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288 pages, Hardcover
First published January 7, 2003
"On this Friday morning in 1946, there was no chance of collecting a finger, a penis, or even a photograph of the lynching victims' battered bodies, as they'd been transported to Monroe late the evening before. Yet the souvenir collectors came nonetheless, fueled by the hope of finding a memento or a talisman, anything that could connect them to what they saw as the excitement and drama -- if not the horror -- of the quadruple murder."
"What they didn't consider, however, was that the men who'd killed Roger and Dorothy Malcolm, and George and Mae Murray Dorsey, had committed a murder so extreme that it would become an icon of postwar violence, a symbol of the chasm between the promise of democracy and the reality of life for black people in America in 1946. What they couldn't predict was that the men who fired the shots at Moore's Ford had made history; the nation would never again see as many victims lynched on a single day after July 25, 1946."
"The efforts of the federal government, ultimately, were no match for a jury selected from a white community that didn't view attacks on black people as crimes. That had been proven with the Verners' trials, as it had been proven one month before in Greenville, South Carolina, when a local jury had found thirty-one white men charged with lynching a black man named Willie Earle not guilty -- even though twenty-six of those men had admitted to the FBI that they'd been members of the lynch mob."
"The crime had now gone unpunished. And yet Walter White and his liberal allies took comfort, because nearly four weeks after the federal government failed to win convictions against the Verner brothers, an American president addressed the NAACP's annual conference for the first time in history. "I should like to talk to you about civil rights and human freedom," President Truman said as he stood at the foot of the Lincoln Memorial on June 29, 1947.""
"Four months after Truman's June address to the NAACP, the President's Committee on Civil Rights issued a report containing nearly three dozen recommendations for improving the state of civil rights in America. When, on February 2, 1948, President Truman sent a special message to Congress asking it to enact several of the report's recommendations, he became the first American president to put civil rights at the forefront of the national agenda."
"My conversations with the white people who did consent to being interviewed were essential to my understanding of the lynching -- less for the information they supplied than for the way they revealed how segregated the memory of the Moore's Ford lynching remains. This segregation is evident in the opposing beliefs about the lynching's victims and villains, and about its very causation. But it's evident most starkly in the different meanings and significances attributed to the lynching. For many black people, the lynching was the most horrific thing that ever happened in Walton or Oconee counties, but for many white people, it was mainly an annoyance, an event that smudged the area's good name."
"And the segregated memories of the Moore's Ford lynching reveal something basic: The only way for blacks and whites to live together peacefully in America in the twenty-first century is if we begin struggling to understand and acknowledge the extent to which racism has destroyed -- and continues to destroy -- our ability to tell a common truth.
When I began this project, I had hoped to solve the murders, hoped for prosecution of the lynchers. But now, after years of investigation, I believe we'll never know who fired the shots in the clearing near the Moore's Ford Bridge on July 25, 1946. And I wonder if that unanswered question, that hole where the center should be, isn't the truest representation of race in America."