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2023, Възгледи и дейност на Тодор Икономов (1838 - 1892) за модернизацията на българското общество
Тази книга предлага просопографски анализ на два правителствени елита в периода до Първата световна война, подкрепен с представяне на техните членове като участници в различни социални мрежи. Тя е резултат от убеждението на автора, че подобна социална история на политиката е в състояние да допринесе за по-пълното и по-добро обяснение на тази политика и на начина, по който тя функционира на Балканите.
Краљевство и архиепископија у српским и поморским земљама Немањића [The Kingdom and archbishopric of Serbian and maritime lands of the Nemanjić dynasty]
Краљевство и друштвена елита у земљама Немањића [Kingship and the Social Elite in the Lands of the Nemanjićs]2019 •
The elite social layer in Serbian medieval state was known as “vlastela” (nobility). The process of its formation was completed by the beginning of the 13th century. The main obligation of nobility was to perform military service in favor of the ruler. The nobles had certain privileges in order to fulfill this duty. Their patrimonies (“baštine”) were freed from all taxes except “soće”. Furthermore, they enjoyed full ownership over patrimonies that were hereditary to the eighth degree of kinship. The ruler could have taken away the patrimony of a nobleman only if he had committed infidelity. According to legal regulations from the time of King and Emperor Stephen Dušan’s rule, the following offenses were treated as an infidelity: absence from a military campaign, crossing to the enemy side, plot against the ruler, accepting of dependent peasants without Emperor’s document, plundering the property of other peoples. The perpetrators of these acts should also have been punished with death. On the other hand, faithful noblemen could have hoped for the royal’s favor (“milost”). This term was used by Serbian rulers when they granted possessions and privileges to the nobles. However, the ruler could not always apply the mentioned provisions against traitors. Thus, Stephen Dušan had to negotiate with Hrelja in order to attract him again. It can be concluded that the powerful nobles had a greater chance to regain ruler’s favor if they committed an infidelity. Also, the Serbian monarchs appointed the members of the elite layer on the positions in central and local administration. Kaznacs (collectors of the ruler’s revenues), tepčijas (land officials) and later protovestijars (the chief finance officials), and loghothetes (chancellors) were the most prominent officials attached to the court of the ruler. The local administration was first left to the nobles who had possessions in certain part of the state. Many of them carried the title of župan, which was hereditary within the noble family. The further development of local administration system was observed during the reign of King Milutin (1282–1328). The institution of kephale first appears in the territory won by the King from Byzantium, which testifies to its origin in the Serbian state. On the other hand, the ruler has given to nobles some parts of the territory to govern. These regions were called “države” (provinces). The kephalai and governors of provinces were in charge of military and civil affairs in the areas entrusted to them. They were entitled to certain revenues from their provinces. The prominent noblemen got the administration of the large regions during the reign of Stephen Dušan. That was one of the reasons of the breakup of the Serbian Empire after his death. The Serbian nobility fulfilled the obligation and right to advise the ruler through the assembly (“sabor”) and council. The sources indicate that the participants of the assemblies were the archbishop, bishops, priors, prominent monks and nobles. The assemblies were convened by the rulers on the occasion of the coronation, the election of the archbishop (later patriarch), the publishing of the important laws, solving of political issues, founding of monarch’s endowments and the adjudication of litigations. In addition, the assemblies were an opportunity for the ruler to issue charters to the nobles. It is important to emphasize that the assemblies could not significantly direct the policies of the rulers. In this respect, the councils gathered around the monarchs had much greater significance. Likewise, the nobility also influenced the rulers in an informal manner. King Dragutin (1276–1282) left the throne after having consulted with his coterie of noblemen. The Byzantine sources noted that the Serbian powerful nobles played a major role in the negotiations of King Milutin with the emissaries of Emperor Andronikos II Palaiologos in the late 13th century. Allegedly, the commanders of the Serbian army persuaded King Stephen (1321–1331) not to enter in a conflict with the troops of young Emperor Andronikos III during the Byzantine civil war. According to John Kantakouzenos, Queen Jelena and the council of 24 nobles had a decisive influence on King Stephen Dušan to form an alliance with him. The influence of magnates reached its peak during the reign of Emperor Uroš (1355–1371). This is evident in the case when Knez (Prince) Vojislav Vojinović dragged the ruler into the war with Ragusa in 1361. Finally, the Serbian nobility had an active role in several violent changes to the throne. These events were mostly noted by the Serbian hagiographers who often wanted to justify the actions of the Nemanjić rulers. Nevertheless, their testimonies cannot be ignored because the writers shaped their works in accordance with their social environment perceptions. Theodosius pointed at the significant influence of the nobility on the overthrow of King Radoslav in 1234. According to Archbishop Daniel II, the pressure of nobility was decisive when King Dragutin handed over the throne to his brother Milutin. All sources emphasized a key role of the nobles in King Stephen Dušan’s coming to power in 1331. Nevertheless, only Vukašin Mrnjavčević attempted to replace the Nemanjić dynasty and establish a new ruling family. It can be concluded that the power of the nobility grew over time, which consequently weakened the position of the ruler. The aspirations of the mightynobles to autonomy eventually led to the breakdown of the state by the end of the reign of Emperor Uroš.
Единство и различия на интеркултурния модел. Сборник с материали. с., 2020, с. 7-17. ISBN 978-619-91616-0-9 Промените в политическата обстановка на Балканите през първата половина на XIX в. като предпоставка за създаването на народните читалища-кратка характеристика доц. д-р Венцислав Велев За начална година на създаването на българските читалища е възприето да се приема 1856 г. През първата й половина, последователно в три български града-Свищов, Лом и Шумен, възникват сдружения, с което се поставят и основите на бързо разгръщащото се читалищно движение. Като ареал то се разпростира във всички места населени с българи по цялата тогавашна Османска империя. През тези години обстановката в нея и по-конкретно в нейните балкански провинции е изключително напрегната и динамична. Като център на Балканите българските земи се явяват мястото, което фокусира вниманието на европейската дипломация за дълъг период от време. Очерталата се през първата половина на XIX в. нова обществено-икономическа и политическа ситуация катализира общи промени в целия регион. Всички те се явята основно като резултат на двете последователни Руско-Турски войни-от 1828-1829 г. и 1853-1856 г. Влияние оказва и обществения интерес към християнските народи проявен най-вече сред интелектуалците в Англия, Франция, Италия, Австро-Унгария и не на последно място в Русия. Призивът за обръщане внимание към живеещото в Османската империя християнско население, на неговите нужди от самостоятелно културно и политическо развитие все повече се споделя в европейската преса. В същото време, живеещите в обширната империя народи открито предявяват своите претенции за независимост, като пътя за нейното постигане преминава през различни етапи. Това кара дипломацията на Великите сили се ангажира с решаването на този казус. С пълна сила се разгаря т.нар. "Източен въпос". 1 Настоящата статия накратко ще проследи някои от основните моменти, които слагат сериозен отпечатък върху развитието на българското националноосвободително движение от средата на XIX в. и по-конкретно върху процесите катализирали желанието за национална и културна идентичност на българите през този период, част от което е и читалищното дело.
Дунавските българи или само българите от Първото Българско Царство се характеризират със собствено-специфично народностно название, етноним с някои лексико-граматични варианти или малко на брой синоними при отделни народи от областта на Източна Европа, а така също и с конкретно-определен историко-етнически произход и принадлежност, непосредствено свързан с който е и техният расово-антропологичен тип. Специално произходът на дунавските българи е резултат от тяхната миграция към Балканите от Кавказ след разпадането на тукашната им държава Стара Велика България и се откроява достатъчно изчерпателно-ярко не само на фона на последните дни и погребенията на хан Кубрат и хан Аспарух, но и на някои световно значимо-съществени и даже знаменателни събития от тяхната кавказска история. Централно място сред тези знаменателни събития заема спасяването от българите на похитения от персите Кръст Господен. Всички тези събития са достатъчно подробно-недвусмислено осветлени и документирани от историческите извори. Обществено-политическото и културно-просветното влияние и приноси на българите за руския народ, държава и култура започват още от дунавските българи от Първото Българско Царство, а се продължават, разгръщат и приключват последователно-непрекъснато, но все пак разновременно-разноместно от северните, южните и волжските българи в Източна Европа.
2016 •
The article analyzes the content of the cultural priorities of representatives of the Cossack Hetman family of the Galagans and means of implementing them in the social and spiritual life of the Left-bank Ukraine in the 18th century. The author explains the people’s activity as primarily determined by their social and property status. The main areas of cultural patronage for the Galagans were religious charities, the construction and maintenance of places for worship, and art. During the time of Gregory Galagan education was the main focus of cultural patronage. At the beginning of the 18th century Ignat Galagan founded a military leader dynasty and strengthened it with property resources, as well as social and genealogical contacts through marriage. His descendants obtained European education, but in no way did they seek either a military-political or a social and community involvement.
Пари, думи, памет. Съст. Р. Заимова, Н. Аретов.
Българската историческа памет в съчиненията на трима духовници от ХVIII в.2004 •
Линк към статията: http://www.bulgc18.com/pari/georgiev.htm BULGARIAN SOCIETY FOR EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY STUDIES Interdisciplinary Conference 'Money, Words, Memory' (3-4 April 2003) in Bulgarian Lubomir Georgiev DAS BULGARISCHE HISTORISCHE GEDAECHTNIS IN DEN WERKEN VON DREI GEISTLICHEN VOM XVIII JHR. Summary Das ist ein Versuch zum Vergleich zwischen “Istorija Slawjanobolgarska” (1762), der Geschichte des Paters Blasius Kleiner (1761) und der Geschichte der katholischen Pfarrergemeinde des Dorfes Alt Beschenov – das groeste bulgarische Dorf im Banater Gebiet. Der Parallelismus zwischen den beiden Werken der bulgarischen katholischen Historigraphie und das beste Beispiel der bulgarischen Geschichte des XVIII Jhs. – die Schrift des Paters Paisij – hat diese Gruende: das Thema der Texte ist die ruhmreiche Vergangenheit Bulgariens; die Autoren sind christliche Geistliche; die Zeit, in der sie geschrieben sind, ist fast dieselbe; im unterschiedlichen Masse haben sie einen programmatischen Charakter und eine erziehrische Mission. In den drei Geschichten sind unterschiedliche Meinungen vertreten: – ueber die Herkunft, die Annahme der Christentum von den Bulgaren, die Paulikaner, die Eroberung der bulgarischen Laender durch die Osmanen.
Since history was institutionalized as a scholarly and educational discipline, one of its assignments, along with the research and development of secular knowledge, has been production and promotion of the officially approved narrative of the past that could be used for various «practical» needs – justifying political and military ambitions, legitimizing regimes and providing “a feeling of belonging” to a symbolic entity (a nation, a people, or a certain group). Having started in the era of the emergence of national states in XIX century, the presentist constructions of the narratives of the past that could serve a reservoir of symbols “useful” to the current have become even more important in the late XX – early XXI century when, with dilution of conventional structures of identities, the notions of «memory» and «common past» replaced the notion of “ideology” prevalent in previous years and were incorporated into a state politics of the past. In Russia, the “turn to the past” ended up with the state’s appropriation of the past as a political and symbolical resource and, at the same time, with the growing determent of professionally trained historians from historical politics as such by the means of various administrative, legal, financial and political regulations. After a survey of how the «service-based» role of historical community has changed from the Soviet to post-Soviet time, the author contemplates on possible ways of the rehabilitation of historical profession, emphasizing the prospects of public history as an interdisciplinary alternative to the politically engaged version of the past imposed from above. Key words: «usable past», memory, history, historical politics, consuming history, public history, past as political resource, invention of tradition, mnemonic patriotism.
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