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Reply: Hypotheticals and Hypotheses
Joseph L. Gastwirth , Abba M. Krieger & Paul R. Rosenbaum
To cite this article: Joseph L. Gastwirth , Abba M. Krieger & Paul R. Rosenbaum (1997) Reply:
Hypotheticals and Hypotheses, The American Statistician, 51:2, 120-121
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00031305.1997.10473943
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Reply: Hypotheticals and Hypotheses
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Joseph L. GASTWIRTH,
Abba M. KRIEGER,
and Paul R. ROSENBAUM
Mintz and Dixon offer a plausible hypothetical, but a
fairly implausible hypothesis.
By a hypothetical we mean a claim that a particular conclusion would follow from a particular premise, with no
claim that either the premise or the conclusion is true. A
hypothetical is what Nelson Goodman (1965), for instance,
calls a “counterfactual conditional” or a statement about a
“possible world.” Clark Glymour (1986) offers a typical example: “. . . if I had been a girl, I would have been named
Olga.” A hypothetical may be correct as a hypothetical even
if it is wrong front and back, that is, even if both the premise
and the conclusion are wrong as descriptions of the actual
world. Clark is not a girl and was not named Olga, but
the hypothetical may nonetheless be true as a hypothetical.
Some hypotheticals are important and true as hypotheticals, for instance: “if q,1c2, . . . is a Cauchy sequence of
real numbers, then the sequence converges to a limit.”
By a hypothesis we mean a claim, perhaps tentative or
ultimately erroneous, that something is actually true, and
moreover, a claim that is at risk of being refuted on the
basis of empirical observations. In this sense a hypothesis
is what Sir Karl Popper (1965) calls a “conjecture.” Popper
discusses carefully and at length what is meant by saying
that a conjecture is at risk of refutation, but suffice it to say
here that a conjecture must be sufficiently specific about
something that can be observed that observations can lead
to strong evidence against the conjecture. Hypotheticals and
hypotheses may be true or false, plausible or implausible,
believed correctly or incorrectly, but they are, nonetheless,
very different claims.
Consider the sentence: If there were a single quantity
called “cognitive ability,” if this one quantity were a major
determinant of successful performance in clerical work at
the Revenue Service, if test scores were reliable and valid
measures of this quantity, and if men had vastly more “cognitive ability” than women at the Revenue Service, then this
large unobserved disparity in cognitive ability would be a
business necessity, justifying promotion of men at twice the
rate of women. That sentence is a hypothetical. Consider an
alternative sentence: There is a single quantity called “cognitive ability,” and it determines successful clerical work
at the National Revenue Service, and the test is a reliable
and valid measure of this quantity, and moreover, men employed in clerical jobs at the Revenue Service have vastly
more “cognitive ability” than similarly employed women,
so this large unobserved disparity in cognitive ability between men and women is a “business necessity,” and it
justifies promoting men at twice the rate of women. The
alternative sentence is a hypothesis. The hypothetical is not
implausible as a hypothetical, but as with poor, counterfactual Olga, the hypothetical may be false front and back. The
hypothesis does not strike us as particularly plausible. Mintz
and Dixon even say that they do not regard the hypothesis
as plausible. They present calculations that support the hypothetical, but no evidence in support of the hypothesis.
So Mintz and Dixon have offered a plausible hypothetical,
but neither they nor we regard it as a particularly plausible
hypothesis.
Consider, now, the legal context into which their hypothetical is offered. The courts have established guidelines
for the shifting burdens of production of evidence in discrimination cases. Although the data arose in a disparate
impact case, the framework the Supreme Court laid out in
the disparate treatment case, Texas Dep’t. of Comm. Affairs
v. Burdine, 450 U.S. 248 (1981) describes the burden of
production placed on a defendant who needs to respond to
a legally meaningful and statistically significant disparity.
The opinion states that the defendant needs to “produce evidence that the plaintiff was rejected or someone else was
preferred for a legitimate non-discriminatory reason” and
“[tlhe explanation provided must be legally sufficient to justify a judgment for the defendant.” Then the factual inquiry
proceeds to a new level of specificity as the plaintiff now
has the opportunity of showing that the defendant’s reason was not the true reason, and by persuading the Court
that a discriminatory reason more likely motivated the employer. In discussing the defendant’s burden of production,
the Court noted that the defendant’s reason should “frame
the factual issue with sufficient clarity so that the plaintiff
will have a full and fair opportunity to demonstrate pretext. The sufficiency of the defendant’s evidence should be
evaluated by the extent to which it fulfills these functions.”
Thus the Court is requiring the defendant to provide substantial, tangible evidence in support of what we have called
a hypothesis, not merely to assert a hypothetical.
The hypothesis above concerns, not just the claim that
men employed in clerical positions at the Revenue Service
have vastly more “cognitive ability” than women, but also
that this leads to job-related characteristics that are necessary to the business. As the Supreme Court stated in Griggs
v. Duke Power Co., 91 S.Ct. 849 (19711, “The Act proscribes
not only overt discrimination but also practices that are fair
in form but discriminatory in operation. The touchstone is
business necessity. If an employment practice which operates to exclude Negroes cannot be shown to be related to
job performance, the practice is prohibited.” The opinion
goes on to state that although the Civil Rights Act of 1964
allows employers to use tests or other measures, “Congress
has forbidden giving these devices and mechanisms controlling force unless they are a demonstrably reasonable
measure of job performance.”
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Joseph L. Gastwirth is Professor, Department of Statistics, George Washington University, Washington, DC 20052. Abba M. Krieger is Professor
and Paul R. Rosenbaum is Professor, Department of Statistics, University
of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA 19104-6302.
120
The American Statistician, May 1997, Vol. 51, No. 2
@ 1997 American Statistical Association
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In Albemarle Paper Co. v Moody, 422 U.S. 405,422
(1975), a case concerning the required proof of business
necessity, which is discussed in Gastwirth (1988, pp. 381383), the Court noted that after the complaining party has
shown that the tests or requirement in question have a disparate impact on a protected group, the employer has the
burden of showing that the requirement has a manifest relationship to the job. The opinion notes that if the employer demonstrates job relatedness, the complainant has
the opportunity to show that other selection procedures
could serve the employer’s legitimate interest in an efficient workforce without such an undesirable effect on minority applicants. Mintz and Dixon specifically say that, in
the general population, they do not believe men have vastly
greater “cognitive ability” than women, so they would be
hard pressed to argue that women with acceptable “cognitive ability” are unavailable for promotion. Moreover, in
the Canadian case all test takers were already employed
as lower level clerical workers, and presumably were performing their current jobs satisfactorily. This suggests that a
huge difference in “cognitive ability” is unlikely to exist. If
there were an enormous difference in the job-related “cognitive ability” of men and women at the Revenue Service,
then one would expect a pattern of superior performance
evaluations among men in their present jobs, but Mintz and
Dixon offer no such evidence. In short, even their hypothetical, viewed strictly as a hypothetical and not a hypothesis,
is inconsistent with their own expressed beliefs.
Mintz and Dixon use the Pearson correlation to describe
the relationship between two binary variables, and this
might mislead the unsophisticated reader because, as Gastwirth and Nayak (1996) recall, moderate Pearson correlations between binary variables may correspond to very
large odds ratios. Specifically, Mintz and Dixon note that
the minimum partial correlation between passing and gender occurs when the Pearson correlation between passing and some college education is 364. If, as in Tables
1 and 2, 136/366 = 37.16% of test takers pass and also
123/366 = 33.61% have some college education, then a
Pearson correlation of 3 6 4 corresponds to the following
bivariate distribution for test performance and college attendance among clerical workers.
workers with some college have an odds of passing an IQ
test that is 286 times more than clerical workers with no
college. In Kendall’s Advanced Theory of Statistics, Stuart
and Ord (1991, p. 995) suggest appropriate measures of
association for binary data.
Our paper reached two conclusions. The first conclusion
concerned a particular argument that had been accepted
by the court in Maloley v. National Revenue Sewice of
Canada. Specifically, we concluded: “There may or may
not be discrimination against women, but whether there is
or is not, the explanation the Appeals Board accepted is
simply wrong. The difference in passing rates [for men and
women] is far larger than can be explained based on the difference in proportions attending college.” Mintz and Dixon
agree with this conclusion.
The second conclusion was a general statement about the
role of a statistician when confronted with claims about unobserved variables. “Some arguments involving unobserved
variables are just wrong. Others are possible in principle,
but not plausible. Still others are entirely plausible. Faced
with an argument involving an unobserved variable, the
statistician’s responsibility is to clarify what that argument
objectively entails and implies so that listeners may appraise
whether the argument is plausible.” Plausible is much less
than “true,” but much more than “possible.” To say that a
claim is plausible is to say that a reasonable person might
assert that the claim is true in the face of available evidence.
We believe that a critic who seeks to explain an association
in terms of an unobserved variable must show that that explanation is a plausible hypothesis, a plausible description
of what is so, not merely a hypothetical. In this we agree
with Bross (1960) and disagree with Mintz and Dixon.
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Pass
Did not pass
Total
Some college
No college
Total
.3221
.0140
.3361
.0495
.6144
.6639
.3716
.6284
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This table has a Pearson correlation of 3 6 4 and an odds
ratio of 285.57. It is difficult for us to imagine that clerical
[Received June 1996.1
REFERENCES
Bross, I. (1960), “Statistical Criticism,” Cancer, 13, 394-400. Reprinted
in The Quantitative Analysis of Social Problems, ed. E. Tufte, Reading,
MA: Addison-Wesley, 97-108.
Gastwirth, J. L. (1988), Statistical Reasoning in Law and Public Policy,
New York: Academic Press.
Gastwirth, J. L., and Nayak, T. K. (1996), “Statistical Aspects of Cases
Concerning Racial Discrimination in Drug Sentencing: Stephens v. State
and US.v. Armstrong,” Technical Report, George Washington University, Dept. of Statistics.
Glymour, C. (1986), “Comment: Statistics and Metaphysics,” Journal of
the American Statistical Association, 8 1, 964966.
Goodman, N. (1963, Fact, Fiction and Forecast, Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press.
Popper, K. (1965), Conjectures and Refutations, New York Harper & Row.
Stuart, A,, and Ord, K. (1991), Kendall’s Advanced Theory of Statistics.
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The American Statistician, May 1997, Vol. 51, No. 2
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