went
on. Shortly after I went on a scout; on my return Mary
told me that he had stopped there on his return and spent
a day with her. She had told him of my efforts to get a
college detail, as they were called, and that I had failed.
He expressed his sympathy, but said nothing more. I
learned that he wrote his father in New York, that his
father was an intimate personal friend of the then Presi-
dent of the United States, Arthur, and that his father asked
the President to give me one of these details, as a partial
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 319
payment, as he expressed it, for my kindness to his son;
this is the way that I obtained that detail. It was very
acceptable to me for it took me away from Captain Carraher ;
it also enabled me to be with my family in civilization for
three years, and to put May in school, for of course there
was no school on the frontier. I reported at the college in
September, shipping my household goods there also, and
we were soon comfortably fixed in a small frame house on
the college grounds. These Agricultural Colleges, by an act
of Congress of 1862, were each given a grant of thirty
thousand acres of land for each member of Congress that
the state might have. Kentucky at that time had seven
members of Congress and accordingly received two hundred
and ten thousand acres of western land; the law required
that they should sell it, invest the proceeds in good bonds,
and apply the interest on the money to the college. Besides
this, Congress gave each college the sum of fifteen thousand
dollars in cash each year, so that I soon found that this
college had an income of over twenty thousand dollars a
year from the Government. The law further provided that
any of these colleges should have not less than one hundred
and fifty male students, above the age of fifteen, who should
be subject to military drill, wear a uniform, and should be
entitled to an officer of the Army to act as instructor, the
Government furnishing the arms, equipments, and ammuni-
tion. When I arrived there, the college had already opened
and they had about one hundred and fifty students, but I
found that they had never drawn the arms and equipments
from the Government ; they had about fifty old muskets that
had been used during the war, but not a sign of a cartridge
box, belt or bayonet. The only excuse they gave for not ob-
taining these arms was that the Government required them
to give bond in amount double the value of the arms, and
this they had been unwilling to do. Well, I quickly persuaded
them to do so and went to Washington to present the request
in person. I had no trouble in obtaining two hundred new
cadet rifles, just the same kind as were used at West Point
at that time, with a full complement of equipments and
blank cartridges, and I also procured two cannon with the
320 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
necessary equipments. Like most colleges, they were a great
deal more anxious to get the appropriation than they were
to have any military discipline or drill. I found that it was
simply a farce, and that I was not expected to do much of
anything, but was very promptly asked to take the position
of assistant instructor in mathematics, without any pay,
which I promptly but politely declined. I finally persuaded
the President, J. K. Patterson, who had been at the head
of the college since its organization in 1869, and who only
retired last year, 1909, to allow me one hour a day for
drill and instruction. The boys soon became interested in
the drills and dress parades, and made rapid progress. The
next year the college increased its roll of students, and by
the time that my detail of three years was up they had
over four hundred boys, fairly drilled and capable of making
a respectable appearance, but the discipline was practically
a farce. The faculty were not willing to punish a student
for any offense except drunkeness, and it was all I could
do to get one or two disciplined even for that. College closed
in June and we immediately went to Urbana to spend the
summer.
For several years my mother had had a cottage at Lake-
side, a kind of Methodist camp meeting ground on Lake
Erie, a few miles from Sandusky. I had never been there,
but in August she wrote me and urged me to visit her
there; accordingly I took May and went up to spend ten
days in the latter part of August.
It is not necessary for me to describe Lakeside and
its beauties, for all my children have been there and know
it well, but on this, my first visit, I found the place practically
deserted, there not being probably more than one or two
hundred people on the grounds. My sister Sue had married,
some years before, Reverend E. A. Berry, a Congregational
Minister, and I found both at the cottage. I was then, as I
always have been, a great smoker, and I took with me a
box of cigars. The day after I arrived Mr. Berry had to go
to Detroit, so I drove him across country about six miles
to the nearest railroad station, for at that time the branch
road to Lakeside had not been built. When I returned, I went
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 321
to my box to get a cigar, found it empty, and found in it
Mr. Berry's card containing the inscription, "Ta, Ta, I hope
you enjoy yourself." The villain had taken every cigar I
had. I left and went down to the hotel on the ground ; when
I told the clerk that I wanted to buy a box of cigars, he al-
most fainted and told me that no tobacco could be had on
the grounds, that its sale was absolutely prohibited. The
nearest town was Sandusky, ten miles distant, and a terrific
north-east storm, with high winds and heavy rain, was
raging. There was no way to get to Sandusky except by
boat, and that, a rickety old affair, was not running; the
only other way to get there was to drive across the country
six miles to the same depot that I had taken Mr. Berry. I
was utterly disgusted and raged up and down the grounds,
alternately cussing Lakeside and Mr. Berry, and for three
long days I never had a smoke. On the fourth day I dis-
covered a gentleman out on the wharf smoking a cigar; I
supposed I looked longingly at it, for he gave me a quick
look, then approached me, holding out his hand, and called
me by name. I saw that he was the gentleman, Mr. True-
blood, who the previous year had been an instructor at the
college at Lexington. He laughed and said, "I know what
is the matter with you ; you are out of cigars." He divided
what he had with me, and I have blessed his memory ever
since. The next day I got over to Sandusky, bought a supply
of cigars and, a few days afterwards, returned to Urbana,
declaring that I would never go back to Lakeside ; but I have
spent many happy days there since with my wife and
children.
We spent the summers of 1876 and 1877 at Lakeside.
Mary had a very intimate friend, a widow, from Sidney,
Ohio, by the name of Jennie Zinn, who spent that summer
with us, a jolly, lively little woman, to whom we were much
attached. In August, I received my order relieving me from
duty at Lexington on the first of September and to report
to my troop at Fort Clark for duty. Leaving my family at
Lakeside, I went to Lexington, shipped our household goods
and went on to San Antonio.
While at Fort Clark in 1878 May developed a lameness,
322 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
the result of a fall down stairs; the surgeons announced
that hip disease had set in and that she must be sent east
immediately to have a support fitted to her limb, possibly
to be operated upon. That was just before Elsie was born
and I could not get away, Aunty took May to Cincinnati ; I
telegraphed my brother Charley to meet her there and have
her examined by a specialist. He did so, and they decided
that no operation was necessary at that time, but fitted a
brace to her limb and told Aunty that she would have to
wear it for some years. Aunty then took her to Urbana. In
about a month I received a letter from her stating that the
doctors had decided that they would have to perform a
severe operation upon her, but that May had begged that
it be postponed until I should get there. As she expressed it,
"Don't let the 'Goctors' cut me till papa comes, I want him
to hold my hand." At that time she could not pronounce
the word "doctor" correctly. As soon as I got the letter I
telegraphed to a classmate of mine, Charley Morton,100 now
a Brigadier General, who was then on recruiting service
in St. Louis, asking him to get me, if possible, a half -fare
round-trip ticket from San Antonio to St. Louis, and in-
closed Aunty's letter to explain why I needed it. Three or
four days after I received a telegram from Morton saying,
"Wait, pass coming," and two days afterwards, I received
a round-trip pass from San Antonio, to Urbana, good until
used, and I hurried home. To my great relief I found
Aunty had misunderstood the specialist and no operation
was necessary. I had been granted ten days' leave to make
this trip, but started back the next day, as I did not think
it right to take any more of the ten days' leave than was
necessary to get back, as my leave was granted under a mis-
taken supposition, that is that May was to be operated upon.
I bought a ticket from Urbana to St. Louis, not deeming it
proper to use the pass again; on arrival in St. Louis went
to Morton's office to thank him and ask him how he got the
pass. He told me that, immediately upon receipt of my letter,
100. Charles Morton was born in Ohio. He enlisted in the Union Army as a
private, July 29, 1861, and served until September 14, 1864. He graduated from the
United States Military Academy and was commissioned 2nd Lieutenant, 3rd Cavalry,
June 15, 1869. He was promoted to the rank of Captain, November 17, 1883.
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 323
he went to the General Passenger Agent of the Missouri
Pacific System and asked for a half fare ticket, handing him
my letter, and also Aunty's, to explain the circumstances.
He said the General Passenger Agent read the letters and,
without saying a word, called his stenographer and told him
to send a dispatch to me, "Wait, pass coming," and immedi-
ately wrote out a pass and handed it to Morton to send to
me. Morton started to thank him when he held up his hand
and said, "Captain, two years ago I was in California and I
received a dispatch that my little girl was to be operated upon
immediately for hip disease, and that she had begged the
doctors to wait for me. I hurried home, but found that they
could not wait and she had died under the surgeon's knife.
So long as I am General Passenger Agent no parent shall
be kept away from his child when an operation is to be
performed, if I can help it." I asked Morton to take me
around to his office and introduce me, which he did, and I
thanked him and handed him back the pass, telling him that
it was a mistake, that no operation had been or would be
performed, and that as I had obtained the pass under an
error I declined to use it. He looked at me a moment and
then said, "Mr. Phelps, you Army officers are the 'damdest
fools' in one way of any people that I know. You were not
to blame for the misunderstanding in any way, and you will
use that pass to go back or, by George, you will have to go
over another line. You Army people are too honest and
square. Now take that pass back," which, of course, I cheer-
fully did. May recovered very slowly but, by the constant
and unremitting attention of Aunty and Mary, she finally
recovered.
When I left Lakeside this time, I knew that my troop
would shortly be ordered from Fort Clark to Fort Davis.101
I left them behind so that when they did join me they could
go straight to Fort Davis, as I knew the march from Clark
to Davis would be a very hard one. I joined my troop at Fort
101. Fort Davis was established October 7, 1854, on Limpia Creek, in Latitude
30° 36' and Longitude 103° 36' to protect the San Antonio-El Paso highway against
Indians. It was abandoned in April 13, 1861, and reoccupied, July 1, 1867. The reser-
vation embraced 300 acres. It was abandoned finally on June 30, 1891. The Fort Was
named in honor of Jefferson Davis.
324 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Clark and found that my Captain, H. S. Weeks,102 who had
been promoted vice Carraher, who had died the previous
year, was on sick leave, and that the Second Lieutenant,
Steele, had gone east to be married. Late in September I
started for Fort Davis. "G" Troop, under command of
Fechet103 and "K" Troop, under command of Lieutenant
Shunk,104 and my Troop "F," marched together under Cap-
tain Fechet's command.
The weather was delightful and we had an exceedingly
pleasant march. Ducks were plentiful and with my shot gun
I kept the mess bountifully supplied. Captain Fechet and I
were old and intimate friends, but that was the first time
that I had met Lieutenant Shunk. He was over six feet tall,
very slender and cadaverous, and the most rapid and con-
tinuous talker that I have ever met. He had a fund of anec-
dotes, and as we generally rode together at the head of the
command, he kept us in a roar of laughter a good share of the
time. I never met a more companionable man, and we have
been warm friends to this day. On arrival at Fort Davis, I
found Captain Weeks there, he having passed us on the road.
I selected a good set of quarters, but did not send for my
family until February following because it was constantly
rumored that we were to go to Dakota in the spring. In
February, Captain Weeks and I determined to put in a com-
pany garden to raise vegetables for the men, but we delayed
doing so until we could get some assurance that the regiment
would not move that spring. At his suggestion, I wrote to
Major H. J. Farnsworth,105 of the Inspector General's De-
partment, then on duty in Washington, an old friend, and
102. Harrison Samuel Weeks was born in Michigan. He graduated from the
United States Military Academy and was commissioned 2nd Lieutenant, 8th Cavalry,
June 15, 1868. He was promoted to Captain, April 4, 1885.
103. Edmond Gustave Fechet was born in Michigan. He enlisted as sergeant in the
Union Army, June 19, 1861, and was mustered out November 21, 1865, with the rank
of 1st Lieutenant. He re-enlisted as 2nd Lieutenant, 8th Cavalry, July 2, 1866, and
was promoted to Captain, May 23, 1870.
104. William Alexander Shunk was born in Indiana. He graduated from the
United States Military Academy and was commissioned 2nd Lieutenant, 8th Cavalry,
June 13, 1879. He was promoted to 1st Lieutenant, July 23, 1885.
105. Henry Joseph Farnsworth was born in New York. He enlisted with the rank
of Captain of Volunteers, July 8, 1864, and was mustered out, September 1, 1867,
with the rank of Brevet Lieutenant Colonel. He re-enlisted as 1st Lieutenant, June
14, 1867, and attained the rank of Major, September 22, 1885.
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 325
asked him to find out quietly for us if there was any danger
of the regiment moving that year, explaining my reason. He
answered that he had gone to the War Department and was
authorized to say to us unofficially that the regiment would
not move that year. So we put in our garden and I sent for
my family. When the family came, my brother's daughter,
Kate, came also, to my great delight. Kate was a lively girl,
fond of dancing and company and a great favorite with all
of us. Lieutenant Sayre,106 of our regiment, became devoted
to her at once, and I had unlimited fun joking them both.
About the first of May Captain Weeks, with whom I had
been at West Point for three years, and who was a very
intimate personal friend, was in poor health and, at my sug-
gestion, we went to a creek about twenty-five miles away to
camp out for a week to fish and hunt. We took half a dozen
men with us, a couple of tents, and for three days we had
a great time, but one evening a soldier of our troop rode into
camp and handed us letters, saying that the regiment was to
march for Dakota in ten days. Of course, we hurried back
to the Post to commence preparations. Kate and Mr. Sayre
were engaged to be married. I arranged to send my family
home, as no women and children would be allowed to accom-
pany the regiment and Kate, of course, was to go with them.
Mr. Sayre informed me that as soon as he got to Dakota
he intended to get a leave of absence for four months, go
to Ohio, where they would be married, and have a wedding
trip to West Point, New York, Washington and other places.
I told him that when we got to Dakota he might be unable
to get his leave of absence, in fact, I doubted it very much.
I suggested that he and Kate should be married at once,
that he should turn over to her the money they expected to
spend on a honeymoon trip and that he should let Kate, under
Mary's guidance, buy their household goods at Cincinnati
and ship them to Fort Meade, South Dakota, where he knew
his station would be. When he got there she could join him,
or if he could get a leave of absence he could go east on a
short leave. He thought the plan a wise one and, under the
106. Farrand Sayre was born in Missouri. He graduated from the United States
Military Academy and was commissioned 2nd Lieutenant, 8th Cavalry, June 15, 1884.
326 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
advice of Mary and myself, Kate consented. The family was
to leave the next day for the railroad station, twenty miles
away. Sayre and I went down to the little Mexican town
just below the Post and got the license. We there found a
poor Methodist Minister and asked him to come to my quar-
ters the next day at noon to perform the ceremony ; but, as
we wanted to spring a surprise on the other officers and
ladies, he must come up at ten o'clock, come in the back way
and keep out of sight, to which he laughingly agreed. The
next day about ten o'clock, I sent out a circular notice re-
questing all the officers and their wives to appear at our
house for a little surprise party. Not a soul knew what was
going on; about half past eleven they all gathered on the
big porch, full of curiosity to know what was to be done.
The regimental band came marching across the parade
ground and stopped in front of the house ; immediately fol-
lowing them was Sayre, Troop "A," and my Troop "F," the
men appearing in their blue shirts and campaign hats ready
for the march. This aroused still more curiosity, but still
nobody guessed. At sharp twelve o'clock Mary came out of
the hall door with Mr. Sayre, I followed immediately after
with Kate on my arm, and the little parson came sneaking
out behind us. Quickly stepping into the middle of the porch,
Mary and I lined up on opposite sides, the minister stepped
forward, and, with a gasp of astonishment, everyone saw
that a marriage was about to take place. Immediately after
the ceremony there were shouts of congratulations, the band
played the wedding march, Mary and I passed the wedding
breakfast, consisting of lemonade and tea cakes, the ambu-
lance drove up to the door and in thirty minutes they were
on their way to the depot, I asking Sayre to look out for my
family, as I was too busy to go. He returned that evening
and said that they had gotten off safely at four o'clock. I had
warned him to be careful and get the tickets via New Orleans
and the Cincinnati Southern Railroad to Cincinnati, and he
said he had, but a few days afterwards I got a letter from
Mary stating that before they arrived at New Orleans they
found that the agent had palmed off on him tickets to New
Orleans, thence to Vicksburg, thence to Memphis, thence to
A SOLDIER'S MEMOIRS 327
Louisville, thence to Cincinnati, which forced them to change
cars at Vicksburg, Memphis, and Louisville, and added a
whole day to their journey. I rubbed it in on Sayre for
weeks afterwards for being so addled as not to be able to
buy railroad tickets properly. I reported the agent to the
Railroad Company and he lost his job, as I found out that
he got a commission by selling tickets that way instead of
the way that Sayre had asked for. He had asked for the
tickets all right, but did not take the trouble to examine them.
On the 17th day of May, one troop having come down
from Fort Bliss to join us, we formed a line on the parade
ground ready for the long march to Dakota. Some years
afterwards I wrote an article for the Cavalry Journal telling
of this march and this article, which forms the next chapter
in this little book, will give my children an idea of that march.
(THE END)
Notes and Documents
In connection with the document printed below, the
reader is invited to read the story of the same event as
printed in the NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, vol. 22, p.
146 (April, 1947) . It is recorded in the diary of Dr. James A.
Bennett who, as a United States Dragoon, participated in this
fight with the Indians.
According to Clinton E. Brooks, "This battle is described
in an account which originally appeared in the Santa Fe
Gazette on the 15 April, 1854. ... It was taken from the
official report of General John Garland. It was reprinted in
the May 27, 1854 issue of the St. Louis Republican. Dr. Ben-
nett later vividly described the battle in full detail as fol-
lows :"F. D. R.
In the spring of 1854 scarcely a day passed without rumors of
murders and robberies or devastations by the Indians. No single man or
small party could travel anywhere in the Territory with safety. Twas
with caution that the people left their doors for they knew not the
moment that the Red Skin might pounce upon them.
On the afternoon of the 29th of March, news reached our fort at
Taos that 1500 head of cattle had been driven off and 2 herders had
been killed that day. The bugle sounded, "To Arms." 60 young, hardy,
and as courageous men as our army could boast vaulted into their
saddles to pursue their aggressors. Night came on as we continued our
march. A small comet appeared in the sky; by some it was considered
ominous. A Sergeant remarked to me at the time, "I think we shall
have a fight and if we do, it will be the last that I shall ever have."
At midnight we encamped at a little ranch, called the Cienequilla, upon
the east bank of the Rio Grande. From people here we learned that 15
Indians had passed the previous evening, driving a large herd of cattle,
and on their route had killed a white man whose body they left lying in
their track.
At the first sign of day we were up and off. 'Twas a lovely morning.
The rays of the sun were reflected upon the snow crowned mountains
and gave them a grand and sublime appearance as we neared them in
pursuit of the foe. During the night 2 men had deserted and 3 more
had been sent along the bank of the river to see if any Indians had
crossed, leaving our party 57 strong. Eight o'clock that morning found
us in a deep ravine about 5 miles from our night's encampment. We
passed through a narrow defile and came suddenly upon the trail of at
least 400 Indians. This we did not expect but we were in the trap and
328
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 329
must depend upon our own efforts to escape total annihilation. The
column was brought to a halt. The last man had scarcely entered
through the defile when a yell burst forth that caused each heart to
stand still. The echo resounded from rock to cliff and ere it died away
200 warriors sprang upon the rocks in view above us.
The report of a rifle was heard. The ball whistled by and another
followed in quick succession, taking effect upon one of the horses. 'Twas
the work of a moment to secure our horses, form a line, and charge up
the mountain. The soldiers, never heeding danger, rushed madly on and
into the very camp of the Indians. Volley followed volley but we drove
them back. They left 8 dead bodies upon the field but only one of our
men was killed. We supposed the worst was over. Alas! It was but
the beginning.
8 men remained in charge of our horses, and no sooner had we
driven the Red Skins from their camp than these 8 men called for
assistance. We immediately rallied upon our horses and found that
the Indians had made 3 unsuccessful attempts to seize them. In so
doing they had wounded 2 or 3 men. Several horses, smarting from
the pain of their wounds, were rearing, kicking, plunging, and causing
others to break loose, go flying among the Indians, and be caught by
them.
We took our position outside and around our animals, forming a
circle for our own and their protection. Shots followed each other in
rapid succession. We heard the monotonous sound of the savages'
drum upon the hill. Indians shouted from point to point. Their dusky
forms, gliding with the agility of the deer from rock to rock and creep-
ing ever nearer our party, discharged with deadly aim their pieces.
With sudden demoniacal yells the savages would rush upon us from
all directions at once and fire. Their volley would be responded by the
dying groans of poor fellows whose fates were sealed. Some victims
shouted, "I'm shot! I'm shot!" and fell to the ground to welter in their
own blood and die without a sympathetic word. Others cried for help
when no help was to be had.
But do not suppose the soldiery had been idle all this time. The
Indians are seen hurrying to and fro on the heights above us. One
gives a bound in the air and falls a corpse; his body is at once seized
and hurried into the background. Another rides upon the hill, and wears
an air of defiance as he sits upon one of our captured steeds; the loud
report of a Sharps rifle is heard and the horse plunges forward . . .
but riderless. Men are falling dead and wounded on all sides. The foe
have gradually lessened the dimensions of our circle. The trees and
boulders are no longer a protection for us, and something must be
done. One half hour more in this position and not a man would be left
to tell the tale.
We concluded, after five hours of fighting, to retreat. Leading our
horses we neared the narrow defile through which we had entered this
ambuscade and observed the pass was literally lined with these fiends
330 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
in human form waiting to finish their well-planned slaughter. No time
was to be lost. We turned to the right and commenced the ascent of a
steep, abrupt mountain with scattered underbrush on its face. The
moment we changed our direction, the Indians left their hiding places
and hurried up the mountain before us. As we reached the summit,
another inhuman yell burst forth and the savages poured upon us in
scores, rushing up face to face. Rifle and pistol balls, arrows and
lances flew in all directions, dealing death and destruction. Some
grappled hand to hand with drawn sabre cutting right and left. All
dragoons came to the conclusion that they must die there and knew
that death was preferable to being taken captive. Both parties fought
like tigers. After 10 to 15 minutes, the Indians gave way and fell back.
Our number of able-bodied men was getting small. The wounded
men were placed in the center. We then moved along the top of the
ridge of the mountain for another half mile. While going that half
mile the Indians made 7 successive charges upon us and were repulsed
each time by our sturdy little band. The seventh and last of the charges
beggars description. No tongue can tell it ; no pen can write it as it was ;
only he who saw can know. The Indians seemed to make one grand rally
and were determined to crush us at once. One fierce deafening volley
came from the firearms. For a moment we were enshrouded by a dense
volume of smoke. As the passing breeze wafted it past us, a cloud of
iron-pointed arrows came hissing in our midst, darkening the air and
strewing the ground beneath our feet. Men shouted in despair but
determined to fight to the last. Horses writhing with death pangs
trampled men underfoot, and rushed headlong over the precipice,
falling a mangled mass of flesh and blood in the abyss below. The noble
sergeant who predicted his death . . . where is he? Look in the midst
of the battle where danger is thickest. Noble fellow! Sword in one hand,
pistol in the other, countenance pale but firm, he contends with 5
stalwart braves. Three arrows are buried in his body but still he beats
them back.
Once more the Indians recede. The pieces are loaded with all pos-
sible dispatch, and the last ammunition is in the guns. Look at those
faces. Not one ray of hope illumines their sky. Simultaneously those
having horses mount them, thrust their spurs into the flanks of the
steeds, and make one great last effort to force their way through the
circle formed around them. Shot follows shot; their way is obstructed
by the foe who would still hold their game. They crowd their horses
upon the Indians. The last shot is discharged. The heavy sabre, seen
to glisten in the air, falls with a heavy blow and returns upward reek-
ing with gory blood. The circle is broken ; still there is hope. Our little
band pass over a bridge of mangled bodies of friends and foes. One ex-
clamation bursts from every lip, "Forward, Forward for Life!" On we
rushed our noble steeds of war, trained to Indian warfare, with their
nostrils extended, straining every sinew, bounding over every impedi-
ment, and mangling the bodies beneath their feet. Just at this moment
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 331
the 3 soldiers sent to the river in morning were seen descending a
mountain path. The Indians, supposing reinforcements were approach-
ing, turned and fled from us. We also continued our flight.
The letter below has been transcribed from a microfilm
copy in the library of the University of New Mexico. The
original is housed in the National Archive, Washington, B.C.,
among the incoming correspondence, superintendency of
New Mexico, office of Indian affairs, old records. F.D.R.
Head Quarters Fort Defiance, N. M.
June 12th 1856
Sir-
Having recently distributed certain farming tools to the Zuiiis
& Moquis entrusted to me for that purpose by Agent Mayers, I
deem it my duty to communicate to you the result of my observations
at those Pueblos. — So isolated are they, and so naturally dependent
upon this post, that I trust you will excuse me in this matter.
Zuni, 60 miles South of us, has improved considerably since I last
saw it, two years ago. Its people appeared more cheerful, better clad,
more provident and many than before; I think they are increasing,
and now number some 1300 or 1400 persons.
They slowly enlarge the area of their planting grounds, under the
stimulus afforded them by our market. I gave them four plows
intended to be used with mules or horses, and, at their request, I
showed them the manner of using them; by all means they should
have been calculated for use with oxen. At present they have no
other proper draught animals, nor is it desirable that they should
have. The possession of many mules or horses will assuredly lead
to a taste for roving habits, if, indeed the Navajoes do not rob them
of all such animals.
Two or three, possibly four, plows may be given them pr. year
with advantage. But beyond this I am certain to give them any thing
will, in every way, have a very bad tendency.
The Corn which we purchase in Zuni costs us there some $4000.00
pr. an. They also sell considerable to the Navajoes. In this way they
have means enough of making every proper purchase. Gifts to them
can only lead to idleness.
The so called "Seven Pueblos of Moqui" are situated some 90 or
100 miles to the West of us. While the Zunis have descended from
those who once lived in the "Seven Cities of Cibola" of Castafieda,
the seven villages of Moqui are the identical "Seven Cities of
Turayan," but neither have any reliable traditions. Six of these
Pueblos are in clusters of three each, these clusters being some seven
332 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
miles a part; seven miles farther from us is the single pueblo of
Oraibe, the largest of all.
All of them are built of stone, upon rocky cliffs, some 200 or 300
feet above the valley, and wholly inaccessible to any but the most sure
footed beast.
At present there may be some 2000 or 2500 inhabitants in these
seven Pueblos. They say that their numbers are decreasing, which is
undoubtedly true. In fact, unless some thing be done for them, they
are doomed to utter extinction; that something can not be done too
soon.
Their viscious system of intermarriage has deprived them of all
manliness, & the Navajoes ride over them rough shod. It will be
very difficult to puebloize the latter while the Moquis give so unfavor-
able an example of that system; for this reason, if for none other,
it would be well to resuscitate those Pueblos. For this, the most
important thing is to give them a market; the next is that they should
have a special agent. Such an agent might have the care of the Zunis
also. When it is remembered horn completely isolated from all others
these Pueblos are, and how exposed they are to inroads by wild
Indians, it seems not to be asking too much for them. Still, if it be
so deemed, then the Pueblos of Acoma, Laguna, and Pojuate, might be
entrusted to his care. All these Pueblos form a tolerably well denned
district, of which Fort Defiance is the most central occupied point.
If there be any where a Missionary who is really anxious to prac-
tice self-denial, and to "take up his cross" he will find an open field at
Moqui.
This post is ready to take all the corn which they can produce,
the only thing which they will have for sale for many years to come.
Besides the directly favorable effect of such a market, our visits there
would be a check upon the exactions of the Navajoes.
But in order that we can buy their corn it is absolutely necessary
that an accessible store house should be built near each of the clusters,
and one at Oraibe; the Moquis are anxious that this should be done.
I think $1000.00 would build all these store houses; but I can not
with propriety ask Genl. Garland to make the cost chargeable to Army
appropriations.
I can make the doors and windows here, and from along our road
can cut and haul the roofing timbers. This the Moquis can not do, & if
they could, it would cost them one half of the entire expense. It would
be proper that I should do this only upon condition that the buildings
should be used for the sole purpose of storing corn by our recognized
agent, and that whether the Pueblos are "Citizens" or not, no powder,
lead or ardent spirits, shall be sold in them without the consent of the
superintendent of Indian affairs in this Territory, and that of the
Commanding officer of this post.
When these Store houses are put up, every inducement to industry
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 333
will have been afforded them. But it is absurd to give them farming
utensils, when they already produce more than they want, and can not
sell the surplus. When a market is thus afforded them, not one dollar
should be given them; it will have the most pernicious tendency. It
will not only lead to idleness directly, but will destroy the necessity of
a market; and such is their character that they will at once expect to
be supported by the Government. The giving these people a market
I believe to be not only the cheapest and most efficient means of
saving them, but without it I am certain that all other efforts will be
entirely fruitless. The influence that so small an expenditure, if it
restores these Pueblos, will have upon the wild Indians, ought not to
be overlooked.
I ask for this subject your favorable consideration. If you deem
it beyond your power to authorize such an expenditure, I then ask
that you will refer the matter to higher authority.
In the mean time I will thank you if you will inform me of your
views in the premises — .
I am Sir,
Very respectfully,
Your obedt. Servt.
(signed) H. L. Kendrick.
Captn. 2nd Artillery & B. Major
Commg. Fort Defiance. —
To
Hon. D. Meriwether
Gov. & Sup. Indian Affairs
Santa Fe, N. Mex.
Copy for Commissioner of Indian Affairs —
H. L. Kendrick
Bt. Maj. & Comd. Post
Book Reviews
Sun in the Sky. Walter Collins O'Kane. Norman, Oklahoma :
University of Oklahoma Press, 1950. Pp. xvii, 261. Illus-
trated. $4.00.
This volume comprises number thirty in The Civilization
of the American Indian Series, which the University of Okla-
homa Press began to publish in 1932. As its contribution it
presents a well-rounded picture of the life of the Hopi In-
dians who reside in a dozen settlements in northeastern Ari-
zona. The book is of particular interest because the Hopi are
a large tribe who have managed to retain much of their abo-
riginal culture right down to our own day.
A reader's reaction to Sun in the Sky will be greatly in-
fluenced by the point of view from which he judges the work.
If he is an anthropologist who hopes to find information be-
yond what is already available in technical journals, he is apt
to be disappointed. If, on the other hand, the reader is a lay-
man who is curious to learn something about Hopi customs,
he is likely to be well-satisfied. Since the author does not
claim to be writing for a professional audience, it is only
proper that his book should be evaluated from the standpoint
of a lay reader.
Sun in the Sky affords an overall view of contemporary
Hopi Indian life, but historical or background material is
supplied wherever necessary. Most of the volume is based
upon the author's personal experiences and observations.
These extend over a number of years and range over the full
extent of Hopi territory, but the main emphasis appears to
fall on Moenkopi and other progressive or acculturated vil-
lages, rather than on the old, conservative pueblos on the
mesa tops. Clever use of the first person creates an atmos-
phere in which the reader feels himself accompanying the
author on his various journeys about the reservation. In this
way one comes to be familiar with the harsh but colorful en-
vironment in which the Hopi live, and gradually acquires an
understanding of their daily habits, working pursuits, re-
ligious beliefs, and contacts with other Indians and Whites.
334
BOOK REVIEWS 335
The author is at his best when dealing with native arts and
crafts, but his grasp of the complicated socio-religious sys-
tem is rather weak.
The entire work is suffused with Professor O'Kane's
warm sympathy and affection for his Hopi friends. Indeed,
his enthusiasm is so great that occasionally it betrays him
into dealing idealistically rather than realistically with his
material. There is a tendency to omit or gloss over anything
unpleasant or improper according to White American stand-
ards. Among other things, one is given the impression that
the Hopi are clean and tidy, which is not the case; and the
neat living room that is pictured on page 112 is anything but
typical of the general run of residences.
In spite of occasional flaws, Professor O'Kane's book
gives ample evidence that he is a keen observer and a good
reporter. His text is clear and readable, and its value is en-
hanced by a large number of original photographs and a use-
ful index. When one realizes that by profession the author is
an entomologist, the wonder is not that he has committed an
anthropological error here and there, but that he has pro-
duced so sound a portrayal of one of the most complex Indian
cultures still functioning within the borders of the United
States.
University of Michigan MISCHA TITIEV
Albert N. Williams. Rocky Mountain Country. American
Folkways, no. 20. General editor, Erskine Caldwell. New
York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1950. Pp. xxv, 289. $3.50.
Albert Williams, a fourth generation Coloradoan, says
that "Rocky Mountain Country is mostly the mountains in
Colorado, plus the fringe along the southern border of Wyo-
ming and the few fingers that jut down into New Mexico."
(xvi) Herein are six great ranges, the Front or Rampart,
Sangre de Cristo, San Juan, Sawatch, Park, and Medicine
Bow, as well as a number of lesser ones. Here also are more
than fifty of the eighty peaks in the United States which at-
tain or exceed an elevation of fourteen thousand feet.
Between the ranges lie the Colorado, Platte, Arkansas,
336 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
and Rio Grande river valleys, fruit and vegetable gardens of
today. Within this region are the great mineral fields : Clear
Creek, Cripple Creek, Blue River Canyon, Aspen, Leadville,
Silver Cliff, and Silverton (see five maps, following p. xxv).
The author has examined the evolution of this Rocky
Mountain Country in a series of chapters dealing with ex-
plorers (Spaniards and Anglo-Americans), fur traders, Pa-
cific trails, early gold rushes, and the Civil War. This much
of the volume seems to the reviewer to constitute a Part One
of the book. Then follow two chapters, one on mining in the
Leadville area, devoted mainly to the fantastic career of
Horace Tabor, the other on mining in the Cripple Creek area,
woven about the career of Winfield Scott Stratton.
What might be a third part of the book is comprised in
the "sociological" chapters on labor (Ch. IX, "Men with
Grievances") and agriculture (Ch. X, "Men with Hoes"),
and a final chapter as an evaluation of a regional type, "The
Rocky Mountain Man of Today."
Mr. Williams has written a book that will hold the inter-
est of most readers. His style is vivid, sprightly, and earthy,
by turns, according to the needs of his material, and he has
amply justified the thesis that there is a Rocky Mountain
Country which may be studied as a region. Or, to put the
matter differently, he shows that there is as much justifica-
tion for applying a regional study technique to the Rocky
Mountain Country as there is for any other "region" which
may be singled out.
It seemed to this reviewer that a regional technique is
weakest when used with reference to such subject as "Labor
Troubles." Here greater insight into the problem may be
gained by studying the labor question across the board, as
it were, than as an aspect of the development of a region.
True, there were (and are) unique situations which would
develop in the field of labor relations in a mining frontier,
but the study of unique features loses much of its meaning if
such study obscures the general, common features of a sub-
ject. For instance, an appreciation of the economic structure
of the United States in April 1914 would not permit one to
interpret the "Ludlow massacre" as a time when "For a few
BOOK REVIEWS 337
horrible days the United States tottered on the brink of revo-
lution in the bolshevik manner." (p. 237). Colorado is not
the only locality in the United States wherein struggles be-
tween labor and management have been violent.
Finally, are there traits which define a Rocky Mountain
type man? Mr. Williams believes there are, or at least that
such traits are developing (he states, p. 272, that . . . "Rocky
Mountain Country is just coming into its own regionalism."
. . . ) . It is certainly true that a unique region should produce
a unique type (or vice versa) , or that the very concept of a
regional study rests upon the existence of a unique type. To
date, the author believes that the Rocky Mountain type is
one who "... prefers to lay away the cares of the work-a-day
world and seek the other values that lie beneath the surface
of a man's personality." (loc. tit.) .
How such a type would have emerged out of some three
or four generations of fur seekers, ore seekers, and land seek-
ers, the reviewer would not know, though he would acknowl-
edge that some differences would have to develop between
people who live in the vivid consciousness of natural gran-
deurs as opposed to those who, for example, are surrounded
by man-made grandeurs of a strictly urban life.
THEODORE E. TREUTLEIN
San Francisco State College, California
Records and Maps of the Old Santa Fe Trail. Kenyon Riddle.
Pp. 104. [1949] Privately printed by the Author. Raton,
New Mexico.
The genesis of this book lies in Mr. Riddle's boyhood in-
terest in the Santa Fe trail. A civil engineer by profession,
he has devoted his spare hours throughout a life time to a
study of this subject.
The best part of the book, and the real contribution by
the author, are five pocket folding maps which present a de-
tailed historical picture of the trail. They are based on in-
tensive study, including much field work, and are probably
the best to be found. A stiff card ruler accompanies the
338 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
maps for the convenience of readers who wish to measure
distances.
The author states that the trail has been marked in the
past in relation to the route of the Santa Fe railroad. His
maps link the trail to the modern highways for the con-
venience of motorists. Pages 36-37 constitute an index to the
map. Each numbered historical place on the map has a cor-
responding number in the text followed by a description.
Mr. Riddle makes a plea for the placing of correctly lo-
cated highway historical marks. Some of them now in place,
he contends, are inaccurate and ought to be changed.
The material in this book is not well organized. There
are numerous excerpts from primary and secondary his-
tories of the trail. The story could have been told more in
the author's own words. However, it will be of interest to
many people, and the maps will be especially useful. — F.D.R.
The Valley Below. Alice Marriott. Norman, Oklahoma : Uni-
versity of Oklahoma Press, 1949. Pp. 243. $3.00.
In Maria: The Potter of San Ildefonso, Alice Marriott
wrote sensitively and often beautifully of the life of a people
alien to her. In order to be near her work at the pueblo, she
set up housekeeping with Margaret Lef ranc, artist and crea-
tor of fine illustrations for Maria and this present book, in a
Spanish-American valley community nearby. The Valley
Below is an account of their life in that community, the hum-
orous approach dominant, the serious present too, to make
an interesting blend. To say all this so solemnly is a little
foolish and foolhardy, for Miss Marriott, in having a thor-
oughly witty time, has thrust now and then at the solemni-
ties, even those of her profession, ethnography.
In the first part of the book she takes us humorously,
even hilariously at times, through the discomforts and mis-
haps of refurbishing an old 'dobe house, dealing with an
earnest but inept handyman, controlling a houseful of irra-
tional Siamese cats, getting water out of a perverse well and
equally perverse well experts, battling the eccentricities of a
coal and wood stove, negotiating the intricacies and doubts
BOOK REVIEWS 339
of house-buying, getting peace and sleep during the noc-
turnal debates of rights to irrigation water, the purse-empty-
ing, house-crowding mania for pottery, the trials of building
an addition to the house. There has been some method in this
approach. Chapter XIII begins: "Now I seem to have
reached the point, according to ethnological custom, where
I must go beyond the household and its dwelling, and define
and describe the surrounding community in relation to the
specific unit." So the latter half of the book, maintaining
the humorous approach, though with less dominance, deals
with the social life of Indians and Spanish-Americans, end-
ing in a series of well-told little stories of the neighboring
Maclovio Salazars, and a sensitively felt story of the Peni-
tentes. Thus the book that began "with the idea of an orderly
description of a society" became one "about a house and its
being lived in, and about some of the people who came and
went there." It traced also a change in the two women. "The
impersonality of being moderately successful, urban, pro-
fessional women was gone from us. We were women, and
our neighbors came to us for help because they knew we
would understand and would give it."
There are some things one regrets about this book, re-
grets them because Alice Marriott writes so well. Despite
her own denials of success in portraying a society, a good
deal of understanding does come through, but it has to make
its way through the convention that controls the book. The
convention goes something like this. An urbanite, feeling
decay in the city, indeed in his own culture in general, turns
to "the simple life." He does not do it with the whole-hearted
romanticism of, say, a St. John de Crevecoeur. He sees some
of the lighter ironies and laughs at his discomfiture. The
Atlantic used to run sketches of this sort for its urban read-
ers, and still does occasionally. And slick humor uses the
idea. The convention has many extensions. Sometimes the
adventurer not only finds the natives inept, costly, but lov-
able, but is himself a competent, self-reliant person who may
with ingenuity control the situation. As long as this happens,
we get more of the narrator than of the native. Miss Mar-
riott's first chapter starts off so thoughtfully, in such finely-
340 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
woven prose, that one expects more objectivity than he gets.
The humor, as I said, is lively, and understanding comes
through. But the enigmas of alien ways, that we would like
to solve rather carefully, remain incompletely penetrated.
One would like to see Miss Marriott try a serious approach in
fiction, something like that of Katherine Anne Porter.
University of New Mexico E. W. TEDLOCK, JR.
Western Land and Water Use. Mont H. Saunderson, Denver,
Colorado: University of Oklahoma Press, 1950. Pp. xi,
217. $3.75
Americans living east of, say, the 100th meridian, have
long been apathetic toward the problems of Western land and
water. Call it provincialism, political immaturity or ordinary
ignorance. That's the way it is, or has been.
The Easterner whose view of the West hitherto has been
bounded by Pike's Peak and Yellowstone Park on one side
and Hollywood, in Technicolor, on the other, is due an
awakening. Western resources were never the exclusive con-
cern of the West, and they are less so today. In fact, if one
were collecting specimens of public policy issues of gravest
importance to the nation, he might concentrate on the subject
of this volume without missing much. It appears that it is
high time for national comprehension of a national problem.
Historical developments are forcing it.
Not all the lack of a Western consciousness is the fault
of the inhabitants of other regions. Until now, nobody has
come forward with a very striking analysis of the great ar-
ray of policy questions confronting the West. Except in iso-
lated spectra, the picture simply has not been painted for the
layman's eye to see. Generally, the literature has appeared in
one of two forms — the gaudy metaphor of the novelist and
scenario writer and the soggy jargon of the researcher. In
short, the curious few have had a choice between a literary
hot foot or a sleeping pill.
Mont Saunderson attempts in Western Land and Water
Use to tell the story accurately without stifling the reader.
It's a good try, the best to date, even though the book does
BOOK REVIEWS 341
not quite fulfill the somewhat lavish promise of its dust
jacket: the author ". . . spares no interests, either private or
governmental . . ." and he "proposes stringent measures. . . ."
For those who are familiar with the subject, the treatment
here provides little that is new or surprising. Its merit lies
in the scope and comparative palatability which Saunderson
manages to attain in a field of study that usually lacks both.
Western Land and Water Use contains a factual account
of public ownership in the West, of taxation and its effects
upon land values, of such federal legislation as the Taylor
Act, of reclamation and forestry, of river-basin development.
To that extent, it is a reference manual. Of far greater sig-
nificance is its omnipresent backdrop of public vs. private
control of Western land and water. This volume moves into
bitterly controversial areas, and if it fails to come up with the
solid answers, who has? Certainly not the Hoover Commis-
sion, which became slightly unhinged when it tackled some
of the same questions from the standpoint of public adminis-
tration.
The problem begins with the protection of water reserves
in the upland watershed lands and reaches a climax in the
multi-purpose valley developments. Along the way are the
clashing interests of ranch operators, state and local govern-
mental units, and such federal agencies as the Bureau of
Reclamation, Department of Agriculture, Army Engineers,
Federal Power Commission, Forest Service and the National
Park Service. For variety, there is the relatively new crea-
tion, the valley authority. An integrated policy aimed at re-
conciling these diverse interests presents about as many al-
ternatives as there are general theories of government.
To stop the deterioration of watershed lands and conse-
quent sedimentation, Saunderson warns that "corrective ac-
tion must come through public programs for land and water
use, in recognition of the public interest in a resource-conser-
vation problem that is now beyond the scope and means of
the farms and ranches that use the land." Permanent federal
public ownership is probably a closed question "for the lands
that have important watershed, forestry, and recreation
values." Hydroelectric power is the key to federal reclama-
342 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
tion development, and "we should have much more public
interest, debate, and participation in the planning of pro-
grams and projects."
Saunderson was on leave from the U. S. Forest Service
during the preparation of this book, but he did not leave be-
hind the remarkable esprit de corps of that organization. The
Forest Service receives gentle treatment, and the flexibility
of its management program draws special praise. It is upon
privately owned holdings, estimated to contain about 90 per-
cent of the total forest-land growth capacity, that interest
must center, he argues, if an acute timber shortage is to be
avoided.
River engineering has been overemphasized, in the au-
thor's view. "There appear to be important but as yet unde-
veloped interrelationships between the drainage reclamation
of wet lands and other drainage, and the work of flood control
downstream. Thus it seems more and more apparent that the
control, development, and use of water resources of a major
drainage basin should be accomplished through basin-wide
plans and programs." For carrying out river-basin planning
and development, Saunderson proposes the establishment of
a federal-state commission and a program supported by par-
allel legislation by the states.
As for those who scoff at joint federal-state action, he
adds: "Can they propose a more workable plan?" Short of a
unified, all-enveloping federal program, can they indeed?
Texas A&M College JOE R. MOTHERAL
The Epic of the Chaco: Marshal Estigarribia's Memoirs of
The Chaco War 1932-1935. Edited and annotated by
Pablo Max Ynsf ran. The University of Texas, Institute of
Latin-American Studies, Latin-American Studies, VIII.
Austin: University of Texas Press, 1950. Pp. xv, 221.
Illustrated and maps.
The Epic of the Chaco, the story of Paraguay's border
war against Bolivia in 1932-1935, is a familiar story in the
chronicles of war: that of the valiant fight by a weaker
nation against the aggressions of a more powerful neighbor
BOOK REVIEWS 343
seeking expansion and aggrandizement under the guise of
protecting its own national interests.
Marshal Jose Felix Estigarribia, General of the Army,
entered the military services of Paraguay as a second lieu-
tenant in 1910. His later successes in the Chaco War indicate
that he possessed that natural insight and ability of the suc-
cessful military leader of knowing not only how but when
to apply his knowledge of the military sciences. In 1927 he
was offered and accepted the post of Assistant Chief of Staff
of the Paraguayan Army and later, the post of Chief.
The area under dispute in the Chaco War was that section
of northwest Paraguay in the triangle formed by the junc-
tion of the Paraguay and Pilcomayo Rivers. It is contiguous
to Argentina on the south, Brazil on the north, and Bolivia. It
is primarily a vast waterless plain, covered mostly by bushes
of hardwoods and cactus. The acquisition of this wasteland
would provide for Bolivia an outlet on the Paraguay River
leading to the open sea, a commercial convenience not en-
joyed by that South American nation since the loss of her
Pacific seaboard to Chile in 1879. The loss of this vast ter-
ritory would be for Paraguay an amputation of over a third
of her national territory and a serious blow to her national
pride.
Bolivia commenced inroads into the Chaco as early as
1927 along the Pilcomayo River in the south and later, as
motor transportation became available, into the interior of
the Chaco itself. Paraguay's Chief of Staff attempted to coun-
ter these moves by the establishment of Paraguayan centers
of resistance in the areas of the greatest Bolivian menace
and by the development of lines of communication into the
interior by the construction of telegraph lines and roads.
Estigarribia was dismissed from his post as Chief of Staff
in 1928 as the result of a dispute over his policies, and his
counter-offensive preparations were abandoned. Paraguayan
military policy, as well as their troops, withdrew to the inner
boundary of the Chaco along the Paraguay River.
Bolivia, however, was not blessed with a pacifistic policy
and, aided by the renouncement of Estigarribia' s defensive
policies, continued her advancement into the Chaco as fast
344 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
as the weather and construction of roads would permit. When
another tour as Chief of Staff in 1930 ended in dismissal for
the same reasons as before, Estigarribia decided to concen-
trate his efforts in a smaller field and offered to organize, in
the threatened Chaco itself, a Division of troops, a major
military sub-division not yet reached by the small Para-
guayan Army. His offer was accepted. It was Estigarribia's
division that was first involved in an outpost skirmish on
July 15, 1932, that brought into actuality the "hot war" with
Bolivia. Estigarribia occupied the unique position in this war
of being not only the planner but also the executor of the
Paraguan military strategy.
In his Memoirs he portrays the fortunes and failures,
most particularly the fortunes, of the Paraguayan Army in
the War of the Chaco, in three major subdivisions, namely :
The Initial Offensive, The Defensive and, part three, The
Offensive to the End. In Estigarribia's chronicle of the war,
the layman will find an interesting narrative of battles
fought against discouraging combinations of superior
forces and an unfriendly terrain. The student of military
science will recognize a brilliant application of basic mili-
tary principles. Faced with a Bolivian penetration into the
Chaco from all quarters, the Paraguayans under Estigarri-
bia's direction employed the defensive tactics of a strong
offense. Limited in the number of troops and supplies avail-
able, an economy of force was employed by relying on mini-
mum strength in the north and central sectors to contain
the Bolivian forces there, while the major portion of the
Paraguayan Army launched an offensive in the south in
September of 1932, with good results.
Unfortunately an overextension of lines of communica-
tion in the south, plus the spectre that haunts all aggressively
successful military commanders, lack of sufficient supplies
and materiel when and where needed, proved too much for
the straining new Paraguayan Army. Part Two of the Mem-
oirs records a "strategic withdrawal" along the southern
front and the assumption of the defensive in the Chaco. The
arrival of replacements for the combat units and a gratifying
effort by the Asuncion Government in the matter of war
BOOK REVIEWS 345
materiels, placed the Paraguayans in a position to resume the
offensive by September, 1933, with the Battle of Pampa
Grande. From that point on, the Paraguayans fought not
only a numerically superior and better equipped army but a
despairing lack of supplies, particularly in the line of motor
transport, so vital to any sustained movement and supply
over the Chaco Desert. Although occupying the strategi-
cally advantageous position of operating on interior lines of
communication along the inner arc of the perimeter instead
of the outer, Paraguay was handicapped throughout the war
by this lack of motor transport. Repeated requests for more
trucks and gasoline to the home government were lost in the
depth of a rapidly emptying national purse. The Paraguayan
forces nevertheless continued a series of effective tactical
moves to overcome local reverses and to roll back sufficient
Bolivian outposts to gain the banks of the Pilcomayo to the
south and even the Parapiti River, marking the west central
limits of the Chaco.
Ultimately, negotiations initiated jointly by Argentina,
Brazil, Chile, Peru and the United States were successful in
bringing the belligerents to agree on terms of an armistice
and at noon on June 14th, 1935, the cease fire was ordered on
all fronts in the Chaco, with the national boundaries back
where they were before three years of war, with thousands
of dead to show for the effort expended.
A familiar story in the annals of war and one that will be
repeated — correction, that is being repeated. Korea, 1950.
University of New Mexico MAJOR D. A. VAN EVERA
ERRATA
Vol. 25, p. 41, note no. 8 should state that Fort Leaven-
worth was located on the Missouri river, not on the Arkansas.
CONSTITUTION
OF THE
HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF NEW MEXICO
(As amended Nov. 25, 1941)
Article 1. Name. This Society shall be called the Historical Society
of New Mexico.
Article 2. Objects and Operation. The objects of the Society shall
be, in general, the promotion of historical studies; and in particular,
the discovery, collection, preservation, and publication of historical
material especially such as relates to New Mexico.
Article 3. Membership. The Society shall consist of Members, Fel-
lows, Life Members and Honorary Life Members.
(a) Members. Persons recommended by the Executive Council
and elected by the Society may become members.
(b) Fellows. Members who show, by published work, special
aptitude for historical investigation may become Fellows. Immedi-
ately following the adoption of this Constitution, the Executive
Council shall elect five Fellows, and the body thus created may there-
after elect additional Fellows on the nomination of the Executive
Council. The number of Fellows shall never exceed twenty-five.
(c) Life Members. In addition to life members of the Historical
Society of New Mexico at the date of the adoption hereof, such other
benefactors of the Society as shall pay into its treasury at one time
the sum of fifty dollars, or shall present to the Society an equivalent
in books, manuscripts, portraits, or other acceptable material of an
historic nature, may upon recommendation by the Executive Council
and election by the Society, be classed as Life Members.
(d) Honorary Life Members. Persons who have rendered emi-
nent service to New Mexico and others who have, by published work,
contributed to the historical literature of New Mexico or the South-
west, may become Honorary Life Members upon being recommended
by the Executive Council and elected by the Society.
Article 4. Officers. The elective officers of the Society shall be a
president, a vice-president, a corresponding secretary, a treasurer, and
a recording secretary; and these five officers shall constitute the
Executive Council with full administrative powers.
Officers shall qualify on January 1st following their election, and
shall hold office for the term of two years and until their successor?
shall have been elected and qualified.
346
Article 5. Elections. At the October meeting of each odd-numbered
year, a nominating committee shall be named by the president of the
Society and such committee shall make its report to the Society at
the November meeting. Nominations may be made from the floor
and the Society shall, in open meeting, proceed to elect its officers by
ballot, those nominees receiving a majority of the votes cast for the
respective offices to be declared elected.
Article 6. Dues. Dues shall be $3.00 for each calendar year, and
shall entitle members to receive bulletins as published and also the
Historical Review.
Article 7. Publications. All publications of the Society and the selec-
tion and editing of matter for publication shall be under the direction
and control of the Executive Council.
Article 8. Meetings. Monthly meetings of the Society shall be held
at the rooms of the Society on the third Tuesday of each month at
eight P. M. The Executive Council shall meet at any time upon call
of the President or of three of its members.
Article 9. Quorums. Seven members of the Society and three mem-
bers of the Executive Council, shall constitute quorums.
Article 10. Amendments. Amendments to this constitution shall be-
come operative after being recommended by the Executive Council
and approved by two-thirds of the members present and voting at
any regular monthly meeting; provided, that notice of the proposed
amendments shall have been given at a regular meeting of the Society,
at least four weeks prior to the meeting when such proposed amend-
ment is passed upon by the Society.
347
INDEX
Abo, The Mission of San Gregorio de . . . ,
by Toulouse, rev'd., 171
Accountancy, State board, official publica-
tions, 154
Agricultural and Mechanical College of Ken-
tucky, 317ff
Ainsworth, Capt. Fred Crayton, 308
Anglo-American and prejudice, 288
Apache, 54ff, 110 passim, 299
Apache, Chiricahua, reservation (1913), 36
Apache, Jicarilla, 31ff
Apache, Mescalero, 1-36
Archives, see La Junta
Army Life, 130
Army life in Southwest, 37 passim
Arnold, Samuel (Ireland), 91
Arthur, Chester A., quoted re cowboy, 98
Baca, Cruz (1870's), 180
Bancroft Library, New Mexico documents
in, 248
Bank examiner (State), official publications,
150
Beach, Fidelia (Mrs. G. A. Goodale), 296
Bennett, James A., 328
Berry, Mrs. E. A. (Sue Phelps), 320
Blackmore, William, by Brayer, rev'd., 78
Blair, Lieut. Thomas, 197
Bolton, Lieut. E. B., 304
Brady, Rev. Cyrus Townsend, quoted re cow-
boy, lOOf
Brayer, Herbert Oliver, William Blackmore,
78
Brazito, battle of and Fr. Ortiz, 280
Brisbin, General James S., quoted re West,
99
Bronson, Edgar, quoted re cowboy, 101
Brooks, Clinton E., quoted, 328
Budget (State), official publications, 15; di-
rector, ibid., 158
Bullard, James, 54
Bullis, Lieut. John L., 202f
Bustamante family, genealogy, 265
Canvassing board (State), official publica-
tions, 158
Carazillo Spring, 122
Carraher, Capt. A. P., 306
Cattle fever, 92 passim; rustlers, 298 ; indus-
try, 179f
Cattlemen's war, 94
Cavalry, the 8th U. S., 40
Central City, 302
Chaco, the Epic of the, see Pablo Max Yns-
fran
Chan Kom Revisited . . . , by Redfield,
rev'd., 174
Chapin, Ann, 298
Chavez, Fr. Angelico, 244 ; rev., Hallenbeck,
. . . Marcos de Niza, 255 ; edits "Ramon
Ortiz. . . ," 265
Checklist, see Shelton
Chico, town of, 181
Chiricahua, see Apache
Church at El Paso (late 19th Century), 291
Cienequilla, Indian fight, 328f
Clayton, town of, 183
Colton, Harold S., Hopi Kachina Dolls, rev'd,
254
Comegys, Edward Tiffin, 207
Comptroller (State), official publications,
137
Conservancy, Rio Grande, documents, 136
Corporation Commission, official publica-
tions, 159, 222
Cottell, Capt. Hampden Samuel, 42
Council of National Defense (State), official
publications, 223
Cowboy, studies of the, 90 ; origin of name,
91
"Cowboy — Sinner or Saint !, The," by West-
ermeier, 108
Cowles, Lieut. C. D., 298
Cox, Isaac Joslin, rev., Hollon, The Lost
Pathfinder . . . , 262
Coxe, Robert Edward, 40
Daily Leader (Cheyenne), quoted re cow-
boy, 93, 97
Daguerre, Alejandro (1860), 289f
Dale, Edward Everett, The Indians of the
Southwest . . . , rev'd., 73
Dargan, Marion, rev., Marshal of the Last
Frontier, by Tilghman, 85
Darley, Alex M., quoted re Mexican cow-
boy, 97
Davis, Brig.-Gen. George Breckenridge, 117
Delgado, Fernando, death (1821), 269, note
Devin, General Thomas C., 52, 131
Devin Spring, 123
Diphtheria at Fort Bayard, 302
Documents, New Mexico, 244-253
Donovan, Lieut. Edward, 216
Dona Ana, 50
Dorsey, town of, 183
Dorsey, Stephen Wallace, see F. Stanley
Dramatics at Fort Bayard, 302
Dry cleaning board, official publications, 57
Duffield, George C., diary, 92
Dwelling, see Home
Education, Indian, 31 passim ; state publica-
tions, 57, 152
El Paso and Indian depredation (late 19th
Century), 289
Elections, see canvassing board
Electrical administration board (State), offi-
cial publications, 58
Elephant Butte irrigation district, official
publications, 58
Eliaz y Gonzales, J. M., Commander El
Paso, 277
Employer relations institute, proceedings, 59
Employment security commission, official
publications, 59
Engineer department (State), official pub-
lications, 60 ; board of registration, ibid.,
156
Engineers, see New Mexico
Episcopal church, clergymen, 301
Estigarribia, Marshal, see Pablo Max Yns-
fran
Evans, Lieut. George Howard, 219
Eyler, Mrs. S. H., daughter of F. E. Phelps,
Fair commission (State), official publica-
tions, 225
Farnsworth, Capt. Henry Joseph, 134, 324
Fechet, Capt. Edmpnd Gustave, 324
Federal music project (New Mexico), pub-
lications, 63
Federal writer's project (New Mexico), pub-
lications, 63
Finance, State board, official publications,
155
Floershiem, Sol (1890's), 185
Foote, Capt. George Franklin, 307
Fort Bayard, 49f, 131, see Roy Goodale
Fort Bent (New), 43
349
350
NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Fort Bowie, 116
Fort Clark, 200f
Fort Craig, 40 ; description, 45
Fort Cummings, 128
Fort Davis, 323, note
Fort Duncan, 200
Fort Floyd, 54
Fort Leaven worth, 41
Fort Lyon, 43
Fort Mclntosh, 201
Fort McRae, 134
Fort Union, 41
Fort West, 54
Fort Wingate, 48
Fountain, Samuel Warren, 40
Frontier Justice, by Card, rev'd., 170
Gamble, Rev. Mr., of Silver City, 302
Card, Wayne, Frontier Justice, rev'd., 170
George, Dea Thomas, 298
"German," entertainment?, 302, 303
Glasgows, Joseph, of El Paso, 291
Godwin, Edward Ellison, 40
Gold Mine, a story of, 292
Goodale, Ephriam, diary, 296
Goodale, Prof. George Lincoln, 298
Goodale, Col. George Swazey, 297
Goodale, Brig. Gen. Greenleaf Austin, 296
Goodale, Mrs. G. A. (Fidelia Beach), 296
Goodale, Roy, editor, "A Civilian at Old
Fort Bayard 1881-1883," 296-304
Goodale, Roy Lewis, 297
Granger, General Gordon, 196
Grassland Historical Studies .... by
Malin, rev'd., 259
Gregg, Col. J. Irwin, 195
Guadalupe, Mission of Nuestra Senora de,
description of (1838), 273
Guadalupe-Hidalgo, treaty of, and American
citizenship, 286f
Guest, Lieut. John, 208
Guevara, Pedro Ortiz de, 267
Guitar, Odon, in War with Mexico, 284
Hallenbeck, Cleve, The Journey of Fray
Marcos de Niza, rev'd., 255
Hardy, Osgood, rev., Piette, . . . Junipero
Serra . . . , 165
Hart, Juan, quoted re Ortiz, 294
Head, Col. R. G., cattleman, 94
Highway commission, official publications,
227
Historical records survey (New Mexico), 63
Historical Society of New Mexico, minutes
(1949), 163
Hodgson, Lieut. Benjamin Hubert, 40
Hollon, W. Eugene, The Lost Pathfinder:
Zebulon Montgomery Pike, rev'd., 262
Home, description of New Mexican (1838),
Hopi Kachina Dolls, see Colton, 254
Hopi pueblo, description (1856), 331
Horseshoe Canyon, 118
Huff, J. Wesley, necrology, 333
Humphreys, Lieut. H. H., 128
Hunt, Lieut. Levi Pettibone, 220
Hunter, Lieut. Pendleton, 43
Huntington Library, New Mexico docu-
ments, 244
Hutcheson, Austin E., rev., Riegel, Young
America, 168
Indian affairs, document, 331 ; campaign,
see F. E. Phelps, Memoirs, 202ff ; depreda-
tions, 305 passim; education, 30 passim;
police, 30f ; war, 299, 304
Indians of the Southwest .... by Dale,
rev'd., 73
Ingersoll, Col. Robert G., 182
Insurance department (State), official pub-
lications, 64
Interstate oil compact commission, official
publications, 67
Irrigation, 58
Irrigation engineer (State), official publica-
tions, 68
Jerome, Lieut. Lovell Hall, 317
.Hear ilia, see Apache
Jolly, Charlie, cowboy, 94
Jones, Lieut. Thaddeus Winfield, 203
Journal ( Fort Worth ) , quoted re cowboy,
103
Juarez, Benito, document re, 290
Juarez, see El Paso
Keller, Capt. Jacob William, 41
Kelley, Capt. Joseph Morgan, 220 ; see Kelly
Kelly, Major William, 55 ; see Kelley
Kendall, George W., quoted, 278
Kendrick, H. L., Indian Agent, 333
Kenard, Edward A., rev., Colton, Hopi Ka-
china Dolls, 254
Kerr, Lieut. John Brown, 40
Labor and industrial commission (State),
official publications, 68
La Junta archive (Mexico), 162
Land Grant to Ortiz (1690's), 268
Land titles in Mesilla valley, 287
Law Library (State), reports, 70
Legislative reference bureau (State), re-
ports, 71
Lewis, Alfred Henry, quoted re cowboy, 100
Library extension service (State), official
publications, 231
Love, Nat, quoted re cowboy, 100
McKibbin, Chambers, soldier, 113
McLellan, Lieut. Col. Curwen Boyd, 192 note
Malin, James C., Grassland Historical Stud-
ies .... rev'd., 259
Maps of Santa Fe trail, see Kenyon Riddle
Marcos de Niza, see Hallenbeck
Marriott, Alice, The Valley Below, rev'd.,
339
Martin, Joe, cowboy, 94
Maxon, Lieut. Mason Marion, 203
Merit system council (State), official pub-
lications, 71
Mescalero Agency, picture 1880, 1
"Mescalero Apache History . . . ," by M.
E. and C. H. Opler, 1-36
Mesilla Guard, 9
Mesilla, New Mexico, 50
Mesilla valley and War with Mexico, 287
Mexico, War with, and American citizen-
ship, 286f ; and El Paso citizens, 282 ; and
Fr. Ortiz, 280
Meyers Springs, near lower Rio Grande, 312
Middle Rio Grande conservancy district, offi-
cial publications, 136
Miller, Henry, cowboy, 94
Mines, State inspector official publications,
229
Mining, gold, 31
Missionary work, see Ramon Ortiz
Missouri Democrat, quoted re westerner, 107
Missouri Republican, quoted re cowboy, 104
Mizner, Col. J. K., 300
Morton, Brig. Gen. Charles, 322
Motheral, Joe R., rev., Saunderson, Western
Land .... 341
Motor transportation (State), official pub-
lications, 222
Mule Spring, 133
Murray. Lieut. Cunliffe Hall, 202
INDEX
351
Neal, Pitts, cowboy, 103
Neill, Col. Thomas Hewson, 307
New Mexico documents, 244-253
New Mexico Historical Society, founding,
242
New Mexico State publications : account-
ancy, 154 ; bank examiner, 150 ; budget,
157 ; canvassing board, 158 ; comptroller,
137 ; corporation commission, 159 ; council
of national defense, 223 ; dry cleaning, 57 ;
educational plans and policies, 57 ; educa-
tional survey board, 58 ; electrical admin-
istration, 58 ; Elephant Butte irrigation
district, 58 ; employers relations, 59 ; em-
ployment security, 59 ; engineer dept., 60 ;
engineers, 156 ; fair commission, 225 ; fed-
eral music project, 63 ; federal writers'
project, 63 ; finance, 155 ; highway com-
mission, 227 ; historical records survey,
63 ; insurance dept., 64 ; interstate oil
compact, 67 ; irrigation engineer, 68 ; labor
and industrial commission, 68 ; law li-
brary, 70 ; legislative reference bureau, 71 ;
library extension, 231 ; merit system coun-
cil, 71 ; mine inspector, 229 ; motor trans-
portation, 222 ; nurse examiners, 155 ; oil
conservation, 138 ; penitentiary, 139 ; plan-
ning board, 233 ; police, 234 ; public serv-
ice commission, 142 ; publicity bureau,
143 ; purchasing agent, 235 ; racing com-
mission, 235 ; secretary of state, 144 ; tax
commission, 235 ; tourist bureau, 237 ;
traveling auditor, 238 ; treasurer, 239 ; vo-
cational education, 152
Nichols, Lieut. E. de R., 303
Nichols, Lieut. Thomas Brainard, 193
Nogal mining district, 31
Nourse, S. E., 298
Nurse examiners, State board, official pub-
lications, 155
O'Brien, Wall and Maggie, 300
Ochoa, Juan, 293
Ochoa, Ynocente (1860), 290
O'Connor, Lieut. Stephen, 300
Ogle, R. H. rev., Dale, The Indians of the
Southwest .... 73
Oil conservation commission (State), official
publications, 138
Oil! Titan of the Southwest, by Rister,
rev'd., 75
O'Kane, Walter Collins, Sun in the Sky,
rev'd., 335
Opler, Morris Edward and Catherine H.,
"Mescalero Apache History in the South-
west," 1-36
Ord, Brig. Gen. Edward Otho Cresap, 309,
note
Ortiz family genealogy, 265
Ortiz, Ramon, see Fidelia Miller Puckett
Patrick, Maria L. (Mrs. F. E. Phelps), 38
Patrick, Mary (Mrs. F. E. Phelps), 38
Pearson, Ed, 304
Penitentiary (State), official publications,
139
Peyote cult, 35
Phelps, Elsie L., 305
Phelps, Fred, 310
Phelps, Frederick E., memoirs, 37-56, 109-
135, 187-221, 305-327; portrait, 37
Phelps, Mrs. Frederick E. (Maria L. Pat-
rick, 38; Mary Patrick, 38, 199; Anna
Louise Rawlings, 38)
Phelps, Margaret, 307
Phelps, May V., 187
Phelps, Morris B., death, 187
Phelps, Sue (Mrs. E. A. Berry), 320
Piette, Maximin C. J., Le Secret de Juni-
Tpero Serra, Fondateur de la Californie,
1769-1784, rev'd., 165
Pike, Zebulon Montgomery, see Hollon
Finder, Lieut. Joseph William, 306
Planning board (State), official publications,
233
Police, Indian, 30f ; State, official publica-
tions, 234
Pond, Lieut. George Enoch, 217
Pope, Maj. Gen. John, 41
Pratt, O. C., 304
Prejudice in New Mexico, 288
Public service commission (State), official
publications, 142
Publicity bureau (State), official publica-
tions, 143
Puckett, Fidelia Miller, "Ramon Ortiz:
Priest and Patriot," 265-295
Pueblo Indian Affairs, document, 331
Purchasing agent (State), official publica-
tions, 235
Racing commission (State), official publica-
tions, 235
Railroad, and Indians, 312 ; transportation
pass, 316, 323
Range war, 94
Rattlesnake Plain, 122
Rawlings, Anna Louise (Mrs. Frederick E.
Phelps), 38
Reade, Lieut. Philip, 195
Redfield, Robert, A Village that Chose Prog-
ress: Chan Kom Revisited, rev'd., 174
Reed, Erick K., rev., Toulouse, The Mission
of San Gregorio de Abo .... 171
Reeve, Frank D., editor, "Frederick E.
Phelps: a Soldier's Memoirs," 37-56, 109-
135, 187-221, 305-327; rev., Riddle,
. . . Santa Fe Trail, 338
Reid, Capt. Mayne (1847), quoted on cow-
boy, 91
Revenue, special commission, official publi-
cations, 150
Ribero family, genealogy, 265
Richthofen, Baron Walter von, quoted re
cowboy, 100
Riddle, Kenyon, Records and Maps of the
Old Santa Fe Trail, rev'd., 338
Riegel, Robert E., Young America 1830-1840,
rev'd., 168
Rifle, army (1870's), 113
Ringgold Barracks, 199
Rio Grande compact commission, official pub-
lications, 143
Rister, Carl Coke, Oil! Titan of the South-
west, rev'd., 75
Rocky Mountain Country, by Williams,
rev'd., 336
Rodeo, 92
Royall, Col. W. B., 301
Roybal family, genealogy, 265
Rustlers, cattle, 298
Salazar, Capt. Damacio (1840's), 277
Salt War at El Paso, 288f
Samaniego, Dr. Mariano (Juarez, Mexico),
293
San Jose de Concordia el Alto, chapel, 291
Santa Fe Trail, maps, see Kenyon Riddle
Santa Rita Copper mine, 50
Saunders, Lyle, rev., Redfield, Chan Kom Re-
visited .... 174
Saunderson, Mont H., Western Land and
Water Use, rev'd., 341
Sayre, Lieut. Farrand, 325
Secretary of state (State), official publica-
tions, 144
Segale, Sister Blandina, quoted re cowboy,
102
352
NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Seminole Indians, 202
Serra, Junipero, see Piette, M. C. J.
Shafter, Col. William Rufus, 205
Sheepmen's war, 94
Sheep sanitary board, official publications,
149
Shelton, Wilma Loy, "Checklist of New Mex-
ico Publications," 57-72 ; 136-161 ; 222-241
Shepherd, Major W., quoted re cowboy, 103
Sherman, General, quoted re cowboy, 104
Shunk, Lieut. William Alexander, 324
Sibley Mountain, 243
Silver City, 298
Slaughter, W. B., 94
Sloan, Wm. J. (1859), 243
Smith, George Winston, rev., Malin, Grass-
land Historical Studies . . . , 259 ; rev.,
Rister, Oil! Titan of the Southwest, 75
Snyder, John, Civil War veteran, 243
Southern Pacific Railroad and Indians, 312
Spanish-American and prejudice. 288
Special revenue commission, official publica-
tions, 150
Smallpox at Silver City (1880), 298
Smith, Mrs. T. M. K., 300
Stanley, F., "New Mexico's Fabulous Dor-
sey," 177-186
Stanton, Fred J., quoted re cowboy, 99
Steck, Dr. Michael, 243
Steele, Lieut. Matthew Forney, 315
Steelhammer, Capt. Charles, 193, note
Stephenson, Lieut. William, 49, 51
Stottler, V. E., and Indian education, 34
Sumner, Capt. Edwin Vose, 117
Sumner, Maj. Samuel Storrow, 308
Sun in the Sky, by O'Kane, rev'd., 335
Tax commission (State), official publica-
tions, 235
Taylor, Dr. Blair D., 312
Tedlock, E. W., Jr., rev., Marriott, The Val-
ley Below, 339
Telegraph, military (1876), 197
Texas-Santa Fe expedition, 278
The Epic of the Chaco: .... ed. by Yns-
fran, rev'd., 343
The Valley Below, by Marriott, rev'd., 839
Thurston, Willis, 298
Tilghman, William Matthew, biography, by
Tilghman, rev'd., 85
Tilghman, Zoe A., Marshal of the Last Fron-
tier, rev'd., 85
Tiswin, 115
Titiev, Mischa, rev., O'Kane, Sun in the Sky,
335
Topeka Commonwealth, quoted re cowboy,
96
Toulouse, Joseph H., Jr., The Mission of
San Gregorio de Ab6 .... rev'd., 171
Tourist bureau (State), official publications,
237
Traveling auditor (State), official publica-
tions, 238
Treasurer's office (State), official publica-
tions, 239
Treutlein, Theodore E., rev., Williams,
Rocky Mountain Country, 336
Twitchell, R. E., Spanish Archives ....
criticism of, 268, note
Van Evera, Major D. A., rev., The Epic of
the Chaco: .... 843
Velarde, Alfonso, of El Paso, 290
Velarde, Rafael (1860), 290
Vizcarra, Col. Antonio, characterization,
269; death, 271
Vocational education, see New Mexico
Walter, Paul A. F., rev., Brayer, William
Blackmore, 78
Washington Star (D. C.), quoted re cow-
boy, 96
Waters, Harry, 300
Waters, Lizzie, 299
Webber, Charles W., quoted re cowboy, 95
Weeks, Capt. H. S., 324
Wells, Col. Almond Brown, 43, 47
Westermeier, Clifford P., "The Cowboy —
Sinner or Saint!," 89-108
Western Land and Water Use, by Saunder-
son, rev'd., 341
Westerners, description of, 107
Whitehouse, Hiram, 296
Whitehouse, Katie, 298
Wieting, Lieut. O. L., 300
Wilcox, Maj. John Andrew, 306
Williams, Albert W., Rocky Mountain Coun-
try, rev'd., 336
Williams, Lieut. Richard Algernon, 40, 307
Wint, Capt. Theodore Jonathan, 202
Winther, O. O., rev., Card, Frontier Jus-
tice, 170
Wishart, Lieut. Alexander, 218
Wood, Lieut. Edward Edgar, 40
Ynsfran, Pablo Max, ed., The Epic of the
Chaco: .... rev'd., 343
Young America, by Riegel, rev'd., 168
Young, Capt. S. B. M., 206
Zubiria, Rt. Rev. Jose Laureano de, 272
Zuni, description (1856), 331
The Historical Society of New Mexico
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