1 Theorizing Black Femininity Lauren Fannin Georgia State University 2 In recent years, Masculinity Studies has emerged as a subject of immense interest within the academy. This field of study concerns manhood, masculinity, and the ways in which men and women are affected by patriarchy (Traister, 2000). Masculinity studies often incorporates the idea of hegemonic masculinity, or a dominant frame of manhood that is performed by some men in service of the subordination of women (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005). Hegemonic masculinity studies concerns the specific type of masculinity that is valued and idealized by men, even those who are unable to perform it. It is primarily about power and the subordination of both women and men who perform other masculinities. As an offshoot of masculinity studies, African American scholars have begun to discuss black masculinity, the ways in which black men are constrained by race and class, and the ways they attempt to overcome these constraints via various forms of expression (Majors, 2001, p. 211). Although many scholars have discussed femininity within the context of hegemonic masculinity, they have not theorized or discussed femininity on its own merits. Connell puts forth one of the major critiques of the idea of hegemonic femininity, arguing that women are unable to subordinate men (as cited in Pyke & Johnson, 2003). While it is true that women cannot oppress men on any large scale, women can certainly subordinate other women. Pyke and Johnson (2003) consider middle-class white femininity to be hegemonic for Asian American women. They argue that the controlling image of Asian women as hyperfeminine, submissive, docile, and weak helps to reify white femininity as the superior form of womanhood, while also masking diversity among Asian women. In other words, middle-class white femininity is valued and idealized above all other femininities, which then serves to privilege middle-class white women over all other women. Using this standard, I argue that middle-class white femininity is hegemonic for black women as well. 3 One of the limitations to this idea is that many white women have pushed back against the white feminine ideal. Another limitation is the lack of tangible benefits. Hegemonic masculinity keeps men in power in a very tangible way; the subordination of women is institutionalized and perpetuated in places of employment, for example. We may not necessarily be able to see or quantify the privileges that accrue to white women via hegemonic femininity because white women, like all women, are oppressed by men. However, I believe white middle class femininity is powerful enough to subordinate black femininities and therefore, I consider it hegemonic. For this paper, I utilized books and journal articles from a variety of disciplines in order to contextualize masculinity and femininity. I then argue that black femininity should be theorized in order to understand the way gender and femininity are performed among black women under the constraints of hegemonic white femininity, and the ways black women attempt to overcome those constraints, if at all. Gender In order to understand the performance of femininity among black women in America, we must first understand gender performance within a historical American context. By the early 1800s, Manifest Destiny dictated that European men had the divine right to take possession of land as far as their eye could see, and they did so by force (Pratt, 1927). While they fought outside the home, they believed their wives had very specific duties within the home. Women were to cook, clean, read the Bible, pray, and train their children in the ways of the Lord. This type of gender performance became known as the cult of true womanhood (Welter, 1966). 4 This type of femininity was inextricably linked to masculinity. In the book The Curious Feminist: Searching for Women in a New Age of Empire, Enloe argues that female acquiescence and the concept of femininity are essential to the survival of the system of patriarchy (2004). One way men convince women to accept their subordinate positions is by making them feel they are cared for, provided for, and protected (2004). The cult of true womanhood was able to achieve this goal, as white women initially accepted their positions in the domestic sphere and white men subsequently benefitted from their superior positions. Through their actions, middle-class white women performed a very specific type of femininity that serviced white male masculinity. Black Masculinity and Femininity We can contrast the idea of true womanhood that was performed among land-owning white women to gender performed among enslaved African women. They were brought to America as slaves and were forced to perform backbreaking labor under the constant threat of violence. Unlike the aforementioned white women, enslaved black women did “masculine” work right alongside their husbands and male partners (Smith, 1985). From sunup to sundown, they worked the land. Once the outside work was done, African women then performed more traditionally feminine roles within the slave quarters. These tasks included cooking, cleaning, and child-rearing (Davis, 171). These performances of gender were extremely limited by the bounds of slavery. The dynamic between black men and women was very different from the dynamic between white men and women. Like black women, black men were unable to perform gender in the same ways white men were due to the limitations of enslavement. They were considered the heads of their households to a small degree, but they were essentially powerless because the 5 master was the ultimate authority over the black slave family. Additionally, black men could not be providers because the master provided what little food and shelter was necessary for survival (Davis, 1971, p. 88). Unlike white women, black women were not afforded protection by their husbands and partners; they were often subjected to sexual violence at the hands of white masters (Bell, 2004). As such, black masculinity and femininity existed in a very constrained environment and neither gender was able to fully participate in the prescribed systems of patriarchy and ideal womanhood (Davis, 1971). In an ironic twist, domestic work within the slave quarters may have actually been liberating for black women. Slave masters disregarded gender when assigning daily tasks to their slaves, but black women fully embraced stereotypically feminine tasks within their own homes. Black men also performed a more traditionally masculine role via tasks like repairs, hunting, and woodworking. In fact, the more autonomy an enslaved family had within their quarters, the more traditional their gender roles became (Jones, 1982). This division of labor may have been the closest black men and women were able to get to the masculine and feminine ideals. In addition to the differences in gendered work between white women and African women, we can also contrast their physical attributes. White women had white skin, thin facial features, and long straight hair. Black women had dark skin, broader features, and kinky hair. Due to the nature of enslavement, black women were unable to properly groom their hair, which often led to them wearing head wraps and hiding their undone hair (Byrd & Tharps, 2002, p. 16). This may have left them with a sense of shame and inferiority. As white supremacy became widespread and institutionalized, African physical features were widely denigrated and European physical features were praised. By extension, white 6 women were praised as the ideal of female or feminine beauty. Black women often internalized these standards of beauty and would eventually embrace the practice of straightening their hair in order to get closer to the ideal (Byrd & Tharps, 2002, pp. 16-17). Resistance White women began to resist the cult of true womanhood in the 1960s. One such expression of resistance was the groundbreaking book The Feminine Mystique by Betty Friedan. Friedan called into question the feminine ideal and challenged the notion that white suburban housewives were truly fulfilled through their dedication to their homes and families. Mystique gained popularity among middle-class white women, but it was not particularly impactful for black women. For black women, domestic work did not necessarily represent oppression. In fact, by the 1960s, many black women were employed as domestic workers in the homes of middle-class white women (Harley, 1990). Once again, black women were unable to devote themselves entirely to their families because they had to work outside of their own homes. The push for women to leave the home to go to work did not apply to them because they were working, and had been for at least a century. Modern Black Femininity What is black femininity? How is it performed? By whom is it performed? Whom does it benefit? In order to answer these questions, it is first necessary to examine the controlling images for black women, which represent the limitations under which black women perform femininity. 7 Patricia Hill Collins popularized the concept of controlling images, or imagery and symbols through which the dominant group exercises power over the subordinate group (2000, p. 69). In this case, the subordinate group is black women and the symbols are stereotypes. The first stereotype is the Mammy, whose imagery is that of a fat, smiling, happy black woman. Mammy typically wore a scarf on her head and carried a bowl full of something she was preparing for the white family for whom she worked (West, 1995, p. 459). The characterization of Mammy was created during slavery and served a particular purpose. Mammy made white people comfortable. She was docile and asexual and therefore “safe” in the eyes of the mistress of the house (Abdullah, 1998). She was also happy with her position in life; whites could point to the Mammy character to show that slavery was not all bad. Mammy was also tirelessly devoted to the master’s family and gave little to no thought to her own family. Mammy was essentially a workhorse. Oprah Winfrey has often been named as a modern-day Mammy (Haag, 1993). Her television talk show was wildly successful, and her main audience was suburban white women. The focal point of her shows was often solving middle-class white women’s problems. Another type of Mammy is the “black best friend” on television and in movies (Turner, 2012). The black best friend is a character who exists solely as a sounding board for the main character (a white woman). The black best friend is never a fleshed-out character; rather, she has little backstory and no friends or family of her own. In this context, black femininity, as expressed by the Mammy, is in service of white femininity and therefore is subordinate. A second controlling image is the Jezebel. Unlike asexual Mammy, Jezebel is hypersexual, seductive, and vulgar. She exists to entice men into sexual activities, and she cannot 8 be raped because Jezebel always wants sex. This characterization was projected onto black women throughout history and was particularly useful during slavery and Jim Crow, when black women were raped with impunity (Thomas, Whitherspoon, & Speight, 2004). Modern-day Jezebels can be seen in any hip-hop video. They are curvaceous, scantily clad, and often gyrating suggestively. Most recently, black women could be seen “twerking”, or shaking and jiggling their buttocks to a musical beat, in homemade videos all over YouTube. Although twerking is not new (rap songs mentioned Twerking as far back as the mid1990s), it did not become mainstream until a white woman, Miley Cyrus, attempted to do it on national television. For Jezebels, twerking is simply an extension of who they already are (hypersexed, seductive), and Miley was certainly widely criticized for being hypersexual. However, she was also defended and praised by some in the media for her self-expression and sexually liberated attitude (Fry, 2013; Hawking, 2013; Weiss, 2013). Twerking for her represented a daring departure from her “good girl” image, which, unlike black women, she had the luxury of casting off. Miley’s cheerleaders did not think it was important to critique her cultural appropriation. Instead, they applauded her new expression of femininity. The Jezebel stereotype does not apply to white women like Miley, even when they are doing the same dances black women do, because white femininity is, by default, innocent and pure. When Miley “twerks”, her actions do not reflect on all white women. The Black Matriarch is a third controlling image that affects black women. She controls and dominates her family and is a terrible mother to her children. She emasculates her husband at every turn (if she has one) and refuses to allow him to express his own masculinity (Collins, 2000). The Black Matriarch is the total opposite of the white mother of the cult of true womanhood, who is loving and kind to her children, and submissive to her husband. The Black 9 Matriarch has been blamed for many of the ills in the black community. Most notably, Daniel Patrick Moynihan blamed black mothers for the destruction of the black family. According to Moynihan, black women were emasculating and would not allow their husbands to take their proper places as the heads of their households (1965). This idea was disseminated nationally via the Moynihan Report, firmly embedding the image of the Black Matriarch in our national consciousness. The Welfare Queen/Mother is a creation of former President Ronald Reagan, who invoked the image of the black single mother with multiple children who lives large on the backs of taxpayers by using government assistance. This particular stereotype has a class component, as welfare queens/mothers are economically disadvantaged. These women are seen as burdens and their children are seen as future drains on society (Stephens & Phillips, 2003). The ideal white mother, on the other hand, is financially supported by her husband instead of the government and her children will grow up to be productive members of society. The black welfare queen/mother obscures reality; the biggest recipients of government assistance are white families. The Sapphire is essentially the Angry Black Woman. She is aggressive, combative, and loud (West, 1995). Sapphire emerged in the mid-1900s and is probably the least stereotypically feminine of all of the controlling images. We can see modern-day Sapphires on reality television shows such as Basketball Wives and The Real Housewives of Atlanta, where black women can be seen screaming, fighting, and not “acting like ladies.” Sapphire is everything the idealized feminine white woman is not; the latter is soft-spoken, passive/docile, agreeable, and “ladylike.” 10 The Strong Black Woman is a staple in the black community. She does not need help from anyone because she can do it all on her own. She learned to be self-sufficient through years of socialization from other strong black women, possibly her mother or grandmother, who taught her that she cannot rely on any man to protect or provide for her. The strong black woman does not feel pain and she does not get tired. She is essentially the mule of society, working tirelessly for herself and for everyone else (West, 1995). This superhuman strength is a myth, as black women deal with stress and mental health issues just like women of other races (BeauboeufLafontant, 2007; Harris-Lacewell, 2001). Finally, the Black Lady is a recent addition to the list of controlling images. She is upwardly mobile, educated, feminine, and successful in her career. Unfortunately, the Black Lady is unsuccessful in her personal life because her success is seen as competition for men. Since the idealized woman has a husband/partner who protects her and provides for her, the Black Lady is also inferior in spite of her class, educational, and professional status (Collins, 2000). The Black Lady is highly visible in the media. In 2010, the television network ABC aired a special entitled “Why Can’t Successful Black Women Find a Man?” during which Black Ladies were displayed and discussed in front of a national audience (Johnson, 2010). Although marriage rates have been falling across races, the situation is apparently dire for black women and Black Ladies are the face of the pathological inability of black women to find men who will marry them. Controlling images are problematic because they provide very narrow parameters within which black women can perform gender. My overarching critique of controlling images is that most of them enforce the idea that there is an incorrect way of being. There is nothing inherently wrong with women having and enjoying sex. There is also nothing fundamentally wrong with 11 being either weak or strong, or expressing displeasure, anger, or aggression when it is warranted. There is certainly nothing wrong with pursuing an education and a successful career. Lastly, there is nothing wrong with a woman utilizing government assistance when she needs it. Yet the notion that these behaviors are wrong is firmly embedded within each controlling image. Another critique of these stereotypes is that they were created from a very particular standpoint. There cannot exist a wrong way of being without an equally established right way of being. The right way, in this case, is represented by the white feminine ideal. In other words, it does not truly matter whether black women reinforce or defy stereotypes because the only established correct way of being is white. What, then, is the point of defying stereotypes of black women if expressions of black womanhood are consistently denigrated and will always be subordinated by hegemonic femininity? The controlling images for black women all have one trait in common; each image is undesirable to men. Since femininity exists to service hegemonic masculinity, it is necessary for women to perform femininity in ways that attract men and keep them happy and in control. Because masculinity and femininity are inextricably linked, black women and black femininity will always be at the mercy of black masculinity. Middle Class Black Women One group of black women who have historically embraced and openly aspired to the white feminine ideal is middle-class black women. The Black Women’s Club Movement, which emerged in the late 19th century, consisted of educated, financially stable black women who were concerned about injustices in the black community. These women worked tirelessly on 12 philanthropic efforts such as building daycare centers, senior citizen housing, kindergartens, and orphanages (Shaw, 1991). In addition to their charity work, these women also projected a very specific type of femininity. The ladies were concerned with the proper maintenance of the home, care of the children, modesty, temperance, gardening, and sewing (Lerner, 1974). In much the same way hegemonic femininity is only accessible to a particular class of white women, the femininity performed within the Black Women’s Club Movement was only accessible to black women who had the financial provision and leisure time to concern themselves with such pursuits. The majority of black women would not have been accepted into the clubs. Shirley Carlson labelled this type of black woman the “Black Victoria.” She argues that this type of womanhood was the African American female ideal. The Black Victoria was socially entrenched in the community, attending lunches and teas. The Black Victoria was also active within her church. She believed strongly in taking care of both her home and her appearance (Carlson, 1992, pp. 61-62). This performance of femininity shares many characteristic with hegemonic femininity. However, the Black Victoria was politically active, well educated, racially conscious, and willing and able to speak out against injustices against her race (1992, p. 62). These traits were highly valued within the black community, and black women were socialized to embody them. Much like hegemonic femininity, the femininity performed by the Black Victoria serviced black masculinity. Middle-class black men were very vocal about a woman’s place and they circulated in their communities via church sermons, newspaper articles, and bylaws of black 13 groups (Horton, 1986, p. 55). According to these men, husbands were providers and leaders and wives were nurturers (1986, pp. 55-56). It is clear that hegemonic masculinity and femininity were embraced, to an extent, by middle-class black men and women and may have been successful within the black community. However, these performances were exclusive and would have subordinated alternative masculinities and femininities. For example, how likely would it have been for a black man who could not find work (a common position both historically and today) to provide for his family? Would it have been feasible for a black female domestic worker who worked all day to be overly concerned with her appearance? Additionally, black masculinity and femininity would have still been restricted outside of the community where hegemonic masculinity and femininity were embodied by white men and women. Theorizing How do we begin to theorize black femininity? We know that hegemonic masculinity is entrenched in American culture, beginning during the days of the early settler period and continuing through today. We also know that the cult of true womanhood serviced hegemonic masculinity and, in spite of the strides made by feminists, still exists in some form. I argued that the middle-class white femininity is hegemonic for black women. I also discussed stereotypes/controlling images of black women and black feminine expression. Finally, I discussed black femininity in the context of black masculinity. We know that black masculinity is performed as a way to overcome race and class constraints placed on black men within the larger society, but we do not know how and why black women perform femininities. 14 The primary goal of a black femininity theory should be to understand how and why black women perform gender within the constraints of race and class. Black femininity theorists should attempt to answer the following questions: How black women process feminine ideals? Do black women accept the ideal as true, or do they attempt to subvert it? What does that subversion look like? Do black women want a proverbial seat at the table with white women, or do they want their own table? Do black women reproduce hegemonic femininity when they are in their own groups, outside of the white gaze? Do ideally feminine black women subordinate other femininities? What types of femininities do black queer and trans women perform? How does class affect the performance of femininity? How do black men reinforce hegemonic femininity with their black female partners? Is feminine performance related to competition for black men? How does religion affect perceptions of femininity among black women? My recommendations for future research are as follows: Theorists should conduct indepth interviews with black women from diverse economic and educational backgrounds. Additionally, the study should include both married and unmarried, queer, and trans black women. The researches should ask questions regarding both perceptions and performance of gender within relationships and within the context of everyday life. Grounded theory methods should be used to analyze the data, as I believe these are the most appropriate methods for this type of work (LaRossa, 2005). Several stages of analysis should be employed in order to develop a theory, which should then be used to analyze future qualitative data. In conclusion, masculinity studies, black masculinity, hegemonic masculinity, and the cult of true womanhood/feminine ideal have been studied extensively within the academy. Similarly, stereotypes about black women have been discussed in the literature. However, a theory for black femininity has not yet been developed. Black femininity must be theorized in 15 order to understand the unique ways black women perform gender within the constraints of their race and class position in society. 16 References Abdullah, S. (1998). Mammyism: A diagnosis of psychological misorientation for women of African descent. Journal of Black Psychology, 24, 196-210. Beauboeuf-Lafontant, T. (2007). You Have to Show Strength An Exploration of Gender, Race, and Depression. Gender & Society, 21(1), 28-51. Bell, E. L. (2004). 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