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Grammatical change in borderlands Spanish: A variationist analysis of copula variation and progressive expansion in a South Texas bilingual enclave community

Grammatical change in borderlands Spanish: A variationist analysis of copula variation and progressive expansion in a South Texas bilingual enclave community

Profile image of Phillip M. CarterPhillip M. CarterProfile image of Tonya WolfordTonya Wolford

This study investigates variation in the grammatical system of Spanish in the speech of three generations of Mexican Americans living in a community in South Texas, United States, characterized by high levels of bilingualism and long-term, sustained contact between languages. Two variables are studied using quantitative methods: (1) the extension of the copula verb estar into domains traditionally confined to ser and (2) the expansion of progressive forms at the expense of the simple present. The data reported here suggest changes-in-progress that appear to be accelerated by the linguistic and socio-cultural conditions of the community including, especially, lack of access to formal education in Spanish. The sociolinguistic patterning for these variables is compared to patterning for the same variables reported in the literature in both monolingual communities in Spain and Latin America and bilingual communities in the United States.

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Dying a Slow Death: Tracing the Complexities of Language Use, Loss, and Persistence in the Spanish of South Texas

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Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics 2018; 11(1): 1–27 Phillip M. Carter* and Tonya E. Wolford Grammatical change in borderlands Spanish: A variationist analysis of copula variation and progressive expansion in a South Texas bilingual enclave community https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2018-0001 Abstract: This study investigates variation in the grammatical system of Spanish in the speech of three generations of Mexican Americans living in a community in South Texas, United States, characterized by high levels of bilingualism and long-term, sustained contact between languages. Two variables are studied using quantitative methods: (1) the extension of the copula verb estar into domains traditionally confined to ser and (2) the expansion of progressive forms at the expense of the simple present. The data reported here suggest changes-in-progress that appear to be accelerated by the linguistic and sociocultural conditions of the community including, especially, lack of access to formal education in Spanish. The sociolinguistic patterning for these variables is compared to patterning for the same variables reported in the literature in both monolingual communities in Spain and Latin America and bilingual communities in the United States. Keywords: Spanish in the U.S., language contact, Spanish copula verbs, Spanish tense/aspect system, change-in-progress 1 Introduction Sociolinguists studying Spanish in the United States have been concerned with documenting cross-generational language shift from Spanish to English in Latina/o speech communities and understanding the effects of language contact on the linguistic structure of Spanish in these communities (e.g., Otheguy et al. 2000; Potowski 2004; Silva-Corvalán 1994; Veltman 1988; Zentella 1997). In the current study, we work within the paradigm of variationist sociolinguistics @ (Labov 1966; Tagliamonte 2011) to contribute to the disciplinary conversation *Corresponding author: Phillip M. Carter, Florida International University, Miami, FL, USA, E-mail: pmcarter@fiu.edu Tonya E. Wolford, The School District of Philadelphia, Philadelphia, PA, USA, E-mail: twolford@philasd.org Authenticated | pmcarter@fiu.edu author's copy Download Date | 5/3/18 11:53 AM 2 Phillip M. Carter and Tonya E. Wolford about the effects of language shift on the grammar of Spanish in the context of long term contact in bilingual U.S. Latina/o speech communities by presenting a quantitative analysis of grammatical changes taking place in a bilingual speech community in South Texas. Many of the studies reported in the literature on grammatical change in Spanish in the United States are based on data collected in communities characterized by what Silva-Corvalán (1994) has termed ‘cyclical bilingualism’ and what Lynch (2000) has termed ‘recontact.’ That is, heritage language speakers in bilingual speech communities situated in large, urban settings where new immigration from Latin America is continuous, reestablish contact with Spanish, becoming immersed in it through situational factors that create intensive contact with new immigrants. For example, studies of Spanish in Los Angeles (Silva-Corvalán 1986; 1994), Houston (Gutiérrez 1995; Gutiérrez 2001), New York City (Otheguy and Zentella 2011; Zentella 1997) and Miami (Lynch 2000) have all commented on the role that new immigration from Spanish-speaking countries plays on the maintenance of Spanish in the U.S. setting. Our work differs from the majority of published studies in this area in that the bilingual speech community where the data were collected is characterized by very little contact with new Spanish-speaking immigrants and thus offers an important link between studies of Spanish grammatical change in the United States (where ‘re-contact’ is commonplace) and studies of Spanish grammatical change in Latin America. In the context of this unique field site, our work is engaged with the following three areas of theoretical and descriptive concern. First, we are interested in contributing to the literature on Spanish grammatical change-in-progress in the United States in stituations of dynamic bilingualism, where change-in-progress is difficult to tease apart from incomplete acquisition (Silva-Corvalán 2003, 2006). We examine two widely studied features of Spanish, documented both in bilingual communities in the U.S. as well as in the monolingual varieties of Spanish in Latin America and Spain: the innovative uses of the copula verb estar (henceforth ‘innovative estar’)1 and the expansion of progressive constructs (henceforth ‘progressive expansion’). Second, we aim to describe how these variable structures are used in the community, both by 1 Given the prevalence of this construct in both bilingual communities in the United States, bilingual communities outside of the United States, and monolingual communities outside the United States, the term ‘innovative’ is somewhat of a misnomer. The feature may be better termed ‘uses of estar in a class frame of reference.’ Nevertheless, we retain the use of the term ‘innovative estar’ for the sake of simplicity and in order to be consistent with the existing literature on the feature. Authenticated | pmcarter@fiu.edu author's copy Download Date | 5/3/18 11:53 AM Grammatical change in borderlands Spanish 3 the Spanish-dominant community elders, and the subsequent generations of bilingual speakers,2 with an aim of documenting an understudied variety of Spanish in the United States. We are concerned with understanding how the patterns of use observed in this unique enclave community compare to patterns of use reported in the literature for bilingual communities in the United States, as well as the many noncontact varieties of Spanish elsewhere. Finally, where possible, we will comment on the role that sustained contact with English in the speech community during the past half-century has had in the grammatical changes taking place to Spanish in the community. We reformulate these areas of concern in terms of the following research questions: 1. How do the grammatical features ‘innovative estar’ and ‘progressive expansion’ pattern quantitatively in this South Texas bilingual speech community at the level of the individual and the level of the group? How does the sociolinguistic patterning of these variables differ from the patterning reported in the literature on both contact and monolingual varieties of Spanish? 2. How does the variable usage of these features correlate with age and what do these patterns tell us about grammatical change-in-progress? How are these grammatical features used by English-dominant bilinguals, and how does this usage differ from that of the Spanish-dominant speakers in the community? That is, what can be said about the relationship between language change and language shift in this speech community? 3. Which sociocultural factors within the community promote the advancement of grammatical changes-in-progress to Spanish grammar? In the following section (Section 2), we describe the variables examined in this study – innovative estar and progressive expansion – as they have been accounted for in the ample literature documenting their use in bilingual and monolingual speech communities. In Section 3, we provide a brief history of the community and overview of the language scene in Las Alas. In Section 4, we describe our field methods and methods of analysis. In Section 5, we provide answers to the research questions by reporting on the results from a multivariate analysis of ‘innovative estar’ and ‘progressive expansion’ in the speech of three generations of Las Alas residents. In Section 6, we discuss the findings in 2 Because of the relatively insular nature of the community and concomitant lack of new immigration, “age group” and “generation” are mostly co-extensive terms in Las Alas. While in other studies, someone in “generation II” may be of the same age as someone in any of the generation groups we have established here. That kind of spreading of ages across generations is not possible in our corpus. Authenticated | pmcarter@fiu.edu author's copy Download Date | 5/3/18 11:53 AM 4 Phillip M. Carter and Tonya E. Wolford relation to the literature on these features and prior work on the prosody of Spanish in this community. 2 Innovative estar and progressive expansion In this section we introduce the variables analyzed in this study, providing examples from the Las Alas corpus, and describe the literature that documents these variable structures in the speech of Spanish/English bilinguals in the U.S. and monolingual Spanish speakers in Spain and Latin America. 2.1 Innovative estar A previously documented feature of grammatical change taking place in Spanish both in the United States and in noncontact varieties throughout Latin America is the extension of the copula estar with adjectival predicates to contexts traditionally confined to ser. Examples (1), (2) and (3) come from the speech of young Las Alas residents and illustrate the innovative use of estar in the community. (1) Nomás que era lo que quiero de hacer cuando yo estaba chiquito. It’s just that that’s what I want to do when I was [estar] little (2) …y lo que me preocupa es que…mi hija está muy bonita… …and what worries me is that… my daughter is [estar] really pretty (3) Si, si me gusta, está muy fácil, no es, uh, es diferente but está muy fácil. Me gusto. Yes, yes, I like it, it is [estar] really easy, it’s not, uh, it’s different, but it’s [estar] really easy. I like it.3 In these examples, the verb forms refer to qualities presented within a class frame of reference (Silva-Corvalan 1986) in the broader discourse. The contemporary innovative usage of estar has been implicated in the broader evolution of the copulas in the history of Spanish, which involves the 3 Though the speaker said “me gusto,” which means “I like myself,” as opposed to me gusta (I like it) or me gustó (I liked it), we are confident she was expressing a general preference for the course and have thus translated the expression as “I like it.” Authenticated | pmcarter@fiu.edu author's copy Download Date | 5/3/18 11:53 AM Grammatical change in borderlands Spanish 5 gradual expansion of estar and the corresponding retraction of ser, as described by Andrade (1919), Pountain (1982), and Silva-Corvalán (1986, 1994). The distribution of the copulas in conventional accounts of Modern Spanish grammar can be summarized as follows: ser is used for expressing inherent qualities that are not likely to change and/or that are presented within a class frame of reference, while estar is used for accidental or circumstantial qualities that are susceptible to change and/or are presented within an individual frame of reference. The expansion of innovative estar involves the elimination of selection restrictions on estar in these contexts. According to Silva-Corvalán (1986), this is an example of a semantic change with syntactic consequences, where the contexts of use for estar are expanding and those for ser are diminishing. The change in the distribution of ser and estar has been attested in various bilingual speech communities in the United States where Spanish is in a situation of sustained contact with English, including Los Angeles (SilvaCorvalan 1986, 1994), Houston (Gutiérrez 1995; Gutiérrez 2001), and Southern Arizona (Bessett 2015). A review of the literature shows that innovative estar has also been attested in numerous monolingual or noncontact varieties of Spanish. For example, Diaz-Campos and Geeslin (2011a, 2011b) and Geeslin and Diaz-Campos (2005) analyzed sociolinguistic interviews collected in Caracas, Venezuela during the 1980s for all cases of ser and all cases of estar with predicate adjectives. They found that the innovative use of estar correlated with linguistic variables such as adjective class and predicate type. Similarly, De Jonge (1993) studied the construction [copula + adjective expressing age], for which ser would be required in traditional accounts, among speakers from Mexico City and Caracas. He found that speakers from both dialect groups were involved in the change. Malaver (2000) analyzed data collected in the 1970s and 1980s in Caracas and also found the innovative use of estar in the speech from both time periods. Gutiérrez (1992, 1994) has found innovative estar in Michoacán, Mexico, as has Alfaraz (2012) in Cuba. In her study, estar was examined in both real time and apparent time. The realtime study involved data collected in the 1960s from Cuban immigrants aged 30–50 who had recently immigrated to Miami, and data collected from a comparable sample of recent Cuban immigrants aged 52–77 thirty years later in the 1990s. No significant change was found between these groups with respect to the innovative use of estar (13 % in 1960s, 14.8 % in 1990s). However, an apparent time study was also conducted in which the Spanish of the speakers interviewed in the 1990s was compared with that of a younger group of speakers interviewed at the same time. With a frequency of 29 %, the younger group was found to use the innovative form significantly more than the older group interviewed at the same time. Thus, the apparent time study Authenticated | pmcarter@fiu.edu author's copy Download Date | 5/3/18 11:53 AM 6 Phillip M. Carter and Tonya E. Wolford points to a change in progress in Cuban Spanish.4 In Puerto Rico, Negrón Medina (2013) has studied the phenomenon in the speech of 21 island residents, using five different instruments, including an interview, a picture task, two kinds of questionnaires, and a grammaticality judgment task. The results of her study show that both linguistic factors (e.g., adjective type and susceptibility to change) and social factors (sex, age, level of education and level of bilingualism) plays a role in the use of estar. An important aspect of this study is that these factors are mostly consistent across the instrument types (i.e., interview, picture task, questionnaires, judgement task), thus providing a clear picture of the change and providing evidence for the internal change tendency in another variety of Spanish. Brown and Cortés-Torres (2012) also studied copula variability in Puerto Rican Spanish. Their usage-based approach, based on the analysis of conversational data taken with 31 speakers, also shows variation to be conditioned by linguistic and social factors, though the configuration of factors that play a role in estar differs somewhat from other studies. For example, factors such as adjective class and frame of reference were found to favor estar, as in many other studies on the topic, susceptibility to change was not. The only significant social factor was age, with the two youngest age groups favoring estar and the oldest speakers disfavoring it. In terms of whether innovative estar reflects a change-in-progress in Latin American varieties, reports are mixed. In apparent time studies in the United States, Gutierrez (2001) and Silva-Corvalán (1986) have shown in their respective studies of Houston and Los Angeles, that the frequency of innovative forms increases across generations and is constrained by both language-internal and external factors, pointing to a change-in-progress in both cities. In contrast, Salazar’s (2007) study of Spanish copula constructions in New Mexico Spanish, which included all cases of ser and all cases of estar, did not find age to be a significant predictor of the use of the innovative form, though other external factors (e.g., level of education) were significant in predicting variability. Salazar’s (2007) study does not report results of extension, but instead all ser and estar + adjective constructions, and in this respect cannot be compared directly with Silva-Corvalán (1986) or Gutierrez (2001). Outside of the United States, various diachronic patterns have also been observed. Gutierrez’s (1992, 1994) study of Morelia, Michoacán found change-in-progress, as did Alfaraz’s (2012) study on Cuban Spanish, as described above. However, Cortés-Torres’ (2004) study of Spanish in Cuernavaca, Mexico did not find that age was a 4 Alfaraz (2012) also compares the Spanish of the younger speakers interviewed in the 1990s with the Spanish data collected in the 1960s. The difference in usage of innovative estar between these groups in real time was also statistically significant. Authenticated | pmcarter@fiu.edu author's copy Download Date | 5/3/18 11:53 AM Grammatical change in borderlands Spanish 7 significant predictor of estar, leading her to describe the standard and innovative variants as being in a situation of stable sociolinguistic variation. Her study was unique for using both written questionnaires and conversations, which yielded remarkably different rates of estar (31 % in questionnaire data, 9 % in conversational data). Further, a multivariate factor analysis showed that adjective type was the most important factor predicting the use of innovative estar, followed by data type (questionnaire v conversation), and finally level of education. Although the results of these studies are mixed in terms of describing ‘innovative estar’ as a change-in-progress (versus stable variation) throughout the Spanish-speaking world, the literature is nevertheless very clear that this type of variation in bilingual communities cannot be attributed directly to contact and influence from English. In fact, Ortiz-Lopez (2000) shows that contact with English in Puerto Rico actually decelerates the extension of estar there. This pattern was related to the social class of the speakers, such that the speakers from higher socioeconomic classes – whose Spanish was less susceptible to grammatical change due to access to formal education – also had access to education in English. Similarly, Geeslin and Guijarro-Fuentes (2008) examined the Spanish of bilinguals and Spanish monolinguals in four bilingual communities in Spain: Galicia, Basque Country, Catalonia, and Valencia. They found greater overall use of estar in the speech of bilinguals in two of the communities (Galicia and Basque Country) but found Spanish monolinguals to demonstrate the greatest usage in the other communities (Catalonia and Valencia), thus ruling out bilingualism per se as the cause of the change.5 Similarly, Bessett (2015), who specifically studied innovative estar (rather than overall rates of ser and estar) in Sonora, Mexico (monolinguals) and Arizona (bilinguals), found innovative usage in both communities, 16.2 % in Sonora and 20.8 % in Arizona. This difference was not statistically significant. Further, the distribution of factors was similar in both communities, leading Bessett to conclude that bilingualism does not result in accelerated use of innovative estar in Arizona. Findings from Ortiz-Lopez (2000), Geeslin and GuijarroFuentes (2008), and Bessett (2015) underscore the importance of factors other than language contact, especially access to formal education, as a causal factor in this type of grammatical change. 5 Geeslin and Guijarro-Fuentes (2008) were not explicitly studying innovative estar as such, but rather all cases of ser versus all cases of estar. We have nevertheless included this and other studies of Spanish copula + predicate adjective in our review of the literature in order to provide the widest possible survey of variation in copula construction and the widest possible survey of the factors that appear to condition it. Authenticated | pmcarter@fiu.edu author's copy Download Date | 5/3/18 11:53 AM 8 Phillip M. Carter and Tonya E. Wolford 2.2 Progressive expansion As has been noted, the progressive tenses generally coincide in Spanish and English. In both languages, the use of the present progressive corresponds to situations or actions that are relatively immediate, as compared to those that are more general. Both languages also make use of the simple present to refer to events, situations, or actions that are more general in nature. Moreover, the progressives in Spanish and English demonstrate a great deal of overlap in morpho-syntactic structure, both making use of the form AUX + present participle. In English this takes the form of ‘to be + V + ing,’ and in Spanish ‘estar + V + ndo.’ Despite these similarities, and although usage generally coincides, functional usage of progressives does differ subtly between English and Spanish. Specifically, in English, there are contexts for which the progressive form is required and the simple present is disallowed. Bybee et al. (1994) argue that progressive forms are obligatory when describing progressive actions in English. This is not the case in standard varieties of Spanish, however, which also permit the simple present in pragmatic/semantic contexts in which English requires the progressive. Examples (4) and (5) illustrate this difference. (4) What are you doing? I’m eating an apple. What are you doing? *I eat an apple. (5) ¿Qué haces? ¿Qué haces? Estoy comiendo una manzana. Como una manzana. In (4), the simple present is not a possible response to the English question, “what are you doing,” while in (5) either inflection, simple present or present progressive, is permissible as a response to the question in Spanish.6 We can conclude that in English there are distinct referential categories where the present progressive and simple present are permitted, while in Spanish, the simple present can typically be substituted for the progressive, and vice versa, without affecting the grammaticality of the sentence. This picture is further nuanced by the work of Torres Cacoullos (2000, 2011), who has showed the diachronic increase in frequency in estar + ndo in the history of Spanish. The diachronic increase in the progressive aspect in Spanish makes attributing the 6 With respect to the question of tense/aspect in declaratives and interrogatives in Spanish, the simple present is more common in most dialects in the question than in the response. Authenticated | pmcarter@fiu.edu author's copy Download Date | 5/3/18 11:53 AM Grammatical change in borderlands Spanish 9 increase of progressives in contact-varieties to English influence somewhat more difficult. In situations of sustained contact between English and Spanish in U.S. Latina/o communities, a leveling of this difference in the direction of English has been noted by scholars such as Klein (1980), whose study of Puerto Rican Spanish in New York City, for example, indicates expansion of progressive aspect in contexts where the progressive form would be required in English. Klein considers these findings to be the result of contact-induced convergence with English. More recently, Sánchez-Muñoz (2004) designed a picture description task to test the use of estar + ndo among two groups of bilingual Mexican Americans in Los Angeles, one group consisting of those born in Mexico who immigrated after the age of 12, and the other of those in the second generation. Two monolingual Spanish groups from Spain and Mexico served as controls. Sánchez-Muñoz reported that both bilingual groups use the progressive forms significantly more than monolingual Spanish speakers from Mexico and Spain. In congruence with Klein (1980), she interprets the increased frequency of progressives as being the result of intense, sustained contact with English.7 In contrast to Klein (1980), Pousada and Poplack (1982) found no difference in verb form frequencies between the speech of monolinguals and bilinguals in their study of progressives in Puerto Ricans in New York City. Klein-Andreu (1985) returned to point out that Pousada and Poplack (1982) had not separated the places in the grammar where Spanish and English overlap, namely, the habitual use of the simple present, from those places where they differ, and that the lack of difference in verbal forms between monolinguals and bilinguals was an artifact of these methods, rather than a true quantitative description of the speech. Recent work by Fafulas and Díaz-Campos (2010) and Fafulas (2012) suggests that rates of progressive forms are actually greater in monolingual varieties of Spanish than conventional accounts would suggest. For example, in Fafulas (2012), the speech of Spanish monolinguals living in Argentina, Peru, and Mexico was compared with the speech of bilinguals who had lived in the United States for an average of 9.5 years. The bilinguals were not found to produce more progressives than the monolinguals, but a key difference was that the noncontact speakers produced progressives with a wider range of verbal bases than the bilinguals. This means that lexical diversity, not frequency as such, differentiates bilinguals from monolinguals. Márquez Martínez (2009) 7 Though Sánchez-Muñoz (2004) reaches the same conclusion as Klein (1980) regarding the expansion of progressives in the speech of bilinguals, we must point out that the data come from two different types of sources in the two studies, namely, sociolinguistic interviews in Klein (1980) and an experimental test in Sánchez-Muñoz (2004). Authenticated | pmcarter@fiu.edu author's copy Download Date | 5/3/18 11:53 AM 10 Phillip M. Carter and Tonya E. Wolford studied the use of progressive and simple present forms in the speech of Puerto Rican graduate students living in the United States. He found that the use of the progressive aspect was conditioned by both internal and social factors, though no evidence was found for the influence of English on Spanish in Puerto Rican Spanish. Cortés-Torres (2005) investigated the use of progressive forms in the speech of Puerto Ricans belonging to three languages groups: Spanish monolinguals, bilinguals who employ Spanish and English diglossically, and those whose speech is characterized by coordinated bilingualism. She found that the speech of the monolinguals and coordinated bilinguals favored the progressives, while that of the diglossic bilinguals disfavored it. She points out that if the increased use of progressives were the result of grammatical interference or convergence, we would expect to see the monolinguals patterning differently from the two bilingual groups. Therefore, no evidence of convergence was reported. Examples (6) and (7) are taken from sociolinguistic interviews with a Las Alas speaker in the middle age group and illustrate estar + ndo in contexts where English requires the progressive. Verb forms inflected with progressive aspect are underlined. (6) Ha cambiado en… en la manera de crecer como un pueblo, parece que hay más gente donde quiera que mires o volteas hay más, familias que se están moviendo a las…a las…moviéndose pa’ Las Alas, más familias que están entrando. It has changed, in, in the way it’s grown as a town, it seems like there are more people wherever you look or turn around, there are more families that are moving to, moving to Las Alas, more families that are entering. (7) Pero yo creo que—um—estamos llegando a…a una….relación más mejor…Y eso me preocupa y estoy tratando de cuidarla…y todo…Pero ella quiere… sacar sus alas y volar. But I think that – um – we’re arrving to… to a… better relationship. And that worries me and I’m trying to take care of her…and everything…But she wants to get her wings and fly. In (6), the verb forms están moviendo,8 moviéndose, están entrando are rendered in the progressive aspect, but may equally have been rendered in the simple present (e.g. mueven, se mueven, entran) in non-contact varieties of Spanish, 8 Non-contact varieties of Spanish make a distinction between mudarse, ‘to move house,’ and moverse, ‘to move,’ in the sense of making a physical movement. Contact varieties may collapse Authenticated | pmcarter@fiu.edu author's copy Download Date | 5/3/18 11:53 AM Grammatical change in borderlands Spanish 11 rendering a more habitual reading, as opposed to the durative reading the progressives give. Similarly, in (7), the forms estamos llegando (‘we are arriving’) and estoy tratando (‘I am trying’) are in the progressive aspect, but in some dialects these could equally be realized with the simple present forms llegamos and trato in non-contact varieties. 3 The bilingual speech community 3.1 Community overview and history Located in the South Texas Plains region of Texas, Las Alas9 is a MexicanAmerican majority community situated roughly halfway between San Antonio and the U.S.-Mexican border. At the time fieldwork was conducted in Las Alas during the mid-2000s, the town was comprised of approximately 7,500 residents. Data from the 2000 U.S. Census show that almost 85 % of the Las Alas population was Hispanic or Latina/o. Of the overall Las Alas population in 2000, only about 5 % was foreign born, a figure that is appreciably less as compared to the foreign born population in Texas (9 %) and in the United States (13 %) for the same year. It is also much lower than in Los Angeles (40 %), the site of SilvaCorvalán’s (1986) study of Spanish language change. This fact constitutes an important sociological aspect of the Las Alas community; despite the close proximity to the Mexico border, the town is characterized by very little immigration from Mexico, as reported by the local residents we interviewed. Nevertheless, many community residents commented that they had family ties in northern Mexico, and several older residents reported driving to Monterrey, Mexico to go shopping. Thus, although there was very little of the type of contact with monolingual Spanish speakers reported in in U.S. cities with sustained immigration from Mexico and Latin America, many Las Alas residents did have some, limited contact with monolingual Spanish speakers through cultural and economic ties with Mexico.10 Thus, part of what makes Las Alas these into a single form, mover(se), perhaps calqued on the English form ‘to move,’ which covers both senses. 9 Given the relatively small size of the community, we have decided to use a pseudonym for the town in order to further protect the identity of the speakers, whose names have also been anonymized. 10 Information about the nature of contact with Spanish in Mexico was culled from the corpus of sociolinguistic interviews we collected and from our experiences in the field. We did not Authenticated | pmcarter@fiu.edu author's copy Download Date | 5/3/18 11:53 AM 12 Phillip M. Carter and Tonya E. Wolford unique as a sociolinguistic field site is that the speakers have little daily, regular contact with monolingual Spanish speakers. Las Alas social history11 is not dissimilar from that of other towns in the South Plains region. For much of the nineteenth-century, the major industry in the town was farming, which was dominated by Anglo, English-speaking farmers. The town was connected to the Great Northern Railway in 1880, which resulted in the creation of non-farming jobs that attracted Mexican and Mexican-American workers from outside the region. During the twentieth-century, a system of racial segregation – both in the schools and in the community at large – was developed in Las Alas. English-speaking Anglo Whites lived on the east side of the railroad, while Spanish-speaking and English/Spanish bilingual Mexican-Americans lived on the west side. In the west-side “Mexican schools,” Spanish was strictly prohibited and as a result, the oldest participants in our study who were children during this time, did not develop literacy skills in Spanish. This dimension of the community’s history was documented by Wolford and Carter (2010: 126) who write about Lupita, an 80 year-old Mexican American who went to Las Alas with her Mexican parents as a young child. When discussing her childhood, Lupita described what would happen when Mexican-American students were caught speaking Spanish: “nos echaron afuera. Sí, te expulsaban de la escuela.” [‘They kicked us out. Yes, they would expel you from the school.’] Schools were officially desegregated in 1960 and in the early 1990s, a dual-language program was established for optional enrollment. We will return to a discussion of the lack of access to formal education – and the role it may play in grammatical change in the community – in Part 5 of the article. 3.2 Language in Las Alas Language shift from Spanish to English is undeniable in the Las Alas community. As we report in Wolford and Carter (2010: 120), the Spanish in the second and third generation of Las Alas is characterized by changes in the lexical and morphosyntactic system indicative of incomplete acquisition and/or language shift commonly reported in the literature. Especially common was the loss of measure the amount of contact Las Alas residents had with monolingual speakers in Mexico or the number of shopping trips individuals made to Monterrey. 11 Information on the history of Las Alas was gathered using archival methods to examine public records. Additional information about the development of bilingual education programs, history of racial-ethnic segregation, and local folkways come from two sources: sociolinguistic interviews and other, unrecorded interviews with community leaders, including school board members. Authenticated | pmcarter@fiu.edu author's copy Download Date | 5/3/18 11:53 AM Grammatical change in borderlands Spanish 13 gender agreement between noun morphology and definite and indefinite articles, yielding forms such as un buena alumno12 for un buen alumno and los maestras for las maestras. Simple English-based calques (e.g. Sp - cuitió la escuala Eng – He quit school; Sp - buenos grados; Eng – good grades) and loanwords resulting in mixed constructions (e.g., la swimming pool) were also common. These examples are taken from the corpus of sociolinguistic interviews collected with Las Alas residents. These features were most clearly observable in the speech of the youngest, English-dominant speakers during the interview format, though we also observed these kinds of features in casual, unrecorded speech in our interaction with local residents during our time in the community. We mention these features not to imply that they provide evidence of language shift as such, but rather to give readers a general sense of the type of language we observed in the community. Carter and Wolford (2016) conducted a study on the evolution of prosodic rhythm in the Spanish of Las Alas community residents. Using the same generational groupings reported here, they found that each successive age group was significantly more stress-timed (i.e., English like) than the prior age group. In the speech of the youngest generation, Spanish prosodic rhythm was found not to be significantly different from English prosodic rhythm, suggesting structural convergence at that level. We comment on how these findings relate to the study of grammar reported here in Section 5. 4 Methods In this section, we describe the methods used in this study, including the method used to collect data (4.1) and the methods used to code and analyze innovative estar (4.2), progressive expansion (4.3), and the independent social variables (4.4). 4.1 Field methods Sociolinguistic interviews were conducted in the field using the ‘snowball method’ (Oliver 2006; Schilling 2013) of participant recruitment common in 12 In rapid speech, the word-initial [a] of alumnos could create liaison with the final [n] of buen, making the distinction between un buen alumno and un buena alumno difficult to ascertain. In listening to the recorded speech, we are confident that the speaker uttered un buena alumno with a pause between the adjective and noun. Authenticated | pmcarter@fiu.edu author's copy Download Date | 5/3/18 11:53 AM 14 Phillip M. Carter and Tonya E. Wolford sociolinguistic community studies, in which our initial contact introduced us to friends and family, who in turn introduced us to their friends and family, and so on. Sociolinguistic interviews were conducted in Spanish in the homes of participants during a series of fieldwork trips to the region, which took place during the mid-2000s. The current study is based on the speech of 26 community residents – 15 women and 11 men – divided into three age groups. The complete speaker profile for this study is found in Table 1. Table 1: Speaker sample. Number of Speakers Age <  – – Total Male Female         4.2 Innovative estar In the current study, 180 tokens taken from the speech of 26 speakers from the three generations were considered for analysis. Adjectives in copula + predicate adjective constructions were coded for two internal factors, adjective type and subject animacy, and two external factors, speaker age and speaker sex. Variation in the appearance of innovative estar according to these factors was analyzed using GoldVarb X. Only adjectives in a class frame of reference were considered for analysis, following the discussion in Silva-Corvalán (1986, 1994). With respect to the first of the internal factors, adjective type, each token was classified as belonging to one of the following adjectival categories: age, evaluative, descriptive, sensory, and miscellaneous. This system of classification is an adaptation of that described in Silva-Corvalán (1986). Age includes adjectives such as mayor (‘older’), viejo (‘old’) and joven (‘young’). Sensory adjectives refer to the human senses of taste, smell, and touch, and include adjectives such as dulce (‘sweet’) and amargo (‘bitter’). Evaluative adjectives include forms such as bueno (‘good’) and importante (‘important’), while the descriptive category included adjectives of size (e.g. pequeño, ‘small’) and physical appearance (e.g., sucio, ‘dirty’), which constituted separate categories in Silva-Corvalán (1986), but which were combined here for statistical testing. Finally, a miscellaneous category was used for other Authenticated | pmcarter@fiu.edu author's copy Download Date | 5/3/18 11:53 AM Grammatical change in borderlands Spanish 15 adjectives, again following the conventions used by Silva-Corvalán (1986). Results of the factor analysis are presented in Section 5. 4.3 Progressive expansion For the quantitative analysis of progressives in Las Alas Spanish, contexts were identified where English would require the progressive (i.e., immediate situations in which the simple present is not allowed) and these were coded for analysis, as described below. Though English also uses the progressive for futurity (e.g., ‘tomorrow we’re going to the beach’), these constructions were not included in analysis since there is no such alternation in Spanish. We looked afterward for examples of this construction in our Spanish data and found none. Each token was coded for realization of tense (simple or progressive) as well as for co-occurring adverbial, person, number, gender, and age group. Utterances that could only be produced in Spanish with the simple present were not included, including stative verbs such as gustar (‘to like’), parecer (‘to seem’), tener (‘to have’), etc. Results of the factor analysis are presented in Section 5. 4.4 Social variables Given the relative homogeneity of the community, only two social variables were coded: gender (female or male) and age (‘youngest,’ those under 28; ‘middle,’ those 28–67; and ‘oldest,’ over 67). These groups were constructed on the basis of generation, such that participants in the youngest age group were the grandchildren of those in the oldest age group. There was no need to account for length of residency, age of arrival, or other factors related to immigration, since all of the speakers in the middle and young age groups were born in the U.S. Some of the speakers in the oldest age group were born in Mexico, but lived the overwhelming majority of their lives in Las Alas. 5 Quantitative analysis For both variables considered in this study – estar with predicate adjectives and progressive expansion – multivariate analysis was conducted using GoldVarb X (Sankoff et al. 2005). The results for each variable are presented in turn. Authenticated | pmcarter@fiu.edu author's copy Download Date | 5/3/18 11:53 AM 16 Phillip M. Carter and Tonya E. Wolford 5.1 Innovative estar Of the 180 tokens of estar + predicate adjective13 analyzed from the Las Alas corpus, 49 tokens (27 %) were considered innovative according to the criteria set forth in Silva-Corvalán (1986) and described in Section 4.2. The results of the statistical analysis of innovative estar for the Las Alas sample, including internal and external factors, are presented in Table 2. The model selected by GoldVarb includes three significant factor groups: two language-internal factors (subject animacy and adjective type), and one external factor (generation). Speaker sex was the only factor group included in the analysis that was not selected. Factors that significantly contributed to the selection of these groups are those with weights of .5 or greater, and are depicted in bold in the table. Table 2: Goldvarb results for innovative estar with predicate adjectives (p = 0.023). Group Factor Subject Animacy Inanimate Animate Age Evaluative Descriptive Sensory Miscellaneous Youngest Middle Oldest Adjective Type Age group Factor Weight . . . . . . . . . . The data indicate that predicate adjectives were found to differ with respect to the innovative form, such that age (factor weight = 0.759), adjectives of evaluation (factor weight = 0.585), and adjectives of description (factor weight = 0.564) favor the innovative form. Disfavoring adjective types included sensory adjectives (factor weight = 0.268) and the miscellaneous category (factor weight = 0.229). These results both correspond and depart from the findings of several prior studies of the relationship between the extension of estar and adjective type. For example, the data reported here show that adjectives of age strongly favor the innovative form, but the literature on this factor indicates 13 Here we acknowledge that the analyzed token count is relatively small, and thus frame our conclusions accordingly. Authenticated | pmcarter@fiu.edu author's copy Download Date | 5/3/18 11:53 AM Grammatical change in borderlands Spanish 17 differences across dialect groups. Silva-Corvalán (1986), Cortés-Torres (2004) and Salazar (2007) all report that adjectives of age favor the extension of estar. The results reported here for age are also consistent with the findings reported in De Jonge (1993) on monolingual Venezuelan Spanish. In contrast, Alfaraz (2012) has found that adjectives of age were actually a disfavoring condition in her study of innovative estar in Cuban Spanish. Silva-Corvalán (1986) also reports that adjectives of size and physical appearance favor the innovative forms, while Alfaraz (2012) reports that adjectives denoting value and physical property favored the innovative construction. The second internal factor tested, subject animacy, was also selected by the GoldVarb model to account for variation of predicate adjectives in the Las Alas community. With respect to this factor, inanimates (factor weight = 0.588) favored the innovative form, while animates disfavored it (factor weight = 0.441). Silva-Corvalán (1986: 599) notes that subject animacy may play a conditioning role in the extension of estar, but this variable was not considered as an independent factor in the statistical analysis in her study. The most important finding having to do with the questions raised in this study about cross-generational change in Spanish in the Las Alas community concerns the first of the external factors analyzed: age. The GoldVarb model shows that the oldest age group disfavors the innovative form (factor weight = 0.398), while the youngest age group favors it (factor weight = 0.532). With a factor weight of 0.504, the middle age group can be said to very slightly favor the innovative form, or to neither favor nor disfavor it. In terms of percentages, the youngest group used the innovative form most (35 %), followed by the middle group (28 %), and the oldest group (17 %). The overall percentage of use for the Las Alas community is 27 %. In order to show how the frequency of innovative estar across age groups in the Las Alas community compares to that of other bilingual and monolingual Spanish speaking communities, these percentages are presented alongside the results from some of the other studies of this variable presented in this article in Figure 1. The monolingual Spanish communities – Cuba, Michoacán, Caracas, and Mexico City – are indicated in the graph with an (m), while the bilingual communities – Los Angeles and Las Alas – are depicted with a (b). Although they live in a bilingual community, we have chosen to represent the oldest speakers in the Las Alas sample with an (m) since they are Spanish-dominant. Several important points emerge from the comparison of the percentages of use across studies. First, the figure indicates that the percentages found in the Las Alas community fall within the range reported in other studies. That is, there is no indication of extreme use of the innovative form in the speech of Las Alas residents, including among the bilingual middle and youngest age groups. The Authenticated | pmcarter@fiu.edu author's copy Download Date | 5/3/18 11:53 AM 18 Phillip M. Carter and Tonya E. Wolford Figure 1: Percent innovative estar, various studies.14 youngest speakers in this study were found to have the highest percentage of the innovative form, but at 35 % innovative, they are still 25 % from the most advanced speakers (60 %) reported in Silva-Corvalán (1994). Next, although the frequency range from the Las Alas community (17 %–35 %) falls within the range reported by Silva-Corvalán for Los Angeles (16 %–60 %) and by Gutierrez for Houston (24 %–46 %), two other U.S. Latina/o communities in which Spanish is in sustained contact with English, it is also very much in line with the overall percentages reported in Spanish monolingual communities, including by Gutierrez for Michoacán (16 %), De Jonge (1993) for Caracas (53 %) and Mexico City (35 %), and the range reported by Alfaraz in Cuba (13 %–29 %). Thus, the cross-generational increase in the innovative form found in the Las Alas, Texas community cannot unambiguously be attributed to influence from English. Finally, in terms of the expansion of innovative estar in varieties of Spanish in the U.S., it appears that South Texas Spanish has not yet reached the 14 We have labeled the oldest speakers in the Las Alas corpus as (m), “monolingual,” because we observed them to be so Spanish-dominant as to be unable to maintain conversation in English. We observed family members to address them only in Spanish. However, as longtime residents of a bilingual community, we are compelled to acknowledge that “monolingual” in this context may not mean the same thing as “monolingual” in Mexico. Authenticated | pmcarter@fiu.edu author's copy Download Date | 5/3/18 11:53 AM Grammatical change in borderlands Spanish 19 level of innovation found in Los Angeles or in Houston.15 In summary, the data from the Las Alas, Texas community indicate variability in the frequency of innovation in copular adjective constructions, which is constrained both by the linguistic environment as well as by social factors. This configuration of the data points to a change-in-progress observed in apparent-time. 5.2 Progressive Expansion Out of 168 possible contexts, 73 cases of present progressive were observed, an average of 43.5 % progressive in this context across age groups. The GoldVarb run resulted in the selection of four factor groups as contributing significantly to the use of present progressive versus simple present in contexts where English requires the progressive. The significant factor groups include grammatical person, number, and age group and results of the factor analysis are shown in Table 3. Table 3: GoldVarb results for progressive expansion (p = 0.02). Group Factor Person First Second Third Inanimate Singular Plural Youngest Middle Oldest Number Age group Factor Weight . . . . . . . . . Within the significant factor group of person, 1st and 2nd person verb forms favored the progressive form, while 3rd person disfavored it. Number was also significant, with singular subjects favoring the progressive form, and plural subjects disfavoring it. The most important finding from the factor analysis relates to the only significant social factor: age group. The youngest speakers 15 It should be noted, again, that not every study of innovative estar in U.S. Latina/o communities has found evidence of change-in-progress. Salazar’s (2007) study of Spanish in New Mexico did not find age to be a significant factor in predicting the use of the innovative form, though other social factors (e.g., level of education) were significant. Authenticated | pmcarter@fiu.edu author's copy Download Date | 5/3/18 11:53 AM 20 Phillip M. Carter and Tonya E. Wolford favored the progressive (factor weight = 0.550), while the oldest group strongly disfavored it (factor weight = 0.254). The youngest speakers manifested the progressive for 48 % of analyzed tokens, while the older speakers used this form in only 18 % of tokens. In Fafulas’ (2012) study, simultaneous bilinguals were found to use the progressive at 28.6 %, L1 English bilinguals at 15.6 %, and L1 Spanish bilinguals at 25 %, whereas the Spanish monolinguals used progressives at 29.7 %. In her fill-in-the-blank questionnaire, Sánchez-Muñoz (2004) found bilinguals from the second generation in Los Angeles to use progressives at a frequency of 47 %, bilinguals from the first generation to use them at 39 %, and monolinguals from Mexico to use them at a frequency of 47 %. The frequencies reported here fall between the ranges reported in those two studies. Fafulas’ (2012) model also reported a second significant social factor – speaker sex – in which men were found to favor the progressives more than women. The only significant social factor selected in our model was speaker age. Age group thus appears to be an important factor in the social conditioning of progressive forms in Spanish/English bilingual speech settings. The findings for progressive expansion resemble those of the analysis of innovative estar, in the sense that variation in the realization of a particular verb form is explained both by significant differences across age groups, as well as by linguistic constraints. Within the Labovian model of language variation and change, the situation in the Las Alas speech community in which the speech of the youngest residents is marked by significantly more instances of progressive forms than the speech of the oldest residents could owe to age-grading, it is also interpretable as a change-in-progress (Labov 1994; Labov 2001; Labov et al. 1972) At the same time, in situations of dynamic bilingualism, such as the one that characterizes Las Alas and much of South Texas, the line between a ‘change-in-progress’ and ‘incomplete acquisition’ (Silva-Corvalan 2003, 2006) is not entirely clear. Irrespective of how we conceive of variation in the community in the temporal domain (i.e., change-in-progress vs age-grading vs incomplete acquisition), it is likely that the conditions of the bilingual speech community – including, especially, education, access to literacy skills, and exposure to standard forms – is at least partially responsible for the patterns of sociolinguistic variation observed in the community. Future studies in this community should code for these factors. 6 Conclusions The detailed variationist analysis of grammatical features of Spanish in a Mexican-majority community in South Texas presented here has yielded several Authenticated | pmcarter@fiu.edu author's copy Download Date | 5/3/18 11:53 AM Grammatical change in borderlands Spanish 21 important findings for future studies of Spanish in U.S. Latina/o communities, as well as for the study of language contact in general. In addition, this work contributes to the documentation of Spanish in the United States by focusing on a small Mexican-American majority community in South Texas, where the demographics, proximity to the Mexican border, and cultural ties to Mexico would seem to favor the maintenance of Spanish, but where very little new immigration from Mexico has sheltered the community from sustained contact with monolingual Spanish. In addition to the important work of documenting the presence and evolution of varieties of Spanish in the United States, which itself comes with important political, social justice, and educational implications (Zentella 1997), this work has also addressed three questions of concern for linguists interested in Spanish in the United States, diachronic changes to Spanish grammatical structures, and language contact more generally. We remind readers that in spite of the clear picture the data show, the token counts for both of the variables studied are relatively low and we therefore suggest some caution The first question concerns the sociolinguistic patterning in the community and the way patterns of variation compare to other language communities – both bilingual and monolingual – reported in the now ample published literature on these features. Mirroring a number of other published studies on variable use of copular verbs, our study shows that estar is constrained by both internal and external factors, though the precise weighting of the factor groups and the ordering of factors within groups is unique. In our study, the internal factors of subject animacy and adjective type were selected in the GoldVarb model, with inanimates and adjectives of age, evaluation, and description being selected as favoring the extended use of estar. The results for adjectives of age are especially important as numerous studies, among them Silva-Corvalán (1986), De Jonge (1993), Cortés-Torres (2004) and Salazar (2007), report that adjectives of age favor the extension of estar. The Las Alas data provide further evidence for the widespread reorganization on the selection restrictions for copular verbs when used with predicate adjectives of age in the Spanish-speaking world, in both bilingual and monolingual environments. However, Alfaraz’s (2012) study of estar in Cuban Spanish found adjectives of age to disfavor the extension of estar, which suggests that regional dialect differences may mediate the internal constraints on copula verb variation in contemporary Spanish grammar. In terms of percentages of use, the youngest speakers are most advanced in their use of estar, an issue we take up below, but fall well below the ‘upper-end’ reported by Silva-Corvalán (1986) in Los Angeles, a bilingual community, and well below the rate reported by De Jonge (1993) for Caracas, a monolingual community. The young Las Alas speakers are Authenticated | pmcarter@fiu.edu author's copy Download Date | 5/3/18 11:53 AM 22 Phillip M. Carter and Tonya E. Wolford in line with speakers reported by Gutiérrez (1994) for Michoacán, De Jonge (1993) for Mexico City, and Alfaraz (2012) for young Cubans. Here we must point out that while the frequencies of use between Las Alas bilingual speakers and young Cubans (Alfaraz 2012) are quite similar, the factors predicting the variation differ. Our second question addressed the linguistic patterning of the two variables (innovative estar and progressive expansion) in the context of change over time. The multivariate factor analysis presented here indicates that variability in the frequency of use for both grammatical variables studied is constrained by the linguistic environment, as described above, as well as by the social factor of age, pointing to a change-in-progress in Labovian terms (Labov 1994), though no strong conclusion can be made about change due to the relatively low token count. This finding – change-in-progress in a bilingual speech community – begets a second question about acceleration (of changes already underway) and convergence (with similar structures found in the contact language). While our GoldVarb analysis suggests change over time, the configuration of constraints observed offers no indication that this change is motivated by convergence with English as such. With respect to the question of the speed of the change, there are two possible interpretations of the data. The first is that the increase in frequency of use of estar over time reflects an ‘unadulterated’ or ‘underlying’ change-in-progress taking place in Spanish more broadly. While this technically could be the motivation for the observed change in Las Alas, two patterns reported in the literature mitigate against this interpretation. First, although ‘innovative estar’ has been described extensively as a feature of monolingual varieties of Spanish, there is not always evidence of change-in-progress. For example, in Cuba (Alfaraz 2012) and in Michoacán (Gutiérrez 1994), estar appears to be increasing over time, whereas in Cuernavaca (Cortés-Torres 2004), it appears to be involved in a situation of stable sociolinguistic variation. In other words, although ‘innovative estar’ is turning out to be a widespread feature of Spanish in monolingual speech communities, it is not necessarily increasing in frequency over time in every community where it is found. Second, in studies of estar in bilingual communities in the United States, such as Los Angeles (Silva-Corvalan 1986) and Houston (Gutiérrez 2001), variation in the use of the copula was shown to strongly correlate with age, indicating change-inprogress. This type of increase in frequency and strong statistical correlation between linguistic variation and age has been attributed by Silva-Corvalán (1986: 587) as owing to acceleration, leading to her hypothesis that “language contact tends to accelerate internally motivated changes in the system of the less-used language.” The data for estar from the Las Alas community appear to support this thesis. At the same time, we must acknowledge the findings of Authenticated | pmcarter@fiu.edu author's copy Download Date | 5/3/18 11:53 AM Grammatical change in borderlands Spanish 23 Alfaraz (2012), Bessett (2015), and Ortiz López (2000), who are not in agreement with the acceleration hypothesis, and we note that in order to make a stronger claim about change-in-progress we should run “English-dominant” speakers from “Spanish-dominant” speakers within each group. Our data set does not permit this level of analysis, and we encourage follow-up work by other linguists interested in grammatical change in South Texas Spanish. With respect to the expansion of progressives in Spanish, variation in the use of progressive forms was found to vary significantly with age, such that the younger speakers used more progressives than older speakers. This finding therefore also seems to suggest that a change-in-progress is underway in the Las Alas speech community. It also seems to support the findings of studies such as Klein (1980) and Sánchez-Muñoz (2004), where bilinguals were found to have higher frequencies of progressives than monolinguals. Here again, however, the question of acceleration and convergence comes into play. Torres Cacoullos (2000) has shown that the rate of progressives has increased significantly in the history of Spanish, but the extent to which monolingual varieties of Spanish are experiencing expansion of progressive forms contemporaneously is not entirely clear. More work along the lines of Fafulas (2012) comparing the speech of monolinguals and bilinguals across multiple speech communities is needed in this regard. Finally, Torres Cacoullos (2000: 19) notes that variability in the tense/aspect system with respect to simple present and progressive forms may have stylistic constraints as well, such that estar + ando/iendo constructions may signal greater informality, for example. This is an important point to consider in bilingual speech communities such as Las Alas, where the younger speakers may not have access to formal language varieties. If this is the case in Las Alas – and we strongly suspect that it is – the increase in progressive forms may be an epiphenomenon of language shift in the community, in which the youngest speakers exhibit less stylistic variation, rather than a change-in-progress in the traditional sense. Apparent-time studies in bilingual communities that also formally attend to language shift are needed to help ascertain the specific, quantitative relationship between structural change and language shift. Finally, what are the conditions in bilingual speech communities that promote the advancement of grammatical changes such as those discussed here? The literature suggests that language changes – or that language change accelerates – in bilingual speech communities for a variety of reasons, including issues related to access to education, access to the standard variety, language attitudes, and language contact. The last of these – contact with English – is itself mediated by many factors, including the social status of English and Spanish within the speech community, the type of linguistic structure in question, and the degree of bilingualism both at the level of the community and the Authenticated | pmcarter@fiu.edu author's copy Download Date | 5/3/18 11:53 AM 24 Phillip M. Carter and Tonya E. Wolford individual. Thus, the most we can say about the influence of English on the Spanish spoken in Las Alas is that it is one factor in an array of factors that condition and contextualize the bilingual language setting and that it is itself mediated by these other factors. One of these, which warrants further inquiry in future study of Las Alas, is the question of access to formal education, literacy, and standard spoken and written forms. Speakers in the oldest generation, who attended segregated schools, were denied access to literacy skills beyond those they acquired in the home. Silva-Corvalán (1991a, 1991b) points specifically to the lack of formal education and literacy in Spanish as an accelerant for these types of language change in bilingual communities. This is an important community condition for explaining the sharp rise in ‘innovative estar’ and ‘progressive expansion’ in the second and then third generations studied here. While the youngest speakers have had access to formal Spanish through compulsory matriculation in Spanish (as a foreign language) class in public schools, it appears not to have had an effect in slowing the change-in-progress for either variable. More work is needed in the community to examine the role of dual language immersion education on the speech of the youngest speakers. Acknowledgements: The authors are grateful to Andrew Lynch for his feedback on the manuscript, to Greg Guy for comments provided on a version of this project presented at an NYU Linguistics colloquium, and to Tim Face for his editorial guidance. We are also indebted to the three anonymous reviewers, who provided invaluable feedback on the manuscript. Any errors herein are our own. References Alfaraz, Gabriela G. 2012. The status of the extension of estar in Cuban Spanish. Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics 5. 3–25. Andrade, Manuel J. 1919. The distinction between “ser” and “estar.” Hispania 2. 19–23. Bessett, Ryan M. 2015. The extension of estar across the Mexico-US border: Evidence against contact induced acceleration. Sociolinguistic Studies 9. 421–444. Brown, Esther L. & Mayra Cortés-Torres. 2012. Syntactic and pragmatic usage of the [estar + adjective] construction in Puerto Rican Spanish: ¡Está brutal! In Kimberly Geesling & Manuel Díaz-Campos (eds.), Selected proceedings of the 14th Hispanic Linguistics Symposium, 61–74. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings. Bybee, Joan, William Pagliuca & Revere Perkins. 1994. The evolution of grammar. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Carter, Phillip M. & Tonya Wolford. 2016. Cross-generational prosodic convergence in South Texas Spanish. Spanish in Context 13. 29–52. Authenticated | pmcarter@fiu.edu author's copy Download Date | 5/3/18 11:53 AM Grammatical change in borderlands Spanish 25 Cortés-Torres, Mayra. 2004. ¿Ser o estar? La variación lingüística y social de estar más adjetivo en el español de Cuernavaca, México. Hispania 85. 788–795. Cortés-Torres, Mayra. 2005. ¿Qué estás haciendo?: La variación de la perífrasis estar + -ndo en el español puertorriqueño. In David Eddington (ed.), Selected proceedings of the 7th Hispanic Linguistics Symposium, 42–55. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project. De Jonge, Bob. 1993. (Dis)continuity in language change: Ser and estar + age in Latin American Spanish. In Frank Drijkoningen & Kees Hengeveld (eds.), Linguistics in the Netherlands. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Díaz-Campos, Manuel & Kimberly. Geeslin 2011a. Copula use in the Spanish of Venezuela: Is the pattern indicative of stable variation or an ongoing change? Spanish in Context 8. 73–94. Díaz-Campos, Manuel & Kimberly Geeslin. 2011b. Copula choice in Spanish: An analysis of adjective co-occurrence and frequency of collocations. Paper presented at New ways of analyzing variation 40. Washington, D.C: Georgetown University. Fafulas, Stephen. 2012. Nuevas perspectivas sobre la variación de las formas presente simple y presente progresivo en español e inglés. Spanish in Context 9. 58–87. Fafulas, Stephen & Manuel Díaz-Campos. 2010. 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