The Neo-Assyrian Court and Army: Evidence from the Sculptures Author(s): J. E. Reade Source: Iraq, Vol. 34, No. 2 (Autumn, 1972), pp. 87-112 Published by: British Institute for the Study of Iraq Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4199938 . Accessed: 12/01/2014 08:32 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. . British Institute for the Study of Iraq is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Iraq. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 87 THE NEO-ASSYRIAN COURT AND ARMY: EVIDENCE FROM THE SCULPTURES By J. E. READE The Late Assyrian sculptures are somewhat difficult to use as a historical source. They are widely scattered, with the compositions split up, and modern studies have been mainly concerned with artistic developments or the material culture of the Assyrians. Those who are reasonably familiar with the subject-matter, moreover, are inclined to forget that what may seem self-evident to them is not necessarily so to others, and have tended to concentrate on the elucidation of specific points rather than on more general studies. The one major exception is the work of Billerbeck and Delitzsch on Shalmaneser's Balawat gates,' and there are articles on the army byJ. Hunger, and on large-scale figures by L. Heuzey, which remain of fundamental value,2 but it may be worth seeing what can be learnt from a new approach. In this article, therefore, which is written for the benefit of non-specialists and necessarily incorporates much that is already known, I have attempted to isolate the principal categories of Assyrian shown in the sculptures and other official monuments. One should not press evidence of this nature too far, as the sculptures like the annals are propaganda and represent only what the rulers of Assyria wished us to remember; the subject-matter is also affected by stylistic considerations. There is nonetheless, at all times, a mass of information which must bear some positive relationship to the truth. Some suggestions and speculations on status and titulature have been included also. Ideally, given the number of texts available, at least for the Sargonid period, we should be able to provide each type of Assyrian with an Akkadian title, or with a plausible choice of titles when these outnumber the types, and define his position in the state establishment. This, however, is not a problem which the archaeologist can approach with confidence, as he is obliged to rely unduly on studies which were published before the First World War and some of which urgently need replacement. Epigraphists will determine how far the Assyrian image, as projected in the sculptures, is compatible with the evidence of the texts. There are continual references, throughout this article, to illustrations published in books which only a few libraries contain; some have been republished elsewhere, but anyone wishing to check all the details will have to find his Layard and his Botta. It is hoped, however, that most of the references to Gadd and Place will soon be rendered obsolete by R. D. Barnett's forthcoming work on Aggurbanipal. The sculptures which are illustrated here have been chosen not because they are the best available, but mainly because they too are either unpublished or little known. I am greatly indebted to the authorities of the various museums which own them for 1 BA 6 (1906), no. i, especially 90-113. 2A0 12 (1911), no. 4; Milanges Perrot (1903), 173-182. This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 88 J. E. READE permission to reproduce them in Iraq; further details are given at the end of this article. Dating The principal sources are sculptures, paintings, bronzes, and ivories. Most of the sculptures and bronzes either bear inscriptions or were found in dated buildings to which they obviously belonged from the start; these provide a chronological framework into which the remainder can generally be fitted. Four problems deserve comment. Nineveh: the White Obelisk This object from Nineveh was published by Unger. He studied the text and the carvings, and dated both to the reign of A?gurnasirpal I; Moortgat also lists some of the many stylistic and iconographic details in which the carvings differ from ninth-century work.4 Examples are the flat-topped caps or fezzes worn by officials and attendants; the bearded official introducing captives; the high hats worn by bearded musicians; the king once driving his own chariot; and the chariot carrying a kiosk.5 Epigraphists, however, now tend to follow Landsberger 6 in ascribing the text, on internal evidence, to the early years of Aggurnasirpal II. This view is further supported by the mention, in the text, of the bit nathi, a part of the ITtar temple which A??urnasirpal II did reconstruct 7; the same king too describes Nineveh as the starting-point for some of his early campaigns,8 and may well have resided there before moving to Kalhu. The discrepancy between the text and the carvings could have been caused by an old-fashioned sculptor. On the other hand the text is uncomfortably squeezed on to the stone, while ninth-century monuments are far more neatly arranged (SA, 6).9 So the obelisk may have been erected by an earlier king, and only inscribed by Aigurnasirpal II. If so, the original author may have been one of several men, most probably one who worked on the Istar temple: A?gur-bEl-kala, who set up a statue in or near the precinct and to whom Weidner indeed ascribed the text itself,g0 is a suitable candidate. However this may be, the White Obelisk cannot be regarded as an example of Late Assyrian court art, and no systematic references have been made to it here. i. Hadatu: Sculptures from the Til-Barsip Gate The sculptures from this gate were published by Unger and Thureau-Dangin separately 11: both agreed that they were later than Shalmaneser but earlier than Sargon, and attributed them to Tiglath-pileser, who certainly worked on the town's 2. 3 MAOG 6 (1932), nos. I-2. ' The Art of AncientMesopotamia,123. 5 MAOG 6 (1932), nos. x-2, pls. VII, VIII, * Sam'al I, 58. 7 AAA I9 (1932), 8 XV. 99. ARAB I, ?? 442, 444, 452- ' Unfamiliar abbreviations are listed at the end of this article. All references in the text rather than the footnotes are to plates or figures, not to pages. 10 AfO 6 (1930), 93. " PKOM 7 (1925); AT, 78-89; see also RA 29 (1932), 21, and Sotheby'sCatalogue,12/7/71, no. 23, though the provenance of the Sotheby's piece is presumably hypothetical. This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE NEO-ASSYRIAN COURT AND ARMY: EVIDENCE FROM THE SCULPTURES 89 Igtar temple. The sculptures include a pair of lions bearing a damaged inscription, and a procession-scenein which the principal figure was originally represented as riding in a chariot, with the body of the charioteer largely concealed behind him. A later sculptor, however, with a somewhat different style, defaced the principal figure and filled the gap with additional details of the charioteer'sdress. ThureauDangin suggested that this was done after the fall of Nineveh, but it is hard to see why, in this case, the principal figure alone should have been chosen for defacement while the Assyrians around him remained untouched, or why the second sculptor should have given the charioteer the short fleecy shawl regularly worn by Assyrian courtiers (Plate XXXIIIa). It seems more likely that the alteration was Assyrian work. If so, the principal figure can hardly have worn the royal crown, as one king looked much like another and defacement was pointless. Perhaps he was, instead, an official who had represented himself as occupying, in the procession, a position that belonged properly to the king. The name of Samgi-ilu springs to mind: this official held the eponymate as turtdnuin 780, 770, and 752; controlled the nearby city of Til-Barsip; and erected, at Til-Barsip, sculptures with an inscription which described his own exploits without referenceto the Assyrian king. He was evidently capable of having himself representedin the royal chariot, and may well have been responsiblefor the Hadatu sculptures.12 When Tiglath-pileser re-establishedcontrol of the province, a laborious attempt was made to erase Samgi-ilu'sTil-Barsip inscription, and the alterations at Hadatu may have been ordered at the same time. 3. Til-Barsip: the premierstyle Paintings There has been some dispute over these paintings, as they are provincial work and cannot be precisely dated by metropolitan criteria. Thureau-Dangin tentatively suggested Tiglath-pileser 13; more recently Moortgat 14 has ascribed them to Sam?i-ilu, and Madhloom 15 to Esarhaddon. Moortgat's arguments, however, are not entirely satisfactory, as they rely on the assumption that one enthroned figure, the top of whose head is lost, was wearing a diadem rather than a crown; Madhloom's can only be applied in full to the repainted panels c and f in room XLVII. Hrouda 6 prefers Sargon, and some such intermediate date does seem best: one fragment (TB, frontispiece) shows that whoever commissioned the paintings had fought a sea-battle, and this probably took place between 735 and 710. 4. Nineveh: the Late Group of Sculptures I apply this term to a number of bas-reliefs, from Sennacherib's palace, which 12TB , 141-151, pl. XXXVII, for the Til-Barsip inscription. One of the Hadatu lions has an Aramaic inscription on its back, with JmJin the second line; Thureau-Dangin (AT, 88) suggests that this belongs to a personal name, and one is again reminded of Sarnii-ilu. The photographs of the erased figure in the chariot (AT, pl. VII) are unclear. Examination of the original in the Eski 5ark Muze, Istanbul, by kind permission of the director, Bay Necati Dolunay, suggests that the figure was probably beardless and wore no crown. 1 TB, 45. 14 Op. Cit., 140. 16 The Chronology of Neo-AssyrianArt, 25. "I Die Kulturgeschichte des assyrischenFlachbildes,1 14. This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions J. go E. READE were carved either late in Assurbanipal's reign or even later.'7 The Babylonian scenes from court XIX and corridor XXVIII are especially suspicious: in some of them (MN II, 42, 43) members of the king's entourage appear not in their court dress, as on other Avsurbanipal sculptures, but in clothes and armour more suitable for campaigns. We know that Sin-sarru-i9kun repaired the western side of one of Sennacherib's buildings, described as a bit parati or marble palace.'8 Sin-garru-i?kun did campaign in Babylonia, and it would have been only natural for him to commission sculptures of his own. GeneralReservations Our basic evidence is sometimes inadequate or untrustworthy. Modern drawings of sculptures, when they can be compared with the originals as in STP, often omit details; occasionally they restore more than is justified.'9 Photographs too are not always clear. But far more disturbing are the vagaries of the Assyrians themselves. We have to appreciate that the original workmen were not automata, and that great numbers were sometimes employed at once. A particular type of dress, for instance, can be represented in a variety of ways in a single palace: the armour of the soldiers in Plates XXXVIb, XXXVIIa, and XXXIXc is a clear example. In addition to this, however, the workmen were liable not only to leave out details just as modern draughtsmen have done, but also to make positive mistakes. Omissions are naturally hard to prove, but there is one on a bronze (BG, XXI) where some figures have been sketched but not hammered into relief; another possibility is a besieged town without any defenders (BG, XLIV). Unfinished work is sometimes seen (STP, LXXIX), and Nagel20 has pointed to a number of apparent oversights in the Nineveh palaces, as well as to a trivial correction. Another mistake seems to have been made in some of the Duir-garrukin sculptures showing members of the palace staff: it is evident on the slabs themselves, and just discernible on the published photographs,2' that the figures were originally provided with headbands (as are sometimes seen on other types of person), but that these were later erased and recarved as hair. We may also cite one unbearded member of Aggurbanipal's palace staff who wears a braided headband such as is seen, among his companions, only on those with beards (NA, 52). Still more anomalous are the genies in horned caps from the temple-palace at Hadatu (A T, I): they wear court shawls, and it is hard to believe that they alone, among all the genies found in Assyrian palaces, do so out of deference to their surroundings. Examples of this 8; AfO i6 (1952), 247; B. Hrouda, op. cit., W. Nagel, Die neuassyrischzen Reliefstile unter 17 PS, i 16; Sanherib und Assurbanaplu, 31-39; Iraq 29 (1967), 44. 18 AfO i6 ( 952), 305. 1' Cf. MNK, pl. 30, and G. Loud, KhwrsabadI, figs. 41-44. It is extraordinary that Loud's excava- tions at Khorsabad have failed to scotch the myth that Sargon's lost sculptures are at the bottom of the Tigris; obviously the majority are still buried where Botta left them, in situ. Op. cit., 13-15. G. Loud, loc. cit. It is notable that the righthand figure in Loud's fig. 38 is an important official and retained his headband, but he too seems to have been wrongly carved, with bands hanging down from behind the headband towards his waist. They have been erased, but the line still shows on the photograph. The crown-prince, who stands in front of him on the same slab, was entitled to these bands, and his have not been altered. 20 21 This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE NEO-ASSYRIAN COURT AND ARMY: EVIDENCE FROM THE SCULPTURES 91 general nature are common. There is indeed a letter from an Assyrianofficial which describes the failure of his attempts to make provincial masons produce a formally correct statue of the king.22 When therefore we find, even on a monument from the capital city, features of dress which appear to contradict the norm, we may be entitled to wonder whether one of two explanations may not be acceptable: either the picture is realistic, but does not show what was regarded as formally correct; or the picture is wrong. Nor does it greatly matter which of these two explanations is valid. We should of course welcome a series of studies dealing in detail with each particular type of person representedon the sculptures; it might then be that minor peculiarities would gain in importance. Here, however, we can only hope to establish guidelines: these are not affected by the instances in which a particular item of equipment is mislaid or misappropriated. Words such as " always " or " at all dates " refer in this article only to the welldocumented reigns of Assurnasirpal II, Shalmaneser III, Tiglath-pileser III, Sargon II, Sennacherib, and AsBurbanipal. Many types of figure are extremely common, and references are given to a few examples only. It should also be emphasized that I am concerned with the material iconography only in so far as it enables us to differentiate between one type of figure and another. Specific details of dress, such as the swords worn by the majority of Assyrians, have only been mentioned when they appear of possible significance; internal developments, such as that of the Assyrian pointed helmet, have not been considered.23 The Definitionof Men and Eunuchs Figureswith beards are described as men; beardlessfigures,except priests,women and children who can usually be recognized without difficulty, are described as eunuchs. This is the traditional distinction supported by Layard, Olmstead and many other scholars. The pictorial evidence is by itself far from conclusive: beardless figures tend to have obese, technically eunuchoid features, but this could be a stylistic convention; one beardless corpse is clearly represented without genitalia (SA, 27), but the poor state of the sculpture, and other details, prevent direct comparison with his bearded neighbours. Beardlessfigures, on the other hand, like those described in the texts as CuitriJi,24 appear predominantly in the king's entourage, in positions of evident responsibility, and performing tasks appropriate for the palace staff. The texts also draw a distinction between the la redi and the bearded Ja ziqni; and when a caption specifically describes a figure as Cuit resi, that figure is beardless.26 This is unlikely to be coincidence, and the real question is whether the Akkadian 22 RCAE II, no. 1051. iluma and Nergal-ered; both designs show beardless For all such matters, see Hrouda, Madhloom, figures (RLV IV, pls. i94c and 196c). Mr. J. N. and Nagel, op. cit., and W. Nagel, Die mesopotamische Postgate kindly informs me that Bel-tarsi-iluma himStreitwagen. self and one of his successors among the 8th. century 24 E. Klauber, Assyrisches Beamtentum,88-93. governors of Kalhu were also eunuchs (evidence in 25 MN, II, 48; AfO 8 (932), his forthcoming Governor'sPalace Archive,Cuneiform X82, caption no. 17. E. Unger, in PKOM 7 (1925), ig, refers also to seals Texts from Nimrud II). Maybe the beardless figure which belonged to fa r,ei employed by B8l-tariof SA, pl. 8, no. 2, is one of them. 23 This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions J. 92 E. READE phrase, which definitely can mean eunuch,28 does do so invariably. In assuming that the Assyrian kings employed eunuchs in significant numbers, as one might expect them to have done, I am taking this translation for granted. Those who so wish may substitute whatever term they prefer, and ignore those passages in which I have speculated on the status of eunuchs in Assyrian life. TheKing and Queen The king is almost always identifiable by his crown; this is a fez with a pointed top, and is surrounded by a diadem with two strips of cloth pendant behind, as A figure who is presumably A?gurnasirpal once wears a seen in Plate XXXIIIb. castellated crown instead, and Aggurbanipal's queen wears a simpler version of this.27 Sometimes, in hunt-scenes, the king wears the diadem alone: there are examples from Aggurbanipal's reign (AP, 84, 88) and probably from Aggurnasirpal's (MN, I, 49; ANP, XLII), though it could be argued that the latter show the crown-prince. One temple statue of A"Surnasirpal shows him without even a diadem (ANP, I). The king's basic dress is a belted ankle-length tunic, though a shorter version, or one bunched up in front, is used on some of the hunt-scenes cited above; this garment is essentially similar to that normally worn by officials and attendant eunuchs. More distinctive items, worn otherwise only by the crown-prince and one or two high officials (if we exclude one attendant on the Black Obelisk, MN, I, 53), are a tasselled apron covering the buttocks,28 and a tasselled sheath attachment (ANP, XIX). An ankle-length shawl, as on Plate XXXIIIb, is frequently worn over the tunic; an alternative double shawl, with multiple fringes, is used principally on religious occasions (ANP, XI; SSR, I). Long shawls are otherwise worn almost exclusively by the queen, other women, the crown-prince, and genies: they are indeed one of the criteria by which genies without horned helmets (SSR, XXVIII) can sometimes be distinguished from attendants. One bronze shows a kneeling figure who is naked but for the Assyrian royal crown 29: this might show a royal penance, but could also be dated after the fall of Nineveh. At different times the sculptures emphasize different aspects of the king's persona. The distinctions are partly, but perhaps not wholly, due to artistic developments and the individual preferences of the kings themselves. The most striking is that Aggurnasirpal, Shalmaneser and Tiglath-pileser appear in battle as archers, both in their chariots and on foot (ANP, XIV; BG, II; STP, LXXIV); Sargon too 26 E.g. CT 23, pl. io, line 14, quoted by Jensen kima fu-ut re-e-3iId dlidi nilka libal, "as with a hit reli, who does not breed, so may your semen run dry ". Note also the regular contrast between the la r1fi and the bearded la ziqni (e.g. Iraq 20 (1958), 35, 1. 78, etc.). Who the eunuchs were remains uncertain. So far as I know, no la rzfi mentions his parentage, and the annals do not seem to refer to the castration of young captives. Perhaps they were normally poor children from Assyria itself. 27 AAA t8 (1931), pl. XXXI; RLA I, pl. 36a. See (ZA 24 (1910), 109): in general, Unger's article on Diadem und Krone in RLA II. 28 Square, not curved like that worn by genies as on Plate XXXIII; the genies' tasselled aprons, like the belts seen on Assurnasirpal's lion-centaurs (ANP, pl. IV), are presumably derived from the ropes worn by third-millennium hero-figures (e.g. H. Frankfort, Art and Architectureof the AncientOrient, pl. 45), but those worn by humans may originally have had some serious function, perhaps to prevent the swordsheath chafing. 29 BMQ 19 (1954), pl. XVIII. This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE NEO-ASSYRIAN COURT AND ARMY: EVIDENCE FROM THE SCULPTURES 93 appears in his chariot (MNK, 65). This, despite the language of the annals,30is not so in the seventh century: Sennacherib, and the king in the Late Group of sculptures, are seen on campaign (MN, I, 8I; MN II, 41) but do not fight; A??urbanipal reviews prisoners, but his entourage do not even wear helmets (SA, 26). The high proportion of formal and secular scenes in the ninth and seventh centuries respectively, with the queen appearing under Aggurbanipal,illustrates well the ruler's transformation,implied by the texts, from priest-king into imperial despot. Related changes would be the disappearance, first of gods and divine symbols from narrative sculpture after the reign of Tiglath-pileser (ANP, XVII; STP, VIII), and, in the seventh century, the replacement of the traditional kinds of Assyrian genie by more cosmopolitan figures. The Crown-Prince It has been argued elsewhere 31 that the crown-prince or mdrs'arriis identifiable both on sculptures of Sennacherib and Esarhaddon, and in premierstyle paintings from Til-Barsip. His normal dress is the ankle-length tunic with a shorter shawl above, as worn by the attendant in Plate XXXIIIa, but this is combined with other distinctive items: most significant is the diadem with two bands pendant behind, identical with that worn by the king. Men in this diadem occur regularly during the ninth and eighth centuries; sometimes they also wear, like the king, a tasselled apron or a tasselled sheath attachment (ANP, XIX; STP, LXXXV). Such figures appear fighting as archers in battle (ANP, XXIV), or riding a horse behind the king's chariot in a hunt-scene (when a shorter tunic is worn, MNK, 1 12), but their characteristic position is at the head of a procession leading up to the king (ANP, XX; STP, XCVI; MN, I, 77). Only once is there more than one such figure in any one composition, and the culprit (SA, 6) is a junior member of the palace staff standing close to the crown-prince; it is likely that the diadem was at all dates reservedin fact for the king and the heir-apparent. It would seem that, at least in the seventh century, the crown-princewas appointed at a specific ceremony, when he was inducted into the bit redati.32It is possible therefore that the absence of the man in a diadem from A?gurbanipal'ssculptures, which date from the 640's, means that A?gur-etel-ildnihad not been nominated by that date. In the eighth century three successive kings were brothers, and Tiglathpileser may have been a fourth or son of a fourth. It may be that at that stage the king's senior brother wore the diadem if none of the king's sons was old enough or otherwise acceptable. Officials: GeneralRemarks I regard as officials those figures, men and eunuchs, who are often represented with the crown-prince in procession before the king. The procession is found at all 30 D. D. Luckenbill, Annals of Sennacherib,44. 45. 31 Iraq 29 (I967), 32 ARAB II, ?? 767, 987; J. N. Postgate, NeoAssyrianRoyal Grantsand Decrees,37. This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 94 J. E. READE dates, though rare in the seventh century (ANP, XX; BG, XXVIII; MNK, 29; MN, II, 48); it is excluded from battle-field review-scenes after the reign of Tiglath-pileser. These officials normally wear ankle-length tunics, with or without short shawls, like the attendant on Plate XXXIIIa ; they may wear swords but do not carry maces. Figures, mostly eunuchs, wearing the same court dress (as distinct from the long coats of mail worn by them and by some ordinary soldiers, BG, XXI), are also seen fighting as archers on foot in ninth- and eight-century battle-scenes (STP, LXXV, CXIX); these too must belong in the same category. They must also have fought in chariots; their length of dress is then hidden, but they doubtless include some of Assurnasirpal's archers who have shield-bearers beside them (STP, CXVI). The importance of these figures, especially on the earlier sculptures, suggests that they include some of the high officials who, before Sennacherib's reform, held the eponymate immediately after the king. Since they mostly dress alike, however, our prospects of identifying individuals are limited. Some or all of the bearded men may be princes and nobles, and it would be useful to know which offices were normally held by eunuchs and which, if any, were closed to them. Possibly the length of tenure is indicative: the eponym-lists imply that Dayan-Asisur and Samsi-ilu held the office of turtdnufrom 853 to 826 and from 780 to 752 or longer respectively, while Aggur-banaya-usur seems to have remained rab saqe"from 855-8I6; perhaps they were all eunuchs, though Thureau-Dangin has suggested, not implausibly, that a bearded figure on a Til-Barsip sculpture is to be identified as Samsi-ilu.33 We do have at least two portraits of officials without beards: Bel-Harran-belu-usur, who was ndgir ekalli, and Musezib-Samag, who was bil pdhiti of Dfiru. 34 Officials: Men The men are usually bare-headed, though headbands, which are sometimes slightly wider at the back than the front, can be worn (MN, 1, 54; TB, LII); a few have sticks (MN, II, 48). A painting from the second largest private palace at Dfir-Sarrukin has been restored to show an official, who was presumably the owner, in unusual headgear, but a drawing of the actual remains suggests that this is wrong.35 Most of these men have no obvious functlon, but some evidently held military commands: there are ninth-century examples (BG, XLIII, above), but the clearest are from the reign of Assurbanipal (SA, 26). One Sargon sculpture shows the head and shoulders of a helmeted man apparently offering terms to a besieged city (MNK, I45) 36; we know from II Kings, i8, that this was done on at least one occasion by the rab s'aqe. 33TB, 158, pl. XV, no. 2. 34PKOM 3 (1917), pl. I; RLA I, pl. I4. BelHarran-belu-usur's tunic has a conspicuous rosette among the embroideries on the right shoulder; this seems unique, but elaborate embroideries are anyway rare on officials shown in the king's presence. G. Loud and C. B. Altman, Khorsabad1I, 85, and pl. 89. 36 Noted by Y. Yadin, The Art of Warfare in Biblical Lands, 320. 3b fig. 12 This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE NEO-ASSYRIAN COURT AND ARMY: EVIDENCE FROM THE SCULPTURES 95 Officials: Eunuchs In the ninth and eighth centuries a eunuch often stands close to the crown-prince before the throne. In the ninth century, under Tiglath-pileser, and at Til-Barsip, he tends to wear a headband which is substantially wider behind than in front (Plate XXXVa; ANP, XIX; STP, VIII ; TB, LII) ; at Dfir-Sarrukin the headband is of an even width throughout, but this eunuch, as we have seen above (note 2l), is the only one whose headband was not erased. The same eunuch, in the ninth-century examples, may also wear a tasselledapron. The same distinctive headband is combined with a simpler apron on an Assurnasirpaleunuch seen in battle (STP, CXXII) ; another eunuch of this date wears the tasselledapron and a tasselled sheath attachment, but is bare-headed (STP, CXIX). One Tiglath-pileser eunuch (STP, XXI), whose folded hands show him to be an official standing in front of the king rather than an attendant behind him, seems to have been carved originally with the distinctive headband; but it was later erased. These instances, by themselves, would imply that this type of headband, together with the apron and sheath attachment, was worn exclusively by a few senior officials, the turtdnuand the rab la rnJibeing obvious candidates. Shalmaneser's Black Obelisk, however, and one side of his Kalhu throne-base,3"show officials, men and eunuchs, whose headbands are slightly wider behind than in front; we do not altogether trust the obelisk, since it also has an attendant anomalously wearing a tasselled apron, but it may be that there were indeed two varieties of uneven headband and that they were not always distinguishedin practice. The last official in the processionbefore the king is regularly a eunuch. He waves his hand at the view in a characteristic gesture, and is clearly responsible for introducing people into the king's presence (ANP, XX; STP, XXIV; SA, 26). Sometimes he carries a staff consisting of two sticksjoined together (MNK, 40, I30); this staff is also carried by the only eunuch found among the officialsin Sennacherib's reign.38 He must be identified, sometimes at least, with the la pdn ekalli, who is mentioned in the texts as controlling access to the king.39 Other eunuchs in the procession, though they like the men occasionally have headbands, cannot be distinguished from one another. Away from the king, in the ninth and eighth centuries, they are responsible for the command of soldiers (BG, XLIII) and for military staff-work: they organize labour, take charge of the camp, or count the booty (BG, XI, LXIV; STP, LX; MNK, 141). One, on a ninth- or eighth-century ivory, conducts a full-scale review-scene of his own.40 Eunuchs do not, however, control the quarrying and transport of Sennacherib's winged bulls (MN, II, I2-I7). Since the king and the crown-prince sometimes wore shorter tunics when out hunting, it is likely that officials did so also: one of Sargon's eunuchs, who seems to be shooting birds on his own account, is probably an official (MNK, I I i). It is 37 MN, I, pl. 54; M. E. L. Mallowan, Nimrudand its Remains,fig. 371a. 25Unpublished slab in the Nergal Gate Museum, Mosul. A stick, I#aUu,is mentioned as a sign of office of the two sukkali in a Middle Assyrian text (MVAeG 41 (I937), no. 3, p. 14), but this is too far removed in time to be necessarily significant. '" E. Klauber, op. cit., 26. 40 M. E. L. Mallowan and L. G. Davies, Ivories from Nimrud II, 28, pl. XVII. This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 96 J. E. READE also possible that mounted officials at all dates, and others in the seventh century, wore the shorter tunic in battle: it is worn by a group of figures, led by a eunuch, who stand with the crown-prince before Sennacherib in camp (MN, I, 77), but they cannot be distinguished from army officers. PriestsandStandard-bearers In battle-scenes of the ninth and eighth centuries the king's chariot can be closely accompanied by two others, each of which carries a bearded archer and a pole with a circular attachment on top (ANP, XVII; MNK, 56, 57). The same chariots appear in ninth-century review-scenes: once they are empty (ANP, XXII), but usually their occupants, though wearing the court shawl, must be distinguished from the officials facing the king (BG, XVI). Two interrelated review-scenes (BG, XIX) include another chariot occupied by a figure without a beard or visible hair, who wears a tall hat, probably not a helmet. The poles or standards (urigalle) are similar to those fixed outside temples (SA, 28), and were erected on tripods during religious ceremonies on campaign (BG, I). The most conspicuous figures in these ceremonies are hairless, and wear tall hats they have long been recognized as priests, and one is specifically identified in an accompanying text as a kald priest.41 This is the only type of priest seen taking omens (ANP, XVI), but his other ritual duties, which include the playing of music, are sometimes shared by men in long tunics and shawls (STP, LX; SA, 22). It seems possible that some of the men who take part in the ceremonies are identical with those who accompany the standards. Under Sennacherib (MN, II, 24) both standards were fixed to a single chariot which acted as a movable shrine, and the standard-bearers, like the king, no longer appear in battle. At some ceremonies music is played by eunuchs without hats (BG, II; MN, I, 73) these may be members of the palace staff. Similarly the or by women (SA, 22); men masked in lion-skins, who participate under Asvurnasirpal and Tiglath-pileser in triumphs with a religious overtone (ANP, XVI; STP, I), may be ordinary soldiers in fancy dress; we do find ordinary soldiers and other individuals wearing feather-crowns, apparently borrowed from Elam, in the sculptures showing A??urbanipal's triumphal entry into Milkia.42 Glazed bricks from the temple-complex at Dfir-Sarrukin show a man, with an unusually long beard, who wears court dress with the shawl and carries a spear (NA, 28; cf. also NA, 72, no. 3). He is paired with the king outside an entrance, and may even be the king or the crown-prince without a diadem; alternatively he too may be a religious functionary, though other explanations are possible. Scribes Bearded men in court dress are seen supervising the carving of a stela and an inscription under Shalmaneser (BG, LIX). Scribes, both men and eunuchs, appear 41M. E. L. Mallowan, Nimrudand its Remains,fig. A hairless ala#4inu priest, in a hat of uncertain height, is shown in RLV VII, pI. 84b (KAH II, 138); this individual inherited his father's post, and it there- 251. fore seems unlikely that these hairless priests were themselves eunuchs. 42 P. Calmeyer, Actes de la XVII. rencontre assyriologique, 184. This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions PLATE XXXIII 5. "0 "0 g w -~~~~~~~~- i S 0 r~~~~~~~~~ hMJ V, Rc-'' ?D _2 -'A0 w .'.1.~ < _S.._... ~ b >'~~~~~~~'''''>d:.<~~~~~~~~~~ t *E _ _ *, .. Tw , ,*+;l This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions X | t / X D ,,, . PLATE XXXIV Courtesy: The National Galleryof Canada,Ottauwa a. Royal attendants (Assurnasirpal). C V b. Royal4attendants (Sennacherib). Courtesy: b. Royal attendants (ASennacherpab) This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions thof CsmlanaaMttuseu VisitatorsGllr PLATE XXXV CT Courtesy:Trusteesof the British Museum a. Eunuch officials (Assurnasirpal). Courtesy: The DetroitInstitute of Art This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM groom (Assurbanipal b.AllAssyrian use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ?). PLATE XXXVI 3 VI': ~ Courtesy: Musenim of Fine Arts, Bostont a. Eunuch in the Assyrian cavalry (Sennacherib). 0~~~~~~~ 4r , ,34 ~~~~~~~~~~ ~~~~ !4f b. A ru~~~Cuts: b.AsraAaar Snahrb This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ssoso h AhoenMsu PLATE XXXVII A~~~~~~~~A Coturtesy: Real Acadeotia de la Historia, Madrid a. Assyrian cavalry and spearmen (Sennacherib). Courtesy: Birmingham City Museum and Art Gallery b. Assyrian spearman (Sin-sarru-iskun?). This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions PLATE XXXVIII Courtesy: Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto a. Assyrian archer covered by companion, and auxiliary archers and spearmen (Sennacherib ?). Courtesy: Muzeum Narodouwew Krakouie, Krakc$w b. Auxiliary archers (Assurbanipal). This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions PLATE XXXIX 4,~~~~~~~~K- Courtesy: Visitors of the AshmtoleanMusese,ui Courtesy: Museum of Fine Arts, Boston a. Assyrian soldier (Aggurbanipal). b. Eunuch labourer (Sennacherib). 7 ~~~~7 PT c.~~~Asyinhrean(encei) ~~~~ lb Coutrtesy: Visitors of the Ashmotean Museum c. Assyrian horseman (Sennacherib). This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions PLATE XL i,4 Courtesy: Glasgow Art Gallery and Museum a. Assyrian soldiers (Assurbanipal?) Courtesy: Mutseo A rcheologico, Venezia b. Auxiliaries and Assyrian cavalry (Esarhaddon ?). This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE NEO-ASSYRIAN COURT AND ARMY: EVIDENCE FROM THE SCULPTURES 97 regularly from the reign of Tiglath-pileser on; some have tablets or hinged writingboards, and others scrolls which Madhloom 43 suggests may have been used for sketching rather than, as was traditionally supposed, for writing Aramaic. Their original dress is the long tunic (STP, VI); under Sennacherib a more practicable short tunic is sometimes preferred (MN, II, 29), and this is standard in the Late Group of sculptures (SSR, LV). These scribes do not seem particularly important individuals, and are sometimes shown taking orders from an official (MNK, 141): they are merely !upJarre. Attendants:GeneralRemarks I have included under this heading all those figures, apart from some already discussed, to whom the general name manzazpdni may have been attached. Some officersor officials,especiallyin the ninth century, are shown with personal attendants of their own (BG, XI; STP, LXXII); they are similar to those around the king, and are not considered further. We know that the manzazpdnicould be detached from the king's person for duty elsewhere 44; some of them doubtless reappear below as army officers. To some extent the duties of attendant men and eunuchs were interchangeable, but there is a tendency, visible under Sargon and Aggurbanipal,for eunuchs to be more numerous in domestic scenes and in hunts. A distinction of dress is that the men usually wear kilts, with braided headbands 4" in the seventh century, while the eunuchs wear tunics and go bare-headed (MN, II, 23; SA, 26). Some attendants, perhaps all of them, were entitled to carry maces. Precise nomenclature is difficult, partly because there are few modern editions of the relevant texts. It is probably true that some individuals were known by more than one title, that many people holding different titles were dressed alike, and that some titles had become, at least by the seventh century, as inexpressive as the English term " Knight Commander of the Bath ". I have, with extreme reserve, made or repeated a few suggestions concerning the men; it is naturally possible, though not certain, that similar titles were applied to some of the eunuchs. Attendants:Men It is possible, especially in the later sculptures, to distinguish several basic types. At least four of them are grouped, apparently in order of rank, on a convenient series of slabs which may have shown Sennacherib proceeding in state from his palace to the Igtar Temple at Nineveh; their identity is not affected by the exceptionally formal dress worn on this occasion. In the series 4' the king sits in his rickshaw, attended by one eunuch with a sunshade or umbrella and another with a fan or fly-whisk; the rickshaw is pulled by two more eunuchs, and guided by a pair of men in court dress with shawls (SA, 23). They are preceded by the crown" Op. cit., 122. '" E. Klauber, op. cit., ioi. An invaluable list of officials and attendants to whom the title manzaz pdrdmay apply is contained in K 4395. 'a 4" It is perhaps to one of these, stolen from a muJarkisu,that RCAE I, no. 326, refers. 4 Partly unpublished, see Iraq 29 (1967), 48. This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 10 J. 98 E. READE prince, officials, priests, musicians, and soldiers; but behind the king comes a separate group of bearded attendants. The first of these (RAK, 70) wears court dress with the shawl, and carries a spear and shield. The second two were probably both identical, wearing court dress with shawls, and carrying carved sticks, bows, and elaborately tasselled quivers. They are followed by two lots of men in court dress, carrying maces 47: the ones in front have shawls also, but the remainder do not. The men guiding the rickshaw, since they have this specific duty and stand between the king and the crown-prince, may well be attendants rather than officials. It is perhaps conceivable that one of them was responsible at other times for driving the king's chariot. Certainly the king's charioteer was entitled to wear the court shawl, at least after the ninth century (STP, XLIV; SA, 36), and the mukilappdte, or holder of the reins, with whom he is normally identified, did hold a high position at court.48 The man behind the king is obviously his principal shield-bearer; the same man, or his subordinates, appears frequently. His full equipment in the ninth century includes a spear, to which a ribbon may be attached, and a quiver of spare arrows; there can also be two shield-bearers, with one item each (ANP, XIII, XX, XXIII). Until Sargon there are usually two shield-bearers when the king is fighting Sargon himself on foot, and one when he is in his chariot (STP, XVI, LXXIV); is accompanied in his chariot either by two shield-bearers or, if we are to trust the artists, one shield-bearer with two shields (MNK, 58, 65). It may be the shieldbearer who carries a sunshade for the king in his chariot (ANP, XVII; MN, I, 8o), when this task is not appropriated by a eunuch, and who carries a spear without a shield in Aggurbanipal's lion-hunts (AP, 6o, 96). The men with maces who hold the wheels of the king's stationary chariot in seventh-century review-scenes may also be shield-bearers without their shields (SA, I5, 26). The shield-bearer, given his appearances in the chariot, has been recognized as the king's ta.lilu (LU'. 3. U6, third rider"1).49 Another shield-bearer is found in the ninth century riding behind the king and leading a spare horse (ANP, XII). He too carries a quiver and a ribboned spear, and was employed when the king himself was on horseback. In the eighth century, however, the shield disappears, as it does from all cavalry. Thereafter spare horses are led either by grooms, as on Plate XXXVb, or by men who are identical with horsemen in the bodyguard (SA, i8). The two men behind the shield-bearer in Sennacherib's procession have particularly distinctive quivers. These are also found, throughout the seventh century, on the pair of grooms who stand directly in front of the king's chariot (SSR, XLIV; RAK, 53). Normally these men have plain rather than carved sticks; on one occasion there are four of them, two empty-handed and two with maces rather than sticks, and they stand apart from the chariot, their place being taken by another pair of grooms with sticks but no quivers (MN, II, 48). Similar quivers are worn by 4"Sotheby'sCatalogue, 26/11/l968, no. 39; pi. 2I. SA, 49E. Klauber, op. cit., iii, 2 13-21i8. 48A. Salonen, HippologicaAccadica,211. This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions A. Salonen, op. cit., THE NEO-ASSYRIAN COURT AND ARMY: EVIDENCE FROM THE SCULPTURES 99 Sargon's grooms (M;N'K,142), and once by Tiglath-pileser's (STP, LXIX); at this date the quivers are less distinctive, as others among the king's attendants can wear them (TB, LII; MNK, II 9 bis), but the grooms are unusual in wearing tunics rather than kilts. It seems clear from Avsurnasirpal'ssculptures (ANP, XX, XXV), though the evidence of Shalmaneser'sbronzesis ambiguous (BG, VIII, LII, LVIII), that the king's grooms were also dressed distinctively in the ninth century. Since the sticksseem to be a seventh-centuryinnovation, titles such as sa hutdriare probably inappropriate for these men, and we should look for something with the meaning of chief groom or leader of the horses 50; mukilappdtewould be suitable if it did not belong to the charioteer. Men with maces and kilts are common round the seventh-century kings (Plate XXXIVb ; MN, II, 48), and largely replace the traditionally dressed officials; their duties under Sennacherib included the supervision of labour (MN, II, I2). An officer with a mace appears beside officials under A'surnasirpal (ANP, XXI), and there is a group of such figuresin the entourage at Hadatu (A , VIII). Unger 51 noted that only the leader in the Hadatu group has a loop on the end of his mace, but this mark of rank does not help us in other instances. There is no safe parallel for Sennacherib's arrangement, whereby some mace-bearerswere entitled to the court shawl while others were not. A pair of Sennacherib's mace-bearersin the Lachish scene are armed with bows (MN, II, 23), and this in fact is the normal equipment of the mace-bearer before the seventh century (Plate XXXIVa, probably) : those standing closest to the king often look like arms-bearers. This task, however, is one that, except in Sennacherib's reign, was undertakenprimarily by eunuch attendants, and it is exceedingly difficult to draw, for the pre-Sargonid period, any generally reliable lines of demarcation between the attendants on the one hand and bodyguards, or officers who appear in the royal entourage as representativeof the army as a whole, on the other. Some may be differentiated by their length of dress or by the length of the tassels on their quivers (BG, LXII; MNK, II 7, I 19 bis), but there seems to be no consistent rule, and perhaps we should not look for one. Terms such as la qurbati,rab kisir, and perhaps Unger's rab ulparecan be applied to the mace-bearers,52but precision is impossible. Attendants without maces appear among Sennacherib's overseers (MN, II, I3), and under A'surbanipal and in the Late Group of sculptures (MN, II, 42, 48). They tend to occupy positions before the king similar to those of men with maces, and the distinction may be of little or no importance. Attendants:Eunuchs The standard earlier type is the arms-bearerequipped with mace and bow, as on Plate XXXIIIa, who follows the king; therecan be several such figures (BG, XXIX). Eunuchs also act as occasional shield-bearersfor Shalmaneser (BG, II, IX). Eunuch arms-bearers continue to be found in the eighth century (STP, LXXXVII; 6O Conceivably K 4395, II, 25, 26; ADD II, 83. "5 PKOM 7 (1925), 17, pl. V. 62E. Klauber, op. cit., 105; ZA 24 212; PKOM 7 (1925), 17. This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions (I910), 142, I 00 J. E. READE MNK, 105), though a pair at Til-Barsip were later overpainted with beards (TB, XLIV); Sargon is sometimes followed by a eunuch carrying a spear (MNK, 72, 137). Armed eunuchs are not seen in Sennacherib's entourage, but they reappear, without swords, in A'surbanipal's reign and are especially common, variously armed and mounted, in the hunt-scenes (AP, 97-100; NA, 50 bis); among them is an Elamite (AP, 88), but he may belong to one of the Elamite princes whom Aggurbanipal had to rescue from the lions.53 The Late Group of sculptures (MN, II, 42, 43) includes small groups of eunuchs, on one occasion two with spears and one with a bow, behind the king on campaign. Eunuchs on foot carrying sunshades, fans, or towels are found at all dates (BG, XX; MNK, I05; SA, 26), and there are also a few who carry cups (ANP, XXX); in the ninth century these eunuchs are usually armed, and may carry maces (ANP, XXIII). One is once seen in Shalmaneser's chariot (BG, LV); he should probably be imagined as holding a sunshade, as is often done by his successors in the eighth and seventh centuries (STP, LXXI; MN, 1, 72). It is not unlikely that a distinction gradually developed between eunuchs who carried arms and those who attended to the king's physical comfort. Under Sennacherib only the latter class can be identified, though we must include among them one who follows the king's chariot on horseback (SSR, XLVI). Attendants:Women Aggurbanipal is once attended by women wearing robes and wide headbands (AP, o05); since the queen is present, they probably belonged to her. It is also possible that a few figures in kiosks in camp (STP, XXI; MNK, 146) are women rather than eunuchs. There could even be a woman concealed in the chariot-kiosk on the White Obelisk, especially since the driver seems to have been a eunuch.54 StaffandCamp-followers Both men and eunuchs, dressed like attendants and evidently part of the royal establishment, are represented with a variety of duties. Grooms, armourers. and kitchen-hands are prominent among the men (Plate XXXVb ; ANP, XVI ; AP, 57 ; SA, 46) ; they include under Sargon two foreign musicians (MNK, 67). Eunuchs carry furniture, wait at table, play music, and perform domestic and other tasks (ANP, XVI ; STP, LX ; MNK, 19, 76, 140 ; AP, 107) ; some A?gurbanipal eunuchs with long hair, who lead dogs and donkeys to the hunt, seem to be foreigners (NA, 52 bis). Women, among them musicians, are seen in the seventh century (SA, 40). There is what may be a significant contrast between the bevy of eunuchs present at A'surbanipal's hunts and the figures who perform equivalent tasks for Sennacherib. The latter's main hunt-scenes, if they ever existed, are either lost or still buried: they may lie in a postern-chamber at the foot of corridor LI (north) in his I' ARAB 6I, ? 1026. "4MAOG 6 (1932), nos. i--2, pl. VIII; but one really has to look at the original. This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE NEO-ASSYRIAN COURT AND ARMY: EVIDENCE FROM THE SCULPTURES I 1 palace, on the western slope of Kuyunjik about I 50 metres from the southern corner. The sculptures in the corridor, however, are known (MN, II, 7-9; SSR, LXVLXIX), and they represent processions, to and from the hunt, which can only be compared with those in Aggurbanipal'scorridor A/R (NA, 62). Whereas all Aggurbanipal'sfigures are eunuchs, all Sennacherib's are men; some of these men even wear tunics rather than kilts. When Sennacherib's eunuchs do appear in quantity, they look as Assyrian as ever but are engaged in the uncharacteristictask of carrying ropes and equipment for captive labourers, with men driving them on (Plate XXXIXb ; MN, II, I2, 13, i6, I7). One ceremonial text has servants from the bitulanu'attending to the guests' comfort, and others from the bit kisriwashing up.56 Maybe these are eunuchs and men respectively. TheArmy: GeneralRemarks Manitius 56 has shown that a standing army, as opposed to a seasonalone, probably emerged during the eighth century; the term kisir sarrati,which he applies to it, may have had also the more general sense of " royal establishment ". The body- guard, which must always have existed, is designated, at least in part, by terms such as ga qurbutiand s'a jjpj.57 Members of the bodyguard, like attendants and officers (in so far as these are to be distinguishedfrom them), are sometimes equipped with maces, and may have tassels attached to their spears, quivers, saddles, and harness; but in the seventh-century sculptures, on which we are largely dependant, they usually differ from ordinary soldiers only in their position close to the king. It has seemed best, for our purposes, to discuss all of the armed forces together. We can then distinguish, besides officers, three categories of soldier, to whom we give the convenient but arbitrary names of " Assyrians ", " auxiliaries", and " provincials ". The Assyrians are those who wear pointed helmets in battle; a few of them, escorting the king in peacetime, may wear braided headbands instead. Almost the entire ninth-century army, which must have been raised from Assyrians,is equipped with this helmet; so are vast numbers of eighth- and seventh-century soldiers, and so are the horsemen and foot-soldierswho stand closest to the king in the bodyguard. There are three instances (MN, I, 83; MN, II, 45; SSR, LVI) of men wearing pointed helmets combined with auxiliary or provincial dress: the first may be a mistake by the modern draughtsman, the second appears informally in the heat of battle, and the third only indicates that provincials, while retaining their native dress, could be equipped with Assyrian arms. While the varied nature of the population may be elusively reflected in the hair and beards of men wearing the pointed helmet, there can be little doubt that the term " Assyrians" suits them best. The auxiliaries are of two main kinds: spearmen with crested helmets, and archers with headbands. Their particular characteristicsare described below, but we deal here with what they have in common. They are virtually unknown in the ninth century, but prominent under Tiglath-pileser and Sargon: at this time it is 5 MVAcG 41 (1937), " ZA 24 (1910), 25 (I963), no- 3, p. 62. 101-117. Z7ZA 24 (1910), 142-149. See also H. Saggs, Iraq 145-154- This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 102 J. E. READE certain, from details of their hair, beards, and dress, that some at least of them were not regarded as ordinary Assyrians, and they may also have been treated as relatively expendable in battle. In the seventh century they appear on the outer fringe of the bodyguard, and are represented as forming the bulk of the peacetime army on guard-duty at Nineveh (MN, II, I4; NA, 51). In this period many more of them have Assyrian hair and beards, and some acquire Assyrian items of uniform. Obviously these corps may have come to include inhabitants of metropolitan Assyria, but it seems essential to distinguish them from the traditional types of Assyrian soldier. Provincial troops wear their native dress, and their origin can be ascertained by a study of the enemies represented in the sculptures. We do not exclude the possibility that provincials were sometimes equipped as Assyrians or auxiliaries, especially since they are shown less frequently than the texts suggest they should be.58 It is perfectly possible, however, that most provincials retained their own distinctive dress, and that the sculptors were discouraged from representing more than a few of them. The Army: Officers The mace is the standard Assyrian symbol of authority. It is occasionally carried by men, outside the king's presence, who are in command of soldiers (ANP, XXI; MN, I, 69), and frequently by men escorting prisoners or booty (BG, XXVII; One man carries a spear and a quiver as well (MN, II, 22), and STP, XXVIII). this combination of arms, unusual for a foot-soldier, apparently distinguishes several other officers who do not themselves have maces (MNK, 146; SA, 34). The men with maces are often indistinguishable from members of the king's entourage, to which many of them must have belonged, and those with spears and quivers, though on foot, could be related to the king's mounted guardsmen. One man without a mace, under Aggurnasirpal (ANP, XX), has a tassel attached to his quiver and wears a tunic rather than a kilt; he is leading an important prisoner, and must be an officer. Tassels can also be attached to the quivers or spears of Assyrian members of the bodyguard (MNK, 142 ; RAK, 69); auxiliaries sometimes have them too (MNK, 9I, 98), and may be officers or members of the bodyguard, though there is no further evidence for this. A few auxiliary spearmen have ribbons or tassels attached to their helmets; one group of these are bodyguards (VAM, 147), and another is responsible for the escort of prisoners (TB, XLIX), so the remainder (STP, XXXIV; MNK, go) may be officers or bodyguards also. There are other men, without insignia, whose rank can be guessed by their attitude or surroundings: a horseman shouting orders to Aggurbanipal's infantry,59 or an Assyrian archer, in a sculpture of the Late Group (PS, 54), who is fastening a decoration on an auxiliary. Eunuch officers are seen at several dates (BG, IV; STP, LIX; PS, 58). In the ninth century they are dressed and armed as royal attendants, but in the eighth their 58 E.g. RCAE I1, no. 0oog. Provincial areas provide chariots and horsemen as well as foot- soldiers, but only the latter can be identified on the sculptures. 59 Noted by Yadin, op. cit., 458 f. This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE NEO-ASSYRIAN COURT AND ARMY: EVIDENCE FROM THE SCULPTURES 103 tunics become shorter. At all times there are also eunuchs who are not demonstrably officers,and there are possibly no eunuchs at all in the bodyguard, but the frequency with which they occur in chariots and among the cavalry (ANP, XV; STP, XIV; SA, 34) suggests a certain seniority. Some of these should probably be regarded as officials rather than officers,in so far as this is a meaningful distinction. It is noticeable that under Sennacherib, though eunuchs with tunics rather than kilts are included among the Assyrian troops, there is no definite sign that they are giving orders; they do, however, act as archersand do not carry shields (Plate XXXVIa; MN, II, 2I). One of Sennacherib'sauxiliary archersis also a eunuch (MN, II, I4), but he too seems to be of the same rank as his companions. The Assyrian terms for officer are fully discussed by Manitius.60 Most familiar is the rabkisri,whom Manitius identifies with the rabhanseor captain of fifty, though a more general meaning seems possible; a rab eserte,captain of ten, is also known. Many officers,of course, will have borne the titles suggested above for mace-bearers among the king's attendants. One eunuch, who is either an official or an officer, is described in a caption simply as tfit r6i.i6 TheArmy: Assyrians62 Chariots (Wi?GIGIRmel) are seen at all dates, but we cannot alwaysjudge how many men they contained. Ordinarily, in the ninth century, there was an archer and a driver only (BG, XLVI). Sargon's chariots, like his own, contain in addition two shield-bearers or one shield-bearer with two shields (MNK, 76, 92). There are always two shield-bearers under A.9urbanipal (SA, 44). No chariots, apart from those carrying the standards, can be positively identified as belonging to the royal bodyguard rather than to the army in general. Cavalry (pithalli) originally come in pairs. Under Aggurnasirpalone rider, with a shield on his back, shoots a bow while the other holds the reins of both horses (ANP, XV); under Shalmaneser the second man manipulates a spear or shield with his free hand (BG, XXXIX, LXXII). In the eighth century the riders still tend to be paired in battle (STP, LXVII; MNK, 64); they can wear quivers, but are only seen charging, when they use their spears. In the seventh century they have spears, bows or both together (Plates XXXVIb, XXXVIIa, XXXIX c, XL; MN, II, 38), and there are no restrictions on their use. One body of cavalry, as distinct from riderswith spare horses,forms the core of the royal bodyguard from the reign of Sargon on (MNK, 142; SA, 13) it was the s'aseipe,at the feet of the king. One of the two standard types of Assyrian infantry-man at all times is the archer or sdb qasti. These men are extremely common, operating either in massed groups (BG, XLIV; MN, II, 20), or singly with each one covered by a second man holding a shield (Plate XXXVIIIa ; BG, XL ; MN, II, 2I). Archers appear in the bodyguard on the Late Group of sculptures (PS, 57), and there are a few men with quivers among Sennacherib's labour overseers (MN, II, 13). Before the seventh century, however, men in the royal entourage normally carry maces and bows together, and 'I ZA 24 (1910), 212-219. 61MN, II, 48; AfO 8 (1932), 182, caption no. 17. 62ZA 24 (1910), 118-134; passim. This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions A0 I2 (I9I11), no. 4, 104 J. E. READE bodyguard archers are indistinguishable from attendants; even those that do not have maces (BG, XX) were probably so drawn by a poorly supervisedartist. The other standard type carries, in addition to his sword, a shield and frequently a spear (Plates XXXVIIa, b ; XXXVIIIa). There are in the texts two terms, sdb arntior shield-bearer and na-sasmardor spearman, which do not seem to be found together ; either, or both, may apply to those soldiers. They, like the archers, can fight in groups (MN, I, 69) ; more often they are seen covering the archers. They appear in the bodyguard under Shalmaneser, when they carry maces (BG, LIX), and reappear, both with and without maces, at Hadatu (AT, IX, XI). In the seventh century spearmen of this type, without maces, form the bulk of the bodyguard in war (SA, I 5, 34) ; once, during an ANsurbanipaltriumph (RAK, 69), they seem to have discarded their shields. A third type of Assyrian soldier, found under Tiglath-pileser and Sennacherib (STP, XCIV; MN, II, 20), is the slinger or nd. kabdbi. He is not identifiable in the bodyguard. Other Assyrian soldiers are seen performing specific duties such as operating siege-engines, or demolishing walls with special tools, or carrying loot (Plate XXXIXa; MN, II, 2I; ANP, XXIV; STP, XCI). Obviously men were picked to do what they were good at, but there is no adequate proof in the sculptures that a special corps of engineers existed. There are also foot-soldiers with exotic combinations of arms such as bows and shields (STP, CXVIII), but these are too rare to be of great significance. TheArmy: AuxiliaryArchers Assurnasirpal'ssculptures include a few figures, bare-headed or wearing headbands, who accompany the army and who are, at least once, contrasted with the helmeted Assyrians (ANP, XXI, XXIV). Some of these men have handsome geometric patterns on their kilts; so, however, do some Assyrians nearby. Bareheaded men, with long hair and distinctive short kilts, appear as archers under Tiglath-pileser (STP, XXXVI, XLI); the same king (STP, XXXIV, LI) employs one bare-headed archer in a longer kilt, and another pair, with short kilts, in headbands. These figures represent a type or rather two types of archer, seen regularly in the sculptures of Sargon and his successors; under these kings, however, they virtually always have headbands (Plates XXXVIIIa, b; XLb). The division of these archers into two types is assured by their juxtaposition in Sennacherib's bodyguard (AP, 5I, 53); they are also juxtaposed in Aswurbanipal's sculptures (SA, 34), though the more barbaric type, as defined below, is absent from his bodyguard (MN, II, 47). There are also, however, under these two kings, so many intermediate types that it is difficult to pinpoint any one criterion by which the individual can be judged, and it may be simplest to describe only the two extreme forms. The more barbaric type is best representedunder Sargon (MNK, 77, 89, 93), and generally has some of the following characteristics: long hair, either worn loose or tied up to a headband, as on Plate XXXVIIIb ; a pointed beard; a shoulder-strap; a short kilt with geometric decoration on it; bare or sandalledfeet; a sword; a narrow quiver; and a bow. The other type is virtually Assyrian, and This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE NEO-ASSYRIAN COURT AND ARMY: EVIDENCE FROM THE SCULPTURES 105 his characteristics, on one of the Late Group of sculptures (SSR, XLVIII), are as follows: hair bunched square; a headband with earflaps 63; a beard cut square; chest armour; a longer kilt; boots; a sword; a wider quiver; and a bow. Since headbands, kilts, and bows are worn by Assyria's Aramaean enemies, especially along the Euphrates and in Babylonia (ANP, XIII; BG, LXV), this is probably the general direction in which we should look for the origin of these auxiliary archers. What may possibly have happened is that, even in the ninth century, Aramaean tribesmen from the extensive marginal lands on the southern and western borders of Assyria were already employed in the army. During the eighth and seventh centuries they were used on an increasing scale, and among them, perhaps, were some of the Itu'a tribesmen, from south of AMur,who are mentioned as soldiers in the texts.64 These tribal forces may then be represented by the more barbaric type of archer. During the eighth century, however, as we know from texts and archaeological surveys,66a vast programme of resettlement was carried out in the marginal lands, and the settlersin the new villages are likely to have consisted partly of tribesmen, such as the Itu'aya, who were already in the vicinity and who chose to abandon transhumance, and partly of deported peoples, among them many Aramaeans. The diverse origins of the population would then have been reflected in their dress, but there would have been a gradual process of assimilation to the fashions prevalent in Assyria. The result would have been something not unlike what we find on the sculptures. The auxiliary archers would then be divisible into three groups: transhumant tribesmen; recently settled tribesmen and deportees; and, very possibly, some men from inside Assyria and from the outer provinces who dressed in the same general way. The Army: AuxiliarySlingers Some Assurbanipalslingers wear plain headbands and long kilts. This is in sharp contrast, on one sculpture (SA, 34), to the barbaric dress of a neighbouring auxiliary archer, and we should probably group these slingers with the relatively Assyrianized auxiliaries. TheArmy: AuxiliarySpearmen Spearmen in crested helmets appear under Tiglath-pileser, and are subsequently very common (STP, XLII; MN, II, 20). Their crests can be of several types,66 but one of them, which curves forward from the top of the helmet, gradually predominates, becoming standard in the second half of the seventh century (Plates XXXVIIIa ; XLb). The normal equipment of these men includes a spear, "I R. D. Barnett, AP, p. 19, regards men wearing the headband with earflaps as deportees from Lachish; earflaps may indeed be western in origin, but men wearing them appear in Sennacherib's army at the siege of Lachish itself (MN, II, 20). 64 References: S. Parpola, Neo-AssyrianToponyms, s.v. 6 Iraq 30 (1968), 130; ARAB I, ? 56, to be read in conjunction with R. Borger, Einleitungin die assyrischen Konigsinschriften I, 27; and ARAB I, ? 824. 66 Discussed briefly by Falkner, STP, 39. This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions I o6 J. E. READE a sword, a shield, a tunic rather than a kilt, and shoulder-straps which cross behind a roundel on the chest. A few frequently appear at the front of the seventh-century bodyguard (VA M, 147), and these are once, in the Late Group of sculptures (MN, II, 42), drawn without their shields; some more spearmen, probably of this type, are shown without helmets in an Assurbanipal hunt-scene (NA, 5'). Like the auxiliary archers, these spearmen tend to look more Assyrian in the later sculptures. Under Tiglath-pileser (STP, XCI) they have pointed beards, which subsequently become square. They may also, in the eighth century (STP, LXXIII; MNK, 89), wear boots with upturned toes; this is not so in the seventh century, when they are normally barefoot or wear boots like those of the Assyrian soldiers (SSR, LXII, LXIII). One of Assurbanipal's soldiers combines the uniform of an auxiliary spearman with an Assyrian pointed helmet (MN, II, 45), but he need not be taken seriously. The uniform of these spearmen, which has Urartian affinities,67 probably originated in the mountainous territory north-east or north-west of central Assyria. The variety of the helmets, and other details, suggest that the soldiers were originally drawn from several areas, and the same areas must have continued to contribute men, but levies from the west, including Carchemish where a somewhat similar helmet was worn, may have been drafted into the same corps.68 It seems too much to hope that there is any connection between these spearmen and the tribal auxiliaries whom the Assyrians knew as Gurraya.69 TheArmy: Provincials Sennacherib's bodyguard at Nineveh includes a group of spearmen who wear headbands with earflaps and distinctive double kilts (AP, 45); men who presumably belong to the same contingent, but who have pointed helmets instead of headbands, appear in Sennacherib's Zagros campaigns (MN, II, 29; SSR, LIX). Since the distinctive items of these soldiers' dress are comparable though not identical with those of the inhabitants of Lachish in Palestine (MN, II, 22), Barnett has identified them as captives from this city.70 Clearly this is possible, but Sargon also employed large numbers of men from central Syria and Palestine 71; some of them, or their sons, could have been members of Sennacherib's army. However this may be, the spearmen were from somewhere in this general area. Another spearman, with the same kilt and with a headband which is either very odd or wrongly carved (SA, 43), appears in AMurbanipal's bodyguard at Nineveh; presumably he too is from Syria or Palestine. 6' Noted by Barnett, STP, xix. 68 R. D. Barnett, lc. cit.; D. G. Hogarth, CarchemishI, pls. B 2, 3. Sargon mentions employing troops from Carchemish, though not all were footsoldiers (ARAB II, ? 8). 'I References: S. Parpola, op. cit., s.v. For a division of the troops into Assyrians, Gurraya and Itu'aya, see K. Deller, Or Ns 36 (1967), 81. 70IE 8 (1958), 16471 ARAB II, ? 4. Indeed all the types of provincial soldier mentioned below were probably employed in Sargon's army; he certainly deported Philistines, Elamites, and Chaldaeans (ARAB II, ??5, 33, 45), and some of them must have been kept as soldiers even when this is not specified in the texts. Provincial troops, of equally diverse origins, are regularly mentioned by the seventh-century kings: a list, which could now be extended, is given by Manitius in ZA 24 (191o), 220-224. This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE NEO-ASSYRIAN COURT AND ARMY: EVIDENCE FROM THE SCULPTURES 107 Another group of Sennacheribspearmen (MN, I, 69) have caps covering the backs of their heads, possibly comparable with those worn by Sargon's Phoenicians (MNK, 31). They appear on campaign, probably near the Mediterranean, as a captive on the same slab looks not unlike an inhabitant of Lachish, and other slabs from the room shows Philistines and ships at sea (MN, I, 70, 7'). One Sennacherib sculpture (MN, II, 33) shows the inhabitants of both coastal and inland Palestine being deported together. Those from the coast, who are Philistines, wear soft caps which flop backwards on top; similar caps are seen on the inhabitants of Astartu in a Tiglath-pileser sculpture (STP, LXX). A Philistine actually seems to be in charge of the deportation, and a soldier in a similar cap appears in AMsurbanipal's army during an Elamite campaign (AP, 132). Archers who are probably Elamites appear in Sennacherib's army at Lachish (MN, II, 20): they have headbands, quivers with rounded heads, and tunics belted to form a bunch at the back. Since Sennacherib did have Elamite troops, the general resemblance between these soldiers and A?surbanipal's Elamite enemies (MN, II, 48) seems conclusive. We should note that the MN drawing is probably wrong in providing these archers with earflaps; the surface of the sculpture is damaged, but a close inspection suggests that the headbands were plain and that earflaps were inserted by the artist because they are to be seen on auxiliaries in the row above. Elamites are also found in Assurbanipal's bodyguard (MN, II, 47), and large numbers of them, supportersof Assyria's nominee for the throne, accompany his army on its campaigns in Elam itself (AP, 136). Another Assurbanipal sculpture (RAK, 65) shows a group of archers in a palmgrove, wearing headbands and kilts not dissimilar to those worn by auxiliaries, but with hair and beards identical with those of the same king's Babylonian and Chaldaean enemies (SA, 26). These men appear to be attacking, and are therefore likely to be local supporters rather than enemies of Assyria. Civilians There is little place for civilians on the sculptures. Assurnasirpal shows some women, probably on the walls of Kalhu, greeting the Assyrian army (ANP, XXII), and there are spectators, perhaps members of the palace staff, for AHurbanipal's lion-hunt (AP, 79). Otherwise we have a huntsman incorporated into a reviewscene on an ANsurnasirpal obelisk (SA, 6), and a few genre scenes, apparentlyshowing the Tigris near Nineveh, on one series of sculptures from the second half of the seventh century.72 Private individuals or minor officials naturally had themselves representedon plaques and seals, but we cannot deal with these here. Conclusion I would again stress that the monuments on which these figures appear are not to be taken literally. What we have are the fragments of a self-portraitof Assyria, one that is in some cases easy to misunderstand and in others intentionally mis72 A. H. Layard, Ninevehand Babylon, 231 f. This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions i o8 J. E. READE leading. The portrait is silent, but some of the questions it raises, though not new, may merit reconsideration. What was the status of the eunuch at the Assyrian court ? If it is accepted that the beardless figures were in fact eunuchs, they were very important indeed. Their loyalty to the existing system of government, though not necessarily to the reigning monarch, had been ensured by childhood mutilation. Those who attended the young prince and gained his favour became officials and governors in later life; on his death they could well have become king-makers. What did happen on Sennacherib's accession ? He himself seldom names his father, and may have seized the throne from a rival who had more friends at court. We know from texts that some of his governors were eunuchs, but in the sculptures his more important attendants are all men. He also abandoned the old eponym system at the start of his reign, and it is remarkable that the traditional court officials only appear on an exceptionally formal occasion. Perhaps they had simply changed their uniform ; but it is surely possible that Sennacherib surrounded himself with soldiers whose loyalty had been proved in the field, and who were entirely dependant on his favour. What was the composition of the standing army in the seventh century ? The sculptures suggest that there was a basic core of native Assyrians, relatively few men from the outer provinces, and a great many, natives and deportees, from areas incorporated into Assyria during the eighth century. Manitius places all the emphasis on the provincials, but this view may need modification. Serious new answers to questions of this nature will come, if they come at all, from the informal administrative documents of Assyria. These are sources of incomparable value, but it is hoped that the epigraphists who are at present rewriting and re-interpreting them will bear the evidence of the sculptures in mind. Notes on the Plates XXXIIIa. Skulpturensammlung, Dresden: no. 19: 236 by 215 cm.; small photograph published by Weidner (RAK, ioo). This was slab 30 in room G of A?surnasirpal'spalace, and stood to the left of the one illustrated in Plate XXXIIIb. It shows a genie on the right and a eunuch attendant on the left; the next slab to the left, included in Weidner's photograph, showed the king and another eunuch. XXXIIIb. Hermitage Museum, Leningrad: no. 3938 in the oriental section; 243 by 217 cm.; Weidner (RAK, I 20) reproduced an engraving taken from a book or pamphet by Golenishchev which is not in the British Museum. This slab was no. 31 in room G of Aisurna~irpal'spalace at Kalhu (Iraq 27 (1965), 132). It shows the king on the left and a genie on the right. The left edge is in shadow, but it seems just possible to discern the toe of a third figure in the bottom left-hand corner; this should belong to the genie on the right in Plate XXXIIIa. XXXIVa. National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa: no. 2919; 53 by 42 cm.; apparently unpublished. The figures are a pair of AMgurnairpal'sattendants, comparable with those in ANP, XVII and XIX. They probably carried maces as well as their bows; the fragmentary object on the right-hand edge may be part of a spear projecting from a chariot in front of them. Since they have no helmets, they may belong in a relatively peaceful scene, perhaps one of those in the west wing of AgAurnasirpal's palace at Kalhu. This piece was not known to me at the time the catalogue of Assurnasirpal sculptures (Iraq 27 (i965)) was written. Other omissions are as follows: This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE NEO-ASSYRIAN COURT AND ARMY: EVIDENCE Room B, part of slab 6: BM I 35736, unpublished. Room C: probably BM x18929 (Stearns' A-II-a-ii-28), king facing right, unpublished. Room H: FROM THE SCULPTURES and perhaps BM 135I56, I 09 head of a A-III-a-ii-9. Room I, upper register: Sotheby'sCatalogues,26/ l I / 1968, no. 38, and I / 1 2/ I969, no. 23. There is another in the Gulbenkian Collection, Lisbon. Room I, lower register: BM 102400, and Muzeum Narodowe, Warsaw, no. 199335 MN, both apparently unpublished. Room L: BM I08833, head of a genie facing left, apparently unpublished. Room N, slab 6: this is an alternative position for A-I-m-3. Room S, doorway: A-II-c-i-4. Room S or T: BM 102401 (head only, facing left, unpublished). Rooms S ?: two-registergenies facing right, in the Manchester Museum, no. VII A 8, unpublished. Other slabs have recently been uncovered by the Iraq Directorate-General of Antiquities, especially in rooms H and L. Further fragmentary genies in Europe are BM 135I57 (Shalmaneser III ?), and one in the Abeggstiftung, Bern (KulturallkMonatschrift,no. 6, May I968, a reference for which I am indebted to Drn 0. W. Muscarella); both wear horned caps, and face left. There are a few narrative fragments as well as genies among the unpublished material in the British Museum; I am grateful to Dr. R. D. Barnett and the Trustees of the Museum for permission to look through the reserve collection, and publish these notes on it. It may be of interest to note that some of the slab assignments made in Iraq27 have been confirmed by Canby's work on the embroideries (Iraq 33 (I97I), 50-53); presumably the embroidery shown in MN, 1, 50, no. 6, which was not located by Canby, should be looked for on the left-hand king in VA 939, which is part of slab I4 in room G (A-II-a-i-23).7 XXXIVb Ashmolean Museum, Oxford: thought to be part of the Newbury loan; 88 by 68 cm.; apparently unpublished. This fragment, showing attendant men and eunuchs in front of the royal rickshaw (cf. MN, II, I2), evidently comes from one of the scenes in which Sennacherib was seen inspecting public works. Layard (Ninevehand Babylon,I04) mentions finding fragments of the king " in his chariot " in the open passage-way XLIX, where public works were represented, and it seems not improbable that Layard there mistook the rickshaw for a chariot. If so the piece showing the king may well be represented by Ashmolean 1933.I669 (RAK, 74), and the bottom left-hand corner of this may join the top right-hand corner of our piece. XXXVa. British Museum, London: no. 124917; 69 by 48 cm; described by Gadd, SA, p. I47, but apparently unpublished otherwise. I am particularly indebted to Dr. R. D. Barnett for obtaining me a photograph of this piece at very short notice. The subject is evident: both figures are eunuch officials, with the distinctive headbands wider behind than in front, and the sheath in the right-hand corner must have belonged to the crown-prince or another official; the king himself would have been placed further right, facing back towards them. The left-hand edge of the fragment is original. The style and scale of the figures, as observed by Gadd, are identical with those of AAAurna*irpal's two-register bas-reliefsfrom Kalhu, and we know of no other ninth-century kings who commissioned work of this specific type. Presumably the fragment does come from Kalhu and originally stood in A?Aurna~irpal's palace, but Dr. Barnett informs me that there is no record of when it reached London and that it probably acquired its present museum number in the I930s. It may then come from the west wing of the palace, where Rassam worked, or from the central or south-western areas of the 78 It has now been located there by J. Meuszyziski (Polish Academy of Sciences: Travaux du Centre d'Arc/lologieMediterranlenne, vol. i i; Etudeset Travaux V (1970), 42); I am indebted to R. D. Barnett for the loan of this article, which deals with the east wall of room G. Meuszyn'ski,in reaching conclusions slightly different from mine, was not aware that BM x24567 and 124568 (formerly Nimrud Gallery, 24, 25) are clearly not contiguous; the latter must therefore be slab I 2, while slab 7 is the one in the Metropolitan Museum, New York. This in turn would appear to be contiguous with its partner, in the same museum, which is indeed identified as slab 8 by the embroidery in MN I, pl. 8. We are left with slab I3, rather than slab 8, as the only possible home for BM 1 I8926 and 118927; Layard apparently ascribed this pair of heads to slab I 2, which is agreed to be impossible, but i 2 is more probably a misprint for 13 than for 8. This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions J. 110 E. READE mound. These latter have been amply discussed in STP, 1-7, 20-23, and Iraq30 (1968), 69-72, but a few details may merit insertion here: STP, 6. Parts of Layard's colossal figures in yellow limestone are still visible in the ravine; they represent officials or attendants. STP, 23. Layard, in the passage referredto by Falkner but not quoted, says that between the winged bulls of entrance b there was a pair of disintegrating double sphinxes, " each pair forming one column-base ". Traces of a line of inscription, including the sign Ui, are visible above STP, pl. LXVII (BM I I8907). the sculptured figures. Iraq 30 (I968), 69. The positions of the two obelisks should be interchanged; note also that the dimensions of the A?urna.irpal fasade, as shown in Loftus' plan (STP, pl. CXXX), suggest that he dug both buttressesrather than one. For the Upper Chambers, see now Turner's comments in Iraq32 (1970), 198. XXXVb. Institute of Arts, Detroit: no. 44.8I; 45 by 27 cm.; published by F. W. Robinson, Bulletinof the DetroitInstituteof Arts 24 (i944), no. 2, pp. IO, 13. Robinson mentions that this piece was brought back by Russam in 1878, a year in which he had been working all over Kuyunjik. The braided headband shows that the man is an Assyrian groom, and he may have belonged in one of A.surbanipal's hunt-scenes. XXXVIa. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Mass.: no. 33.683; 29 by 29 cm.; published by E. L. B. Terrace, The Art of the AncientNear East in Boston, I 962, a book which does not seem to be in the British Museum. Gadd (SA, p. 242) identified this piece as part of slab 12 in room LXX of Sennacherib's palace. It is clear from Layard's description (Ninevehand Babylon,588) that this eunuch belonged in the procession of chariots and horsemen marching behind the king; since he wears a helmet, he is probably an officer or soldier rather than an attendant. XXXVIb. Ashmolean Museum, Oxford: no. 1959.378; 76 by 70 cm.; formerly in the Canford collection, which had belonged to Layard; Sotheby'sCatalogue,I 6/ II /1959, no. 55; illustrated in the Reportof the Visitorsof theAshmoleanMuseum,1959, pl. Ila, and discussed by Weidner in AfO I9 I9I. The piece would seem to consist of two fragments from adjoining slabs; it certainly (I939), comes from Sennacherib's palace, and Weidner tentatively ascribes it to room XLV. The horseman must be part of a group standing close to the royal chariot, as in MN, II, 29. XXXVIIa. Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid; 65 by 38 cm. (left), and 64 by 40 cm. (right); . .. du Louvre(3rd. acquired in i851; mentioned by A. de Longperier, Notice, des antiquittsassyriennes Both the horseman ed., 1854), and now published by J. M. Pefnuela,Sefarad26 (1966), 247-252. and the foot soldiers look as if they belonged in Sennacherib's bodyguard, but there is at present no safe means of determining in which room or rooms they originated. XXXVIIb. City Museum and Art Gallery, Birmingham: no. 99'60; 52 by 29 cm.; originally Layard's; illustrated in Sotheby'sCatalogue, I1 /4/1960, and discussed by Weidner in AfO 19 (1959), Weidner ascribes the piece to AMgurbanipal; it probably belongs with the Late Group of sculptures from Sennacherib's court XIX rather than with those from A??urbanipal'spalace. The subject seems to be an attack on a moated city in Babylonia (cf. SA, 13). I92. XXXVIIIa. Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto: no. 932.6; 36 by 22 cm.; said to be illustrated in no. 54, which is not at present accessible in the British Museum; Sotheby'sCatalogue,21/3/1932, apparently unpublished otherwise. The fragment may date from Sennacherib rather than A??urbanipal, but it is hard to judge. It should really have been reproduced at an angle, as it shows the army storming up a siege-ramp, as at Lachish. There are two Assyrians in front, two auxiliary archers in the middle, and two auxiliary spearmen behind. XXXVIIIb. Muzeum Narodowe w Krakowie, Krakow: no. XI 623; 21 by i8 cm.; published by 6 (I928), 84-8. The texture of the stone, in so far as one can S. Przeworski, RocznikOrjentalistyczny This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE NEO-ASSYRIAN COURT AND ARMY: EVIDENCE FROM THE SCULPTURES III judge from a photograph, suggests that it is not the normal Mosul marble but the harder fossiliferous limestone used in room XXXIII of Sennacherib's palace: as we know from a text carved on the winged lion-sphinxes or apsasdtl at the entrance (A. H. Layard, Ninevehand Babylon,46, 459; D. D. Luckenbill, Annalsof Sennacherib, 127), this was pindz (formerly read asnan)stone from Mount Nipur, the Judi Dagh. The sculptures in room XXXIII included scenes of ALiurbanipal'sTil-Tuiba campaign in Elam (MN, II, 45, 46), and the headband worn by the corpse on the left edge of our fragment probably marks him as an Elamite. The two auxiliary archers cannot easily be dated, but room XXXIII seems the likeliest provenance. XXXIXa. Ashmolean Museum, Oxford: no. 1940.202; 18 by i8 cm.; a note on the back says " Near Nineveh, presented by Mr. Charles Hodder, July, I854 ", but it was given to the Ashmolean by Mr. A. E. Gunther; apparently unpublished. The shape of the helmet and the mechanical workmanship probably indicates that this came from a scene of military narrative in A??urbanipal's palace and a somewhat similar figure, escorting prisoners, was to be seen in the top right-hand corner of slab I0 in room F. This can hardly be the same as the Ashmolean piece, however, and we may never learn the precise provenance of the latter. It shares this fate with a depressingly large number of other fragments of military narrative, and I can make only two certain additions to the list published in Iraq 26 (I964), 10: these are a fragment in the Vatican, published by Pohl in IKF 2 (1951), pl. III, which is part of slab I4 in room F; and AO 2254 in the Louvre, which is part of slab I5 in the same room. Other possibilities which occur to me, and may be worth a mention, are as follows: Room F, slab I2: lost, but may have represented Pazuzu. Room H: RAK, 65. Room I: de ClercqCollectionCatalogueII, pl. XXI (below); Or NS i6 (I947), pl. XXX; Hall, and Berlin, VA 2I0 (judged by Babylonianand AssyrianSculpture,pl. XXXIX, 2 (BM 124924); the description in SA, p. 217). CourtJ: RAK, 66, 67; AfO 20 (I963), 199, fig. I7a, + RAK, 37, ? + AfO i6 (1952), 247, fig. 38. Room M, slab 14: RAK, 87. Fallen into rooms T or V: BMAH 23 (I95I), 26, fig. i, and AfO 21 (1966), 127, fig. 5. XXXIXb. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Mass.: no. 33.685; I I by 9 cm.; published by E. L. B. Terrace, The Art of theAncientNear East in Boston. This shows one of Sennacherib's eunuch labourers, and must come from court VI or corridor XLIX in his palace. Fragments from this series are common; they include two in Baghdad, IM 6o656 and 6o657, which are not yet published. XXXIXc. Ashmolean Museum, Oxford: no. 1950.240; 49 by 35 cm.; presented by Lady Layard to the Peterborough Museum in I9oo, and sold to the Ashmolean in 1950; discussed by E. Weidner, AfO I7 (1954), 183. Weidner quotes Gadd as ascribing the piece, probably, to room XXXII in Sennacherib's palace. A significant feature is that the horseman and his horse seem to have different ground-lines, and may be moving forward through mountains rather than standing still. XLa. Glasgow Art Gallery and Museum: Burrell Collection, no. 28/77; 26 by io cm.; apparently unpublished. The style is apparently that of AlAurbanipal's reign rather than Sennacherib's, but the figures have been drawn on an unusually small scale and are in unusually high relief. This suggests that the fragment may have derived from some such object as a throne-base rather than a wall-slab. AMurbanipal'sthrone-room, with a ramp at one end, and perhaps a bathroom to one side (entered through a doorway between slabs 5 and 7), is represented by room M in his palace (Iraq 26 (1964), plan on p. 13), and this seems a possible provenance though obviously it is very far from certain. XLb. Museo Archeologico, Venice: no. 46, room XX; 35 by 21 cm.; originally Layard's; published by M. Falkner, AfO i6 (1952), 29, fig. 4. I illustrate this piece because of its peculiar interest. Falkner, citing details of the armour and the harness, tentatively ascribed it to Sennacherib; the open background, however, is unlike other work of Sennacherib's reign, and somewhat This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions I12 J. E. READE reminiscent of A?Aurbanipal'sTil-Tfuba battle-scenes. The fragment also seems to be made of the same pinddstone as the one shown in Plate XXXVIIIb. This stone was used in several undecorated rooms of Sennacherib's palace (A. H. Layard, Ninevehand Babylon,445 f.), in one of which the TilTuba scene was later carved, but the Venice piece cannot have belonged to this. Clearly there may have been Sennacherib narrative carvings in this stone, but one is tempted to look elsewhere. It will then be noticed that Esarhaddon employed pindd stone in the Nineveh arsenal (R. Borger, InschnftenAsarhaddons,6i), and that the few fragments of Esarhaddon pictures that are known (MN, II, 53, 54) represent soldiers, some on an open background, who wear the same armour as under Sennacherib. These arguments are not conclusive, but an ascription to Esarhaddon is not incompatible with the available evidence; if the ascription is correct, this is the only fragment of Esarhaddon's narrative sculptures so far excavated. Abbreviations E. A. T. W. Budge, AssyrianSculpturesin the British Museum: Reign of Ashur-nasir-pal, ANP 885-860 B.C. R. D. Barnett, AssyrianPalace Reliefs and theirInfluenceon the Sculpturesof Babyloniaand AP Persia. AT F. Thureau-Dangin et al., Arslan Tash. BG L. W. King, BronzeReliefsfrom the Gatesof Shalmaneser King of Assyria,860-825 B.C. A. H. Layard, The Monumentsof Ninevehfrom Drawingsmadeon the Spot, and A Second MN, I, II Seriesof the Monumentsof Nineveh. P.-E. Botta and E. Flandin, Monumentde Ninive I-II. MNK V. Place and F. Thomas, Ninive et l'AssyrieIII. NA PS A. Paterson, AssyrianSculptures:Palaceof Sinacherib. E. F. Weidner et al., Die Reliefsderassyrischen RAK Konige(AfO Beiheft 4). SA C. J. Gadd, The Stonesof Assyria: thesurvivingRemainsof AssyrianSculpture,theirRecovery, and theiroriginalPositions. III to Sennacherib. S. Smith, AssyrianSculpturesin the BritishMuseumfrom Shalmaneser SSR R. D. Barnett and M. Falkner, The Sculpturesof Assiur-naoir-apli II (883-859 B.C.), STP Tiglath-PileserIII (745-727 B.C.), Esarhaddon(68I-669 B.C.) from the Centraland SouthWestPalacesat Nimrud. F. Thureau-Dangin and M. Dunand, Til-Barsnip. TB VAM Museumzu Berlin. G. R. Meyer, Altorientalische Denkmakrim Vorderasiatischen This content downloaded from 77.103.134.18 on Sun, 12 Jan 2014 08:32:32 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions