MonTI. Monografías de Traducción e
Interpretación
ISSN: 1889-4178
monti.secretaria@ua.es
Universitat de València
España
Wallace, Melissa
RESISTING MARKET DISORDER AND ENSURING PUBLIC TRUST: REIMAGINING
NATIONAL REGISTERS FOR LEGAL INTERPRETERS IN THE UNITED STATES AND
THE EUROPEAN UNION
MonTI. Monografías de Traducción e Interpretación, núm. 7, 2015, pp. 115-140
Universitat de València
Alicante, España
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RESISTING MARKET DISORDER AND ENSURING
PUBLIC TRUST: REIMAGINING NATIONAL
REGISTERS FOR LEGAL INTERPRETERS IN THE
UNITED STATES AND THE EUROPEAN UNION
Melissa Wallace
melissa.wallace@utsa.edu
University of Texas at San Antonio
Abstract
This article aims to describe the current state of affairs as regards national registers of
legal interpreters and translators (LITs) in the United States and the European Union.
After a brief overview of what translation and interpreting studies researchers and EU
project participants recommend about their construction and utilization, a case will
be made for the use of national registers as essential tools in two important struggles:
professionalizing legal translation and interpreting and building public trust. Based on
current models and recommendations by researchers, a proposal will be put forth for
minimum characteristics of a national register of LITs. Rather than an afterthought,
the interpreter register merits scrutiny and careful elaboration precisely because of
an ever more ubiquitous need for states and countries to implement measures which
are fair, transparent, cost-effective, which guarantee due process, and which provide
users with ways to make an objective value judgment regarding the competence of the
interpreters they commission.
Resumen
El presente artículo pretende describir el estado de la cuestión de los registros nacionales de intérpretes y traductores judiciales en los Estados Unidos y en la Unión
Europea. Después de examinar brevemente las recomendaciones de investigadores y
participantes en proyectos especializados a nivel europeo, se defenderá la importancia
de utilizar los registros nacionales para dos fines importantes: profesionalizar la traducción y la interpretación judicial, así como fomentar la confianza pública. A continuación se planteará una propuesta, basada en modelos actuales y recomendaciones
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DOI: 10.6035/MonTI.2015.7.4
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Wallace, Melissa
de investigadores que contempla las características mínimas de un registro nacional.
Debido a la necesidad cada vez más presente de implementar medidas que sean justas,
transparentes, sostenibles y que protejan los derechos procesales de los ciudadanos, el
registro debe ser elaborado cuidadosamente y con el esmero apropiado. Así también
se puede garantizar que los usuarios de dichos registros dispongan de información
objetiva sobre la competencia de los intérpretes a quienes contratan.
Keywords: Legal interpreting. European Directive. Professionalization. National register. Regulation.
Palabras clave: Interpretación judicial. Directiva Europea. Profesionalización. Registro nacional. Regulación.
Manuscript received on July 15, 2014
and accepted for publication on September 30, 2014.
MonTI 7 (2015: 115-140). ISSN 1889-4178
1. Introduction: National Registers at a Turning Point
Recent and vital work to guarantee language rights in criminal and civil proceedings is currently being carried out both in Europe and the United States.
In the European context, Member States are in the process of implementing
Directive 2010/64/EU, a measure which aims to guarantee adequate1 translation and interpreting in criminal proceedings. Similarly, in the United States
efforts are being undertaken by the newly configured Council of Language
Access Coordinators (CLAC)2 as it becomes more and more apparent that,
in spite of enjoying robust legislative support, language access continues to
be an uphill battle in many US courts. In a forcefully-worded guidance letter
issued by the Civil Rights Division of the US Department of Justice on August
16th, 2010, Assistant Attorney General Thomas E. Perez addressed all chief
justices and state court administrators. The letter acknowledged that “despite
efforts to bring courts into compliance, some state court system policies and
practices significantly and unreasonably impede, hinder, or restrict participation in court proceedings and access to court operations based upon a
person’s English language ability” (Perez 2010: 2).
Both Europe and the United States face challenges in guaranteeing due
process rights while endeavoring to comply with legislation in the face of
1. Article 2, paragraph 8 of the Directive states that “Interpretation provided under this
Article shall be of a quality sufficient to safeguard the fairness of the proceedings, in
particular by ensuring that suspected or accused persons have knowledge of the case
against them and are able to exercise their right of defence” (Directive 2010: 5).
2. Presumably in response to Department of Justice insistence on greater oversight in
matters concerning language access, in the spring or summer of 2012 the Council of
Language Access Coordinators (shortened to CLAC, like the Consortium for Language
Access in the Courts before it) was chartered. The Council of Language Access Coordinators differs markedly from its predecessor in that it “consist(s) of individuals designated by the COSCA (Conference of State Court Administrators) member in each state
who are interested in or associated with the provision of language access services to the
courts, such as language access program coordinators” (COSCA n.d.: 1). A representative of every US state and territory (the Language Access Coordinator) has now been
designated to be the point person for the provision of language access services to the
courts.
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budgetary constraints, anti-immigrant sentiment, and limited access to qualified interpreters. Members of law enforcement and officers of the court often
do not know how to locate interpreters who work in languages of limited
diffusion (LLDs) and, even when they can, they often have virtually no way
of knowing objectively how skilled the person may actually be as an interpreter. As vast territories which are ethnically and linguistically diverse, the
European Union and the United States share similar challenges and are being
asked to formalize mechanisms by which all court participants are guaranteed
equal footing in the courts through the use of qualified interpreters (Blasco
Mayor, Del Pozo Triviño, Giambruno, Martin, Ortega Arjonilla, Rodríguez
Ortega & Valero Garcés 2013; COSCA n.d.; Corsellis 2011; Directive 2010;
Morgan 2011; Ortega Herráez, Giambruno & Hertog 2013; Pérez 2010). This
article posits the use of a national register, often referred to as a registry or
a roster in the United States, as a tool that can give administrators the information they need about an interpreter’s skills while at the same time offering
legal interpreters and translators (LITs) a multi-faceted tool in the struggle
towards professionalization.
While there is no official nationwide or state-level mandate to create a
national register of qualified interpreters in the United States, the European
Union does, in fact, have such a mandate. As a requirement for admission, all
EU Member States are signatories to the European Court of Human Rights
(ECHR). Article 6 of the ECHR provides that anyone facing a criminal charge
should be provided with the services of an interpreter, free of charge, if s/he
does not understand the language of the proceedings (Morgan 2011: 5-6).
The European Commission found, however, that cost was often an impediment to Member States in fulfilling their ECHR obligations; that interpreters
and translators often worked under poor conditions; and that Member States
had difficulty recruiting sufficient LITs given that “the profession suffers from
a lack of status, with translators and interpreters sometimes being poorly
paid, not having social benefits (such as paid sick leave and pension rights)
and complaining that they are not consulted enough by their counterparts in
the legal profession” (Morgan 2011: 6-7). Much like in the United States, it
became clear that longstanding non-compliance with existing laws was pervasive, similar to the way that many US states continue to act in direct violation
of Title VI of the Civil Rights Act (Ortega Herráez, Giambruno & Hertog 2013;
Wallace forthcoming). One powerful remedy has been the aforementioned
EU Directive, which has been the driving force behind the establishment of
minimum education requirements, systems of accreditation, continuing education requirements, and the elaboration of codes of ethics and standards of
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practice. Directive 2010/64/EU states that “The implementation of the principle of mutual recognition of decisions in criminal matters presupposes that
Member States have trust in each other’s criminal justice systems” (Directive
2010: 1), and finds that one of the key initiatives to aid in this endeavor is the
building and sharing of information based on harmonized, reciprocal standards. Specifically, Member States are directed to facilitate access to national
databases of legal translators and interpreters where such databases exist
(Directive 2010: 4). Furthermore, article 5, paragraph 2 states that
In order to promote the adequacy of interpretation and translation and efficient access thereto, Member States shall endeavor to establish a register or
registers of independent translators and interpreters who are appropriately
qualified. Once established, such register or registers shall, where appropriate, be made available to legal counsel and relevant authorities (Directive
2010: 6).
Multiple efforts have been made at the level of European Commission-funded
work groups and projects to tackle a variety of aspects of training and credentialing court and legal interpreters. In a Europe that invests heavily in
the model of a multicultural and multilingual society and which boasts a historically well-established history of translator and interpreter training (Pym
2014: 186), the construction of national registers promises to build in all
of the elements with which status within a profession is signaled, including
aspects such as credentialing, oversight, and professionalism. To that end,
this article aims to describe the current state of affairs as regards national registers of legal interpreters and translators in the United States and the European Union. While generalizations about the EU or the US (along with any
attempt to impose common solutions across the board) may at the surface
appear to ignore the individualities and complexities of each set of systems,
their commonalities are striking. Both bodies consist of linguistically and
culturally diverse states with varying histories of credentialing, testing and
training. Most, if not all, are faced with identifying qualified interpreters in
languages of lesser diffusion. The mere fact that the parts of the whole work
independently and sometimes at odds with each other creates the opportunity
to explore the benefits of consistency and harmonization.
Accordingly, after a brief overview of what translation and interpreting
(TI) studies researchers and EU work group participants recommend about
their construction and utilization, a case shall then be made for the use of
national registers as essential tools in two important struggles: professionalizing legal translation and interpreting, and building public trust. Although the
creation of national registers has already occurred in a handful of European
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nations, many still do not comply with this feature of the Directive. In the
United States, initiatives are in their infancy. Furthermore, this article aims
to go beyond the vision of the register as a mere list of practicing professionals, contemplating registers as a tool for professionalization, an aspect which
remains under-examined in current scholarship.
Based on current models and recommendations by researchers, a proposal
will be put forth which posits minimum characteristics of a national register
of LITs. Rather than an afterthought, the concept of the interpreter register merits scrutiny and careful elaboration precisely because of an ever-more
ubiquitous need for states and countries to implement measures which are
fair, transparent, cost-effective, which guarantee due process, and which provide users way to make a value judgment regarding the competence of the
interpreters they commission. By making interpreters’ qualifications transparent, registers can contribute directly to the public trust. In turn, low morale
and market disorder can be mitigated by approaching the register as a vehicle
for interpreter professionalization.
2. The Current State of Affairs in the EU and the US: National Registers
in Theory and in Practice
Among the flurry of initiatives, studies, policy analyses and work group final
reports which have been generated by various European Commission projects in anticipation of the transposition of Directive 2010/64/EU, interpreter
registers are often mentioned, seldom described, and almost never critically
examined. The need for searchable databases seems to be taken for granted,
but current research reflects few efforts to carefully analyze their utilization
and composition. There are notable exceptions, nonetheless. The following
section reviews the state of the art of the interpreter register, in practice and
as described by scholars and policy work groups. Subsequently, the extent to
which such registers exist currently in the European Union and the United
States is deliberated.
2.1 Recent Scholarly Explorations of National Registers
Beyond the confines of European Union work groups, scholarly treatments of
the topic of national registers of interpreters are scarce. The most comprehensive discussion on the subject of national interpreter registers comes from a
team of authors headed by Ann Corsellis, Vice President of the Chartered Institute of Linguists of the United Kingdom. Corsellis and her colleagues maintain that “A national register has obvious advantages for setting professional
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standards, making accredited PSI (public service interpreter) skills more easily
accessible and making available the widest possible range of language combinations countrywide” (Corsellis, Cambridge, Glegg & Robson 2007: 139)
and, indeed that is exactly what the UK’s National Register for Public Service
Interpreters (NRPSI) provides. As a well-constructed, monitored and comprehensive model to emulate, the NRPSI was established in 1994. Having separated from the Chartered Institute of Linguists in April of 2011, the NRPSI
today serves as an independent voluntary regulator, prescribing qualifications,
ensuring that standards for conduct are met, and investigating complaints3.
It boasts an office team of five full-time and two part-time employees and is
financed mainly through a combination of fees from interpreters and subscriptions from the public services (Corsellis, Cambridge, Glegg & Robson 2007:
142). The UK’s National Register has long recognized that a profession arises
where trust has to be engendered, and there is inherent value in having access
to interpreters who have had a prior objective assessment of their language
and professional skills and who are required to observe a code of conduct. The
NRPSI is free, accessible to the public, and fully searchable online.
On a more regional level in Italy, Mette Rudvin describes two strands of the
LEGAII (Legal interpreting in Italy: Training, Accreditation and the Implementation of a National Register) project at the University of Bologna. With the
overarching goal of creating constructive, collaborative relationships between
the university and local Bologna institutions, Rudvin suggests that the creation of a national register is crucial to the project’s success. Since in Italy there
is currently no system of certification or accreditation for court interpreters,
the LEGAII project is tasked with setting up a register, at least at the regional
level, that is in accordance with the EULITA project that is currently underway
to create standards across the EU for an interpreter database (Rudvin 2014:
78). While LIT stakeholders from the United States may not be familiar with
EULITA (the European Legal Interpreters and Translators Association)4 nor
3. http://www.nrpsi.org.uk/.
4. The TRAFUT (Training for the Future) final report describes the role of EULITA and the
national associations it represents in its memberships as “crucial in assisting Member
States during the implementation process (of Directive 2010/64/EU). The steps that
have been taken towards the provision of quality legal interpreting and translation in
the EU, an EU code of conduct guaranteeing cross-border integrity, best practice working arrangements with other legal professionals in multilingual criminal proceedings,
the setting up of national registers, etc., will affect not only the system operation of all
Member States in this area but even more importantly, trickle down to all EU citizens
who find themselves involved, be it as a witness, victim or defendant, in a criminal proceeding across languages” (n.d.: 10).
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with the various projects that the organization sponsors and reports on, it is
within these project work groups that nearly all systematic studies regarding
national registers are to be found. There appear to be no formal examinations
of the creation or administration of national registers within US scholarship
nor in other areas of the world beyond Europe. For this reason, an examination of the current state of affairs of national registers would be incomplete
without an overview of the EU projects which have acknowledged the role of
the register or proposed active solutions in preparation for the transposition of
Directive 2010/64/EU.
2.2 EU Projects and National Registers
On February 19th, 2003, the European Commission presented a Green Paper
on Procedural Rights in Criminal Proceedings for Suspects throughout the
EU. The Green Paper maintains that Member States must:
... have a system for training specialised interpreters and translators ending
with a recognised certificate; have a system for accreditation of such translators and interpreters; introduce regulations for registration which must not
be unlimited so as to encourage the persons involved to keep up their knowledge of the language and of legal procedure, if and when they wish to renew
their registration; set up a system of continuous professional development so
that legal interpreters and translators will be able to maintain their skills at
a proper level; draw up a code of conduct and guidelines for proper working
standards which must be equivalent throughout the EU or correspond as far
as possible; and provide training for judges, public prosecutors and lawyers
so that they will have a better insight into the role of the translator and the
interpreter, resulting in a more efficient mutual collaboration (Hertog & Van
Gucht 2008:15-16).
The resulting Status Quaestionis Questionnaire on the Provision of Legal
Interpreting and Translation in the EU published in 2006 was a follow-up
to previous projects, and its primary objective was to examine “the state of
affairs concerning one fundamental procedural right, i.e. the right to access
to justice across languages and culture or in other words, the right to a free
interpreter and the translation of all relevant documents in criminal proceedings” (Hertog & Van Gucht 2008: v). The EU-wide questionnaire compiled
composite country profiles of each Member State and weighed and ranked
countries on a number of essential performance indicators, the most relevant
to this article being those related to regulation of the profession. The report’s
authors argue that “National registers of equivalent standard and common
codes of conduct could allow mutual access, provided there were also equivalent similar professional frameworks for employment and good practice”
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(Hertog & Van Gucht 2008: 196). Foundational efforts such as the information-gathering Status Quaestionis and the Green Paper on Procedural Rights
were supported and disseminated by the aforementioned EULITA. Although
there are several European Commission-funded projects which focus on various ways to facilitate the successful transposition of Directive 2010/64/EU5,
those which have contributed most to an international dialog on national
registers are, indubitably, Aequitas and TRAFUT (Training for the Future).
The Aequitas (Access to Justice across Language and Culture in the EU)
study makes specific recommendations about the registration of LITs, citing
the National Register of Public Service Interpreters in the UK as an example.
The authors recommend making registration obligatory, “which means that
interpreters and translators who are not registered in the National Register
cannot work for the police and the legal services, and that the police and the
legal services are obliged to use only registered interpreters and translators”
(Grollmann, Martinsen, & Rasmussen 2001). Furthermore, the authors recommend utilizing national registers to cover several services at the same time
including hospitals, schools, and social welfare organizations, effectively creating an all-encompassing public service interpreter register similar to the UK
model. Authors Grollmann, Martinsen and Rasmussen also posit recommendations about what the register should contain, including areas of specialization and interpreter availability, and recommend differentiation, meaning that
interpreters at different stages of professional development would appear on
the register at different tiers or levels.
The TRAFUT (Training for the Future) project team was formed and
funded in order to “assist all relevant stakeholders such as ministry officials,
the various legal professions involved (judges/magistrates, prosecutors, lawyers and the police), as well as the associations and training institutes of legal
interpreters and translators during the process of implementation [...] of this
Directive (2010/64/EU)” (TRAFUT n.d.: 4). The project leaders held four
workshops throughout the EU during 2011 and 2012 in Ljubljana, Slovenia;
5. More information about the QUALITAS (Assessing Legal Interpreting Quality through
Testing and Certification) project can be found at http://www.qualitas-project.eu/custom-user/112 and QUALETRA (Quality in Legal Translation) at http://www.eulita.
eu/qualetra-0. The AVIDICUS 3 project (http://www.videoconference-interpreting.
net/?page_id=154) focuses on the use of videoconferencing in bilingual legal proceedings that involve an interpreter. The ImPLI project (Improving Police and Legal Interpreting) at http://www.eulita.eu/impli-improving-police-and-legal-interpreting) positively acknowledges the Directive’s inclusion of a need for registers and discusses them
briefly in terms of usefulness for recruitment purposes.
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Madrid, Spain; Helsinki, Finland; and Antwerp, Belgium6. The meetings featured experts from the EU Commission, the Directorate-General for Justice,
the Secretariat of the EU Council, the European Court of Justice, the European Court of Human Rights, the European Criminal Bar Association, the
Council of Bars and Law Societies in Europe, and the European Forum of
Sign Language Interpreters, in addition to judges, prosecutors, lawyers, police
officers, representatives of ministries of justice and of national professional
associations of legal interpreters and translators, academics and trainers.
Among other final recommendations, TRAFUT’s final report proposed a basic
outline of a national register of legal interpreters and translators based on
presentations which touched on the use, administration, development and
implementation of national registers (TRAFUT n.d.: 13-16). Indeed, these EU
contributions to the international dialog on the import of national LIT registers stand alone, serving as potential models for initiatives in the United
States and other parts of the world.
2.3 The Current Reality of National Registers in Europe and the United States
At present there is no nationwide, spoken-language roster of court and legal
interpreters in the United States. As a rather fractured set of systems, each
state has the authority to train, accredit and hire LITs based on whatever criteria they establish. An exploration of the court interpreting / language access
web site portal for each US state and territory reveals that out of 50 states
and the five territories of American Samoa, Guam, the US Virgin Islands,
Puerto Rico, and Washington DC, 28 states or territories (50.9%) have no
publicly searchable lists or databases of court interpreters. Of those that do,
11 have electronic searchable databases and 16 have lists in the form of pdf
files. The databases and lists contain a combination of domains such as name,
language, location, level of qualification, and availability (distance willing to
travel, willingness to work nights and weekends, etc.). All interpreter rosters
differentiate levels of competence in some way, usually from two to four levels, although the array of qualifying adjectives describing the various tiers is
dizzying7. There is no comprehensive database which marries the information
available on individual state courts’ web sites.
6. Links to the agenda of the four TRAFUT workshops and selected presentations can be
accessed at http://www.eulita.eu/training-future.
7. Interpreters are designated as certified, master, registered, and qualified, among many
other options.
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There is one initiative taking place at the national level in the United
States which is geared towards the construction of a national register of interpreters who can provide services remotely. The work group members consist of Language Access Advisory Committee (LAAC) members as well as
state court interpreter program managers who were selected for having robust
remote interpreting projects already existing in their states, or who had some
other related special interest or area of expertise. The group’s overarching
objectives are to improve access to more qualified interpreters and to explore
and develop the use of technology which will, theoretically, be more cost efficient in the long run. The template for the register was built from scratch
by the National Center for State Courts, but the work group’s intention is to
populate the national register with information from all states whose interpreters wish to be listed on it and who fit the criteria for inclusion (C. Capati,
personal communication, June 24, 2014). The register will be searchable by
language and will be differentiated by tiers based upon various existing levels within state programs8. At this time the domains contemplated for the
national register will be basic, and will include each interpreter’s name, state,
city of residence, language, tier (level of certification), phone number, email,
and availability for in-person, audio or video sessions. The registry will be
available to the managers of each state’s court interpreting program and possibly later on to vendors, although it is still not clear when the register will go
live, what systems will be in place to manage and update it, how many staff
members it will require, and whether or not the register will generate any revenue. The National Center for State Courts will maintain the registry.
Furthermore, the issue of requiring interpreters to abide by a code of ethics and potentially sanctioning them is an issue that is being worked on as
the team develops protocols for inclusion on the registry. Since there is currently no national code of ethics (states have individual codes), the question
of discipline is unclear and the issue of jurisdiction needs to be discussed
further. Similarly, if an interpreter does not comply with continuing education
requirements in states that require them, it is unclear what the consequences
8. Tier differentiation proved to be somewhat controversial, according to Capati (2014). A
few of the “sticky issues” identified include the fact that some states will not recognize
an interpreter’s test scores from another state if that person passed the test using a partial pass system. Some states also use a “master” level which includes those who passed
the FCICE (Federal Court Interpreter Certification Examination) or those who passed
the CLAC (state-level) oral test at 80% or higher on all sections. In some states, each
individual sight translation section must be passed at 70% while in others a minimum
of 65% is acceptable as long as the composite sight translation score is at least 70% (C.
Capati, personal communication, June 24, 2014).
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will be or how compliance will be monitored. As regards enforced usage of
interpreter selection based on highest level of accreditation, the work group
hopes that each state will start with the most qualified interpreter and work
their way down the roster based on availability, but a selection procedure is
not to be mandated at this time (C. Capati, personal communication, June
24, 2014).
The overall panorama of national registers is quite similar in the Member
States of the European Union, where there are currently national registers in
only a handful of countries including Slovenia, the Czech Republic, Finland,
Ireland, Luxemburg, Malta, Holland, Slovakia, Sweden, Spain, and the United
Kingdom (Blasco Mayor, Del Pozo Triviño, Giambruno, Martin, Ortega Arjonilla, Rodríguez Ortega & Valero Garcés 2013). It is notable that of the six
countries represented on the ImPLI work group (which focused more on
police interpreting and included Belgium/Flanders, the Czech Republic,
France, Germany, Italy, and Scotland/UK), three countries had national registers and three did not. Some did have local and /or regional registers, however
(ImPLI n.d.: 59-71).
The two European countries in which ample reflections upon national
registers and the state of LIT professionalization have been published are certainly the United Kingdom and Spain; the former, perhaps for having the most
elaborate, independent and longstanding national register, and the latter for
having such a robust tradition of training and research that few questions
related to the field go unexamined9. As an established tool which fulfills a
vital social and public function, Corsellis (2000) discusses how the NRPSI
has a role in enabling the public services to fulfil their responsibilities. The
UK Register goes beyond providing suitably qualified LITs to creating management structures which support access to services. In Spain, in contrast,
“the ‘register’ itself is a pdf document on a webpage, not a database, and there
is no management whatsoever” (Blasco Mayor 2013: 170). Furthermore, in
addition to being so out of date that cases of deceased translators and interpreters still being listed have been reported (2013: 188), Blasco Mayor identifies the current national Spanish register as being utterly ineffectual. Not
only does it not list interpreters in some of the languages most needed in
court and police settings as there are no LITs registered for those languages,
but additionally, the lack of regulation of the profession directly impacts the
9. Spain is the only European country boasting 22 universities that offer translation and
interpreting degrees (Blasco Mayor 2013: 166), and currently there are 19 active translation studies journals published there (Franco Aixelá 2012: 340).
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register’s engendering of public trust. Quality is simply unaccounted for. In
sum, “the Ministry cannot guarantee that services provided by the translators
it certifies are quality translations or interpreting since it performs no quality control over their work nor has any control over the number and type of
assignments they accept” (Blasco Mayor 2013: 170). Things are bound to
look up, however. One of the latest EU projects, LIT Search10, is a pilot project
aimed at exploring the modalities and practical features of national databases
which will eventually be linked. The project, coordinated at KU Leuven, will
include sign language interpreters and will eventually be housed on the e-justice portal, a site that is envisioned to function as a sort of one-stop shopping
place for all justice-related matters.
3. Raising Expectations: What can a National Register do for the
Profession?
Legal and court interpreting is still very much an emerging profession. Scholars who subscribe to Trait Theory place both signed and spoken language
interpreting in a state of market disorder (Tseng 1992; Mikkelson 2013; Hessmann, Salmi, Turner & Wurm 2011), described as “the current state of the
interpreting market that reflects significant instability related to minimum
standards for entry into the field and a lack of consistent and reliable professional control over the variables impacting the effective delivery of interpreting services” (Mikkelson 2013: 71). The focus of this study is to examine
those aspects of market disorder which can be mitigated and contravened
through the development of differentiated interpreter registers, advocating
for their construction and enforced utilization. In addition to aiding in the
evolution of interpreting as a profession, national registers can also contribute
to transparency and public trust.
3.1 Registers to Combat Market Disorder
The current state of public service and legal interpreting as a profession has
been explored by researchers analyzing the sociology of professionalization
through lenses such as Bourdieu’s concept of distinction (Monzó 2009). Others postulate the training of public service providers as part of the march
towards professionalization (Corsellis 2000; Salaets 2012). Two other major
theories discussed in articles about the professionalization of both spoken
10. See http://www.eulita.eu/lit-search-%E2%80%93-pilot-project-eu-database-legal-interpreters-and-translators.
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language and signed language interpreting include Trait Theory and Control
Theory, both of which place interpreting into the category of a professionalizing occupation (Tseng 1992; Witter-Merithew & Johnson 2004; Monzó
2005; Pym, Grin, Sfeddo & Chan 2012; Mikkelson 2013).
Not to be confused with the psychological theory related to the human
personality which bears the same name, Trait Theory takes the view that a
profession is an occupation with certain characteristics (Winter 1988: 21)
and, depending on the nature of said characteristics, an occupation is said to
be further along (or not) in the professionalization process. Control Theory
examines professional power, such as the extent to which an occupation exercises control over the determination of the substance of its work while also
taking into account the extent to which specific occupations have progressed
in their struggles for professional status (Tseng 1992: 19-20). Trait Theory
overlaps with Control Theory in the insistence that a consolidated profession
defines expertise on its own, without having content of knowledge imposed
upon it by other professions. Scholars such as those previously mentioned
tend to find common ground when identifying the “traits” or “signals” that a
bona fide profession encapsulates. These include characteristics such as specialized knowledge, fraternity, self-regulation (Monzó 2005), formal study, a
recognized degree of expertise, and licensure or accreditation. Others include
elements such as initial and in-service training, recognized assessment at all
levels, guidelines to good practice, and disciplinary procedures (Corsellis
2011).
Unfortunately, court and legal interpreting continues to be largely unregulated both in Europe and in the United States. Interpreters as well as litigants
are unprotected, and in discussions surrounding professionalization, there is
no small amount of anecdotal and scholarly discussion of the problems that
continue to beset public service interpreting. Such deficiencies include low
wages11, low social prestige, misunderstanding by society, and very limited
authority or power over the working conditions and standards that are established, severely limiting the collective authority of the field (see Bell 2000;
Helmerichs 2004; Witter-Merithew & Johnson 2004; Monzó 2005 & 2009;
Hessmann, Salmi, Turner & Wurm 2011; Blasco Mayor 2013; Rudvin 2014).
11. The ImPLI final report finds that “… there is a notorious lack of funds (for police
interpreting), which means that in most cases the only selection criterion is price. As a
result, poor remuneration often means poor quality since qualified interpreters do not
accept police interpreting assignments under such conditions. Poor quality of unqualified interpreters is also one of the reasons for the mistrust among the police as far as
working with interpreters is concerned” (n.d.: 17).
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When credential requirements for employment vary, when there exists a lack
of consensus between the profession and the market place as to the common
attributes of an entry-level practitioner, or when there is insufficient consumer and public appreciation assigned to the complex work of interpreting,
market disorder ensues, both for signed language and spoken language interpreting (Witter-Merithew & Johnson 2004; Mikkelson 2013).
Market disorder, also referred to as market disorientation, is described by
Joseph Tseng as follows:
Practitioners in the market cannot keep outsiders from entering practice.
They themselves may have started practice as outsiders or quacks. Recipients
of the service either have very little understanding of what practitioners do
or very little confidence in the services they receive. It is very likely that the
public simply does not care about the quality of the services. Hence, distrust
and misunderstanding permeate the market. What matters more to clients, in
the absence of quality control, is usually price. Whoever demands the lowest
fees gets the job. Therefore, advertising and price-cutting are commonplace
in the market. The rights of the clients are normally not protected, and malpractice as a result frequently occurs. When the clients need services, they
simply call upon anyone who is around and asking a reasonable fee. Clients
who demand quality services are usually troubled by the fact that they do not
know where to get qualified practitioners for services (Tseng 1992: 44-45).
As a response to market disorder, “employers tend to trust professional experience or their own recruitment tests rather than academic qualifications or
membership of an association” (Pym, Grin, Sfeddo & Chan 2012), and potential clients and users of interpreter services often mistrust practitioners in this
phase of professionalization. A well-constructed and faithfully utilized register, however, can lend transparency to interpreters’ skills, aid in the profession’s resistance to outsourcing and abusive language service provider (LSP)
practices, fight against interpreter invisibility, postulate a roadmap to career
progression for interpreters, and provide indispensable access to LITs who
work in languages of lesser diffusion. Through transparency and accountability, furthermore, the EU Directive’s need to engender public trust is more
likely to be satisfied.
3.2 National Registers and Public Trust
The concept of mutual trust in other Member States’ criminal justice systems
is one of the very foundations of EU Directive 2010/64/EU. Article 2 insists
that the “Interpretation provided under this Article shall be of a quality sufficient to safeguard the fairness of the proceedings, in particular by ensuring
that suspected or accused persons have knowledge of the case against them
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Wallace, Melissa
and are able to exercise their right of defence” (Directive 2010: 5). To have
any hope of being able to expect a minimum standard of adequate performance, the profession requires mechanisms by which a client can judge for
him/herself the degree of quality of the services rendered at the point of delivery. Without some kind of regulation, “[…] the public loses its undoubted
right to be protected from charlatans and crooks, to be guaranteed a product
which is not substandard and to have recourse to an authority which can provide compensation if it is” (Bell 2000: 148).
Rudvin (2014) identifies the lack of transparency in interpreters’ skills
and competences as one of the major flaws in the current interpreter recruitment system in Italy, an argument which speaks directly to issues of quality.
The ImPLI final report on police and legal interpreting in the EU makes the
case that the lack of centralized registers has a direct effect on the lack of
quality control. As the report laments the lack of centralized registers and
quality assessment bodies, it proclaims that “National quality control systems
do not exist. Local initiatives do exist but are too fragmentary at the present
time. There is no system in place to verify the accuracy of interpretation and
translation. In some countries (for example France, Belgium), there are not
centralised registers of legal interpreters from which criminal justice authorities can select interpreters” (ImPLI n.d.: 39).
Moreover, registers can reflect understanding of and adherence to codes of
ethics and standards of practice. The regulation of practice provided through
the codes of conduct allows for its members to commit to disciplinary procedures where breaches of the code are alleged and, when necessary, appropriate
action can be taken (Corsellis 2004: 126). While the existence of a code of
ethics does not oblige people to abide by it, interpreter breaches have repercussions on the profession as a whole, diminishing the public trust that is so
crucial (Hale 2007: 105). In terms of public trust, a freely available national
register characterized by transparency can be a powerful tool. In the absence
of such transparency, “[un] registro de operadores que no garantice la calidad necesaria no contribuye a la confianza mutua ni a la seguridad jurídica
deseadas” (Blasco Mayor, del Pozo Triviño, Giambruno, Martin, Ortega Arjonilla, Rodríguez Ortega & Valero Garcés 2013: 4).
3.3 Beyond Professionalization and Public Trust: Other Important Uses of the
National Register
This article has focused on national registers of LITs as a weapon against
market disorder and as an aid to transparency and building the public trust.
However, national registers have additional professionalizing capabilities. If
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their usage is enforced and relied on by users across court and criminal justice systems, national registers can aid in the resistance against outsourcing of
interpreting work to agencies, as currently happens in several EU countries
and several US states, putting LITs in harm’s way of abusive practices at the
hands of unethical language service providers.
Blasco Mayor (2013: 170) explains Spain’s dubious honor of having been
the first European country to outsource court interpreting services in 2003,
a state of affairs which she believes has led to the current situation in which
chaos and absence of professionalism reign. There is no quality control, no
training or certification required, and fees paid by the service providers are
akin to those of an unskilled worker12. Unfortunately, the United Kingdom
followed Spain’s controversial lead in early 2012 (Ortega Herráez, Giambruno
& Hertog 2013), privatizing court interpreting services to disastrous effect
as “Rates for interpreters were slashed to barely subsistence levels overnight,
leading to the vast majority of interpreters choosing to boycott the new contract rather than accept … pitiful pay and conditions13.” Having recourse to a
vendor-neutral recruitment source, especially for interpreters of LLDs, could
provide a viable alternative to outsourcing, the effects of which were so devastating for LITs in the United Kingdom that the nation’s contract with a private
language services provider
…ha sido objeto de una investigación en el seno del Parlamento británico a
cargo de la Comisión Parlamentaria de Justicia [… y…] a causa de este mal
paso, el anterior Ministro de Justicia británico tuvo que dimitir, y la actual
Ministra no tiene el apoyo ni siquiera de su propio grupo parlamentario con
respecto al actual modelo de provisión de traductores e intérpretes judiciales
en su país (Blasco Mayor, del Pozo Triviño, Giambruno, Martin, Ortega Arjonilla, Rodríguez Ortega & Valero Garcés 2013: 5).
Conversely, national registers can act as a ladder of opportunity for career progression, setting out a roadmap of professional upward mobility for interpreters in terms of credentialing and training. What Corsellis, Cambridge, Glegg
& Robson (2007) describe as “levels of membership”, and what is referred to
often in the United States as differentiation or tiers, “…provides a professional
12. “In Spain the administration pays up to 60 EUR per interpreting hour to outsourced
agencies, who in turn pay the interpreter between 8 and 12 EUR per hour. Pay is a
major concern of the interpreters and low pay is a major disincentive” (Blasco Mayor
2013: 175). The Canary Islands Model discussed in the same article, however, shows a
marked contrast with the rest of the country. With no agency to intervene, court interpreters were earning 44 euro per hour in 2008 (Blasco Mayor 2013: 172).
13. See http://www.opendemocracy.net/ourkingdom/joel-sharples/realities-of-outsourcingcourt-interpreters-mean-miscarriages-of-justice.
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structure through which linguists can develop their skills and earn professional status and recognition” (Corsellis, Cambridge, Glegg & Robson 2007:
142). A publicly visible, oft-utilized and well-monitored path to higher status
and recognition helps morale in addition to giving more objective information to the public, another way in which national registers can combat market
disorder14.”
In a similar vein, then, it stands to reason that a national register functions
also to undermine the traditional invisibility under which LITs have labored.
At a time in which governments and society at large still cannot even tell the
difference between a translator and an interpreter, even in a country such
as Spain which boasts 22 universities that offer translation and interpreting
degrees (Blasco Mayor 2013: 66), increased visibility contributes to the professionalization of LITs as well as functioning as a recruiting tool, especially
for interpreters of languages of lesser diffusion.
4. A Proposal: Rethinking National Registers
Based on the models and findings discussed, a proposal can be made which
pulls together the best attributes of a national register at the service of interpreter professionalization and public trust15. Active work groups exploring
issues of the building of national registers would do well to consider the following positive attributes of a forward-looking register.
First and foremost, rosters should be differentiated, distinguishing
between para-professional and professional practitioner competence. Not
only should more advanced skills garner higher levels of compensation16, but
“… the important thing is that the exact level of qualification and experience
of each interpreter and translator appears clearly from the Register in order to
ensure that the clients get the interpreter or translator who best matches their
needs” (Grollmann, Martinsen, & Rasmussen 2001). They should contain,
at the very least, the criteria suggested by Corsellis (2004: 125): interpreter
14. As an example, the national register in Norway acknowledges that one of its functions
is to “encourage interpreters to document and improve their skills and competencies.”
See http://www.eulita.eu/ljubljana-workshop.
15. The Comisión de la Conferencia de Centros y Departamentos Universitarios de Traducción
e Interpretación (CCDUTI) makes explicit recommendations for an improved national
register for Spain in Blasco Mayor et al. 2013.
16. While the decision to regulate minimum fees may be controversial or unwelcome in
some countries, the TRAFUT final report recommends that countries enact legislation on LIT fees both for criminal and civil law proceedings (TRAFUT n.d.: 16). The
CCDUTI group fully agrees (Blasco Mayor, del Pozo Triviño, Giambruno, Martin,
Ortega Arjonilla, Rodríguez Ortega & Valero Garcés 2013).
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qualifications, training undertaken leading to the examination, experience,
security vetting, references as to character and suitability, and the practitioner’s pledge to adhere to a code of conduct and to abide by disciplinary procedures in the case of a dispute. National registers should be fully searchable by
any domain, and should include areas of expertise that may cross over into
areas of other public services such as healthcare interpreting (and its related
specialties), social services, and educational settings. At some point an online
booking system might be considered.
Furthermore, in data collection as in data provision, consistency has its
virtues and constitutes “one of the essential planks of good planning and
organisation” (Corsellis 2004: 123). Harmonizing the domains across state
and national lines in the interest of standards and consistency can only benefit
the profession. The United States, especially, should seek to build a national
register based on the “common platform” concept (Pym, Grin, Sfeddo &
Chan: 2012). Especially in the realm of interpreter credentialing/certification,
harmonization acts as a guarantee of an interpreter’s professional training and
adhesion to a professional code of ethics. In an effort to learn from each state
or country’s best practices, creating equivalency could bring essential uniformity17. In other words, the practical benefits and judicial security inherent
to reciprocity would equally benefit the United States as well as the Member
States of the European Union.
The characteristic of national registers which would have the most profound effect on combatting market disorder and fomenting the public trust
is the enforcement and requirement of its use: in other words, making the
register a required first stop, with rules of law or statutes that require that the
most qualified interpreter with the areas of expertise and the language combinations needed are contacted first. Even with good intentions and good will,
non-compliance with state and federal laws requiring free language access
in the courts still seems to be common fare in the United States (Schweda
Nicholson 2004: 49). Until robust laws governing the use of national registers
as tools to find the most appropriate and most highly skilled interpreter available are put into place, the use of uncertified and unqualified interpreters is
likely to continue. In a similar vein, the TRAFUT final report, in its basic outline of a national register of LITs, recommends that countries enact legislation
“in order to achieve uniform standards for the admission to registers and the
17. One caveat might be the irregularity in access to and quality of court interpreter training in the 50 US states. Nonetheless, it should be noted that there are currently no
minimum training or educational requirements for attempting to earn certification as
a court interpreter.
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administration of registers” (TRAFUT n.d.: 13). In more concrete terms, the
report recommends that legislation be applied to specific aspects of a national
register including admission to the register, contexts in which the interpreter
can practice, and day-to-day management of the register (TRAFUT n.d.: 14).
Aequitas authors Grollmann, Martinsen and Rasmussen argue that
[i]t should be made obligatory for the police and the other legal services
to use only interpreters and translators from the Register, except in those
circumstances in which an interpreter or translator is needed in languages
or situations for which there is demonstrably no qualified interpreter or
translator available. In these circumstances, interpreters or translators may
be selected from whatever source available but with as many guarantees as
possible built in (Grollmann, Martinsen & Rasmussen 2001).
Moreover, an enforceable roster lends a backbone to the codes of ethics
by imbibing it with a mechanism for monitoring practitioner compliance,
including an accessible grievance procedure (Witter-Merithew & Johnson
2004: 14; Blasco Mayor, del Pozo Triviño, Giambruno, Martin, Ortega Arjonilla, Rodríguez Ortega & Valero Garcés 2013: 4).
5. Conclusions
Although the LIT Search work group findings are not yet available and the
national register of remote interpreters in the United States is not yet completed, policy-level mentions of national registers figure rather prominently
among recommendations made by a variety of researchers. The US can and
should use this work to inform its own beginning forays into building a
national register, and the same wisdom could also be of service to healthcare
interpreters as well as other types of community/public service interpreters.
As LITs move away from an unregulated industry to a regulated profession, a national register can acknowledge the importance of and lead to
compliance with a series of minimum standards to which all practitioners
must adhere, including mandatory training (before legitimately offering the
service), official recognition of academic qualifications in translation or interpreting, and documented areas of competence. The question remains: can a
national register realistically regulate a profession to this extent?
Corsellis reminds us of the vital role that national registers play in the
regulation of the profession when she states that:
Part of the role of a regulated profession is to have an appropriate measure
of overall national ownership and control of their profession, while collaborating with government and other relevant bodies in the process. There is a
need to know, at a basic level, how many qualified practitioners exist, in what
language combinations and where, against how many are needed, now and in
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the future. In addition, there is a need to know, disseminate and monitor the
types of skills and good practice protocols required, and to keep them up to
date. The basic data is needed to inform who and how many are brought into
the profession; how they are trained, assessed and accredited; what support
systems they need (Corsellis 2011: 151).
As the title of this volume suggests, it is, indeed, a turning point for legal
interpreting: a time in which practitioners must make a stand for themselves.
If they do not, especially by insisting on the creation and use of a register
which makes their objective competences transparent, their working conditions, standards and practices are likely to continue to be decided by others.
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WALLACE, Melissa. (Forthcoming: March 2015) “A Further Call to Action: Prioritizing Quality in Court Interpreting through Research-Driven Recommendations which Link Training and Policy.” In: Monzó Nebot, Esther & L. Cheng
(eds.) 2015. Special issue of The Interpreter and Translator Trainer 9:1.
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BIONOTE / NOTA BIOGRÁFICA
Melissa Wallace received her Ph.D. in translation and interpreting studies
from the Universidad de Alicante, Spain. A certified court interpreter and
certified healthcare interpreter, Wallace served two terms as an appointed
member of the state Supreme Court Committee to Improve Translation and
Interpreting in Wisconsin Courts. She is an active appointed member of the
Standards and Training Committee of the National Council on Interpreting in
Health Care, a member of the Executive Council of the American Translation
and Interpreting Studies Association, and the Chair of the Advisory Council
of Voice of Love, a U.S.-based nonprofit that develops training and resources
to support interpreting for survivors of torture, war trauma and sexual violence. Her research focuses on indicators of aptitude on court interpreter certification exams, interpreter and translator training, and policy innovations
as language access activism. Currently Wallace is an Assistant Professor of TI
Studies at the University of Texas at San Antonio where she directs the graduate certificate program in translation studies.
Melissa Wallace obtuvo su doctorado en estudios de traducción e interpretación en la Universidad de Alicante, España. Actualmente es profesora de
estudios de traducción e interpretación en la Universidad de Texas en San
Antonio, donde dirige el programa de posgrado en estudios de traducción. Es
intérprete judicial certificada desde el año 2005 por el estado de Wisconsin,
donde ha sido miembro del Comité de la Corte Suprema para mejorar la traducción e interpretación en los tribunales estatales. Es miembro del Comité
sobre Normas y Capacitación (Standards and Training Committee) del National
Council on Interpreting in Health Care), y también codirige el grupo de trabajo
dedicado a la producción de webinarios para capacitadores. Wallace ha sido
recientemente invitada a participar en el Consejo Asesor de The Voice of Love,
organización estadounidense sin ánimo de lucro que desarrolla programas
MonTI 7 (2015: 115-140). ISSN 1889-4178
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Wallace, Melissa
y recursos para apoyar la interpretación para los supervivientes de tortura,
trauma de guerra y violencia sexual. Sus investigaciones y publicaciones se
centran en los indicadores de aptitud en los exámenes de certificación para
los intérpretes jurídicos y en la política lingüística como forma de activismo
para eliminar barreras.
MonTI 7 (2015: 115-140). ISSN 1889-4178