State

What happens with ‘’Reformasi’’ (the Reform Movement/ Era)? After tha fall of Soeharto’s New Order regime, Indonesia come into chaotic situation with many religious and ethnic conflicts. Separatism has erupted and corruption has been so rampant. The “door” of democracy opens, and both Islamists and nationalists take part in the political game. The results have been, however, transactional politics, bad governance and uncertainty. A question should be raiseed: is it irreconcilable between the nationalists and the islamists? What is happening when the political games are plyed by both parties is basically the competition of corruption. They are stealing “people resources and welth of the nation”. Islamists do the same as the nationalists stealing power (corruption). The business world is corrupted. Businessmen are in collusion with politicians, rulers, and bureaucrats. They do not care anymore about the fate of the people and the country.

What happens with ‘’Reformasi’’ (the Reform Movement/ Era)? After tha fall of Soeharto’s New Order regime, Indonesia come into chaotic situation with many religious and ethnic conflicts. Separatism has erupted and corruption has been so rampant. The “door” of democracy opens, and both Islamists and nationalists take part in the political game. The results have been, however, transactional politics, bad governance and uncertainty. A question should be raiseed: is it irreconcilable between the nationalists and the islamists? What is happening when the political games are plyed by both parties is basically the competition of corruption. They are stealing “people resources and welth of the nation”. Islamists do the same as the nationalists stealing power (corruption). The business world is corrupted. Businessmen are in collusion with politicians, rulers, and bureaucrats. They do not care anymore about the fate of the people and the country.

One feature of the neo/liberal possessive self is the propertied character of certain beliefs: treated as belonging to those who hold them, recognized and supported in acting on the world, and protected. While an ownership paradigm predates anti-discrimination and human rights regimes, these regimes have consolidated and extended the propertied status of certain identity beliefs in ways that naturalize and siloize them. But if beliefs’ propertied character is politically problematic, can it be unsettled and reformed? This paper considers one possible mode for doing so, namely play. Oftentimes, play works to secure and assert the propertied attachments people have to their beliefs; but some forms of play offer other possibilities. Focusing on the state as a complex site of play relations and encounters, this article explores how state play engages identity beliefs in a contemporary legal drama of colliding beliefs between conservative Christians and liberal gay equality advocates.

IntroductionIn this article we set out to analyse, from an archaeological point of view, a political problem which, as demonstrated by current debate, including acts of violence, goes well beyond archaeology. Throughout the 19th century, and especially in its latter half, a centralist political model for Spain was developed in which a political balance could not be found between the State and [lie autonomous traditions of the varions regions of the Iherian Peninsula. As a result of this failure, legitimation programmes began to be constructed towards the end of 19th century, based on the history of the peoples of these regions. This led to a search in protohistorical archaeology [Iberians, Celts, Tartessians, etc.) for a possible solution to the political problems caused by a lack of institutional agreement between states and regions.

Community organizations have played a major role in the delivery of social services in Québec since the 1970s. Their activities aimed to provide an alternative to the heteronomous, bureaucratic practices of the public sector. But their desire to move away from the public sector did not prevent them from demanding financial support from the state. Historically, these associations' struggles have led to the establishment of an original partnership and a funding mode whereby they could retain their organizations' autonomy. This autonomy was the guarantee of both their specificity and their ability to innovate in terms of social practices. While this state recognition certainly remains in some respects ambivalent, it is nonetheless undeniable that these associations today constitute a significant component of the Québec model of social development. RÉSUMÉ Les organismes communautaires jouent un rôle important dans la prestation de services sociaux au Québec depuis les années 197...

La construction de la nation angolaise se caracterise par deux elements essentiels qui constituent en meme temps la base permanente de son unite: ladifference comme recherche necessaire d’une identite culturelle, fondement elementaire de la creation et du developpement d’institutions nationales propres, et le differend, qui presuppose la possibilite et les principes qui doivent regir l’elaboration et l’application d’un projet social, national et populaire. La nation angolaise ne peut naitre que de l’accord des differentes nations qui l’habitent. Elle n’est pas la somme automatique de ces dernieres, comme le laissait supposer un certain reve d’une unite centralisatrice effacant toutes differences. La nation angolaise implique la reconnaissance des differences et des differends qui la peuplent, la construction d’un lieu et d’un moment propices a la participation et au partage du bien commun. Partant, nous ne dissocions pas la construction de la nation angolaise de celle de sa democrat...

En deux siecles la notion de solidarite a beaucoup evolue. En France la protection sociale est aujourd'hui tres etendue. Mais l'Etat providence pourra-t-il assumer le role qu'il s'est assigne : celui de maintenir la cohesion sociale ?

En este artículo adelantaremos algunas pistas de reflexión extraídas de dos investigaciones sobre, por un lado la institucionalidad participativa en Ecuador, y por otro la materialidad del Estado ecuatoriano en el contexto de la reforma buscando indagar acerca de las dinámicas cotidianas en la gestión de lo público/estatal y sus efectos concretos sobre la realidad y alcance de la reforma democrática del Estado. Consideramos que estos dos aspectos son puntos cruciales de la refundación democrática del Estado ecuatoriano en el marco del cambio de época política. Se discutirá las potencialidades y limitaciones de la implementación del “nuevo” modelo de Estado.In this article, we would like to expose of the conclusions of two on - going research es about, from the one hand, the institutionality of participation in Ecuador, and, from the other hand, the materiality of Ecuadorian State in the reform context; we aim to inquire into everyday logics in State or public administration and its ...

Cette thèse porte dans une perspective sociohistorique et ethnographique sur le mouvement piquetero en Argentine et ses transformations successives durant les années 2000 en un vaste réseau d’organisation prestataires de services. Ce mouvement est né des actions collectives des chômeurs et travailleurs précaires à la fin des années 1990 contre les effets des réformes « néolibérales » et tient son nom de l’un de ses modes de protestation privilégié, le barrage de route ou piquete. Dès ses débuts, les piqueteros ont fait l’objet d’un double traitement de la part de l’État, entre répression et récupération dans le cadre de la mise en place de programmes de transferts conditionnés des ressources (Conditional Cash Transfer Programs). Dans cette nouvelle configuration de l’action publique ciblée, il s’agit désormais pour l’État de déléguer la distribution des aides sociales aux organisations, au regard de leur proximité territoriale avec les populations précarisées. Or, cette thèse montre...

Abstract The thought of Gabriel Tarde has recently been presented as a radical alternative to a modernist tradition in social theory that continues to rely on supposedly moribund concepts of class, action, statehood, and the like. Focussing on Tarde's political writings, this article seeks to counter this prevalent vision of Tarde as a thinker of molecular social processes who provides us with the tools to think beyond the parameters of sovereignty and to embrace a transnational understanding of social change. Tarde's thinking of politics is analysed in terms of its reliance on a political anthropology of obedience, its ambivalent attitude towards the democratization of the political sphere, its image of the state as an enabler and filter of inventions, and its attempts to articulate the relation between the social and the political. By means of the notion of ‘empowering pacification’, the article concludes that the significance of Tarde for the present lies in his contradictory and symptomatic conceptualization of the persistence of political power and institutional centralization in the midst of a tendency towards the global expansion of the field of social interactions, as well as in his strategic attempt to imagine forms of power that would neutralize the possibility of social turmoil and class conflict.

El presente escrito aborda la distribución del ingreso en la economía desde la perspectiva funcional y personal. Toma en cuenta, mediante una función de producción ampliada, el efecto marginal de la inversión pública en la dinámica de crecimiento de la economía en situaciones en que el destino del gasto público es fundamentalmente productivo en infraestructura, salud y economía del conocimiento adicional a los factores clásicos de producción, sin desplazar al capital privado, participando el Estado en la economía en condición de capital público. Se expresa que esta modalidad de distribución del ingreso impacta el crecimiento desde la oferta y la demanda, observando mayores niveles producción y de consumo en general.

Two modes of whale use have been documented on the Northwest Coast of North America, namely systematic whale hunting and whale scavenging. Ethnographically, systematic hunting was practiced only by Native groups of southwestern Vancouver Island and the northern Olympic Peninsula of Washington State. This hunting was undertaken with technology specifically designed for the task. Other groups on the Northwest Coast reportedly did not hunt whales but did utilize beached animals. Here we present archaeological evidence of whaling from the northern Oregon coast site of Par-Tee in the form of a bone point lodged in a whale phalange. This hunting likely occurred 1,300 to 1,600 years ago. Ancient DNA extracted from the phalange proves it to be a humpback whale (Megaptera novaeangliae). DNA recovered from the bone point indicates that it is made from elk (Cervus elaphus) bone, and the point's DNA sequence is identical to that from unmodified elk bone from Par-Tee, suggesting the whale wa...

This article analyzes whether political violence and constitutional legality were democratically compatible in Bolivia, during the period between “La Revolucion Conservadora” (1839) and “La Batalla de Ingavi” (1841). First of all, special attention will be paid to the public practice of the right to take up arms, and to the institutionalization of levels of authority through revolutionary actions. In addition, this article studies the principle of “armed citizenship” and its role in the dispute between the citizenship and the Army on a key question: the legitimate management and control of violence. On the other hand, this work explores political conflict over models of  National State and the distribution of authority in order to examine political disputes around the “legitimacy of the revolutionary act”.