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The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO; , ); ), also called "the (North) Atlantic Alliance", is an intergovernmental military alliance based on the North Atlantic Treaty which was signed on April 4, 1949. The NATO headquarters are in Brusselsmarker, Belgiummarker, and the organization constitutes a system of collective defense whereby its member states agree to mutual defense in response to an attack by any external party.

For its first few years, NATO was not much more than a political association. However, the Korean War galvanized the member states, and an integrated military structure was built up under the direction of two U.S. supreme commanders. The first NATO Secretary General, Lord Ismay, famously stated the organization's goal was "to keep the Russiansmarker out, the Americansmarker in, and the Germansmarker down". Doubts over the strength of the relationship between the European states and the United States ebbed and flowed, along with doubts over the credibility of the NATO defense against a prospective Soviet invasion—doubts that led to the development of the independent French nuclear deterrent and the withdrawal of the French from NATO's military structure from 1966.

After the fall of the Berlin Wallmarker in 1989, the organization became drawn into the Balkans while building better links with former potential enemies to the east, which culminated with several former Warsaw Pact states joining the alliance in 1999 and 2004. On April 1, 2009, membership was enlarged to 28 with the entrance of Albaniamarker and Croatiamarker. Since the September 11 attacks, NATO has attempted to refocus itself to new challenges and has deployed troops to Afghanistanmarker as well as trainers to Iraqmarker.

The Berlin Plus agreement is a comprehensive package of agreements made between NATO and the European Union on December 16, 2002. With this agreement the EU was given the possibility to use NATO assets in case it wanted to act independently in an international crisis, on the condition that NATO itself did not want to act—the so-called "right of first refusal". Only if NATO refused to act would the EU have the option to act. The combined military spending of all NATO members constitutes over 70% of the world's defense spending, with the United States alone accounting for about half the total military spending of the world and the United Kingdommarker, Francemarker, Germanymarker, and Italymarker accounting for a further 15%.

History

Beginnings

The Treaty of Brussels, signed on March 17, 1948 by Belgiummarker, the Netherlandsmarker, Luxembourgmarker, Francemarker and the United Kingdommarker is considered the precursor to the NATO agreement. The treaty and the Soviet Berlin Blockade led to the creation of the Western European Union's Defence Organization in September 1948. However, participation of the United Statesmarker was thought necessary in order to counter the military power of the USSRmarker, and therefore talks for a new military alliance began almost immediately.

These talks resulted in the North Atlantic Treaty, which was signed in Washington, D.C.marker on April 4, 1949. It included the five Treaty of Brussels states, as well as the United Statesmarker, Canadamarker, Portugalmarker, Italymarker, Norwaymarker, Denmarkmarker and Icelandmarker. Popular support for the Treaty was not unanimous; some Icelanders commenced a pro-neutrality, anti-membership riot in March 1949.

Such action as it deems necessary, including the use of armed force does not necessarily mean that other member states will respond with military action against the aggressor(s). Rather they are obliged to respond, but maintain the freedom to choose how they will respond. This differs from Article IV of the Treaty of Brussels (which founded the Western European Union) which clearly states that the response however often assumed that NATO members will aid the attacked member militarily. Further, the article limits the organization's scope to Europe and North America, which explains why the invasion of the British Falkland Islands did not result in NATO involvement.

The creation of NATO brought about some standardization of allied military terminology, procedures, and technology, which in many cases meant European countries adopting U.S. practices. The roughly 1300 Standardization Agreements (STANAGs) codifies the standardization that NATO has achieved. Hence, the 7.62×51 NATO rifle cartridge was introduced in the 1950s as a standard firearm cartridge among many NATO countries. Fabrique Nationale de Herstal's FAL became the most popular 7.62 NATO rifle in Europe and served into the early 1990s. Also, aircraft marshalling signals were standardized, so that any NATO aircraft could land at any NATO base. Other standards such as the NATO phonetic alphabet have made their way beyond NATO into civilian use.

Cold War

The outbreak of the Korean War in 1950 was crucial for NATO as it raised the apparent threat level greatly (all Communist countries were suspected of working together) and forced the alliance to develop concrete military plans. The 1952 Lisbon conference, seeking to provide the forces necessary for NATO's Long-Term Defence Plan, called for an expansion to 96 division. However this requirement was dropped the following year to roughly 35 divisions with heavier use to be made of nuclear weapons. At this time, NATO could call on about 15 ready divisions in Central Europe, and another ten in Italy and Scandinavia. Also at Lisbon, the post of Secretary General of NATO as the organization's chief civilian was also created, and Baron Hastings Ismay eventually appointed to the post. Later, in September 1952, the first major NATO maritime exercises began; Operation Mainbrace brought together 200 ships and over 50,000 personnel to practice the defence of Denmark and Norway.

Greecemarker and Turkeymarker joined the alliance the same year, forcing a series of controversial negotiations, in which the United States and Britain were the primary disputants, over how to bring the two countries into the military command structure. Meanwhile, while this overt military preparation was going on, covert stay-behind arrangements to continue resistance after a successful Soviet invasion ('Operation Gladio'), initially made by the Western European Union, were being transferred to NATO control. Ultimately unofficial bonds began to grow between NATO's armed forces, such as the NATO Tiger Association and competitions such as the Canadian Army Trophy for tank gunnery.

In 1954, the Soviet Union suggested that it should join NATO to preserve peace in Europe. The NATO countries, fearing that the Soviet Union's motive was to weaken the alliance, ultimately rejected this proposal. The incorporation of West Germanymarker into the organization on May 9 1955 was described as "a decisive turning point in the history of our continent" by Halvard Lange, Foreign Minister of Norway at the time. A major reason for Germany's entry into the alliance was that without German manpower, it would have been impossible to field enough conventional forces to resist a Soviet invasion. Indeed, one of its immediate results was the creation of the Warsaw Pact, signed on May 14, 1955 by the Soviet Union, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Bulgaria, Romania, Albania, and East Germany, as a formal response to this event, thereby delineating the two opposing sides of the Cold War.

French withdrawal

The unity of NATO was breached early in its history, with a crisis occurring during Charles de Gaulle's presidency of France from 1958 onwards. De Gaulle protested at the United States' strong role in the organization and what he perceived as a Special Relationship between the United States and the United Kingdom. In a memorandum sent to President Dwight D. Eisenhower and Prime Minister Harold Macmillan on September 17, 1958, he argued for the creation of a tripartite directorate that would put France on an equal footing with the United States and the United Kingdom, and also for the expansion of NATO's coverage to include geographical areas of interest to France, most notably Algeriamarker, where Francemarker was waging a counter-insurgency and sought NATO assistance.

Considering the response given to be unsatisfactory, de Gaulle began to build an independent defence for his country. He also wanted to give France, in the event of an East German incursion into West Germany, the option of coming to a separate peace with the Eastern bloc instead of being drawn into a NATO-Warsaw Pact global war. On March 11, 1959, France withdrew its Mediterraneanmarker fleet from NATO command; three months later, in June 1959, de Gaulle banned the stationing of foreign nuclear weapons on French soil. This caused the United States to transfer two hundred military aircraft out of France and return control of the ten major air force bases that had operated in France since 1950 to the French by 1967.

Though France showed solidarity with the rest of NATO during the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962, de Gaulle continued his pursuit of an independent defence by removing France's Atlanticmarker and Channelmarker fleets from NATO command. In 1966, all French armed forces were removed from NATO's integrated military command, and all non-French NATO troops were asked to leave France. This withdrawal forced the relocation of the Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europemarker (SHAPE) from Rocquencourtmarker near Parismarker to Casteaumarker, north of Monsmarker, Belgium, by October 16, 1967. France remained a member of the alliance, and committed to the defense of Europe from possible Communist attack with its own forces stationed in the Federal Republic of Germany throughout the Cold War. A series of secret accords between U.S. and French officials, the Lemnitzer-Aillert Agreements, detailed how French forces would dovetail back into NATO's command structure should East-West hostilities break out. for the return of French forces under NATO command see below.

Détente

Détente led to many high level meetings between leaders from both NATO and the Warsaw Pact.
During most of the Cold War, NATO maintained a holding pattern with no actual military engagement as an organization. On July 1, 1968, the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty opened for signature: NATO argued that its nuclear sharing arrangements did not breach the treaty as U.S. forces controlled the weapons until a decision was made to go to war, at which point the treaty would no longer be controlling. Few states knew of the NATO nuclear sharing arrangements at that time, and they were not challenged.

On May 30, 1978, NATO countries officially defined two complementary aims of the Alliance, to maintain security and pursue détente. This was supposed to mean matching defences at the level rendered necessary by the Warsaw Pact's offensive capabilities without spurring a further arms race.

On December 12, 1979, in light of a build-up of Warsaw Pact nuclear capabilities in Europe, ministers approved the deployment of U.S. GLCM cruise missiles and Pershing II theatre nuclear weapons in Europe. The new warheads were also meant to strengthen the western negotiating position regarding nuclear disarmament. This policy was called the Dual Track policy. Similarly, in 1983–84, responding to the stationing of Warsaw Pact SS-20 medium-range missiles in Europe, NATO deployed modern Pershing II missiles tasked to hit military targets such as tank formations in the event of war. This action led to peace movement protests throughout Western Europe.

Escalation

With the background of the build-up of tension between the Soviet Union and the United States, NATO decided, under the impetus of the Reagan presidency, to deploy Pershing II and cruise missiles in Western Europe, primarily West Germany. These missiles were theatre nuclear weapons intended to strike targets on the battlefield if the Soviets invaded West Germany. Yet support for the deployment was wavering and many doubted whether the push for deployment could be sustained. On 1 September 1983, the Soviet Union shot down a Korean passenger airlinermarker when it crossed into Soviet airspace—an act which Reagan characterized as a "massacre". The barbarity of this act, as the U.S. and indeed the world understood it, galvanized support for the deployment—which stood in place until the later accords between Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev.

The membership of the organization at this time remained largely static. In 1974, as a consequence of the Turkish invasion of Cyprus, Greece withdrew its forces from NATO's military command structure but, with Turkish cooperation, were readmitted in 1980. On May 30, 1982, NATO gained a new member when, following a referendum, the newly democratic Spainmarker joined the alliance.

In November 1983, NATO manoeuvres simulating a nuclear launch caused panic in the Kremlin. The Soviet leadership, led by ailing General Secretary Yuri Andropov, became concerned that the manoeuvres, codenamed Able Archer 83, were the beginnings of a genuine first strike. In response, Soviet nuclear forces were readied and air units in East Germanymarker and Polandmarker were placed on alert. Though at the time written off by U.S. intelligence as a propaganda effort, many historians now believe that the Soviet fear of a NATO first strike was genuine.

Post Cold War

Map showing European membership of the EU and NATO
The end of the Cold War and the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact in 1991 removed the de facto main adversary of NATO. This caused a strategic re-evaluation of NATO's purpose, nature and tasks. In practice this ended up entailing a gradual (and still ongoing) expansion of NATO to Eastern Europe, as well as the extension of its activities to areas that had not formerly been NATO concerns.The first post-Cold War expansion of NATO came with the reunification of Germany on October 3, 1990, when the former East Germanymarker became part of the Federal Republic of Germanymarker and the alliance. This had been agreed in the Two Plus Four Treaty earlier in the year. To secure Soviet approval of a united Germany remaining in NATO, it was agreed that foreign troops and nuclear weapons would not be stationed in the east.

As a result of post-Cold War restructuring of national forces, intervention in the Balkan conflicts, and subsequent participation in Afghanistan, starting in late 2003 NATO has restructured how it commands and deploys its troops by creating several NATO Rapid Deployable Corps.

The scholar Stephen F. Cohen argued in 2005 that a commitment was given that NATO would never expand further east, but according to Robert Zoellick, then a State Departmentmarker official involved in the Two Plus Four negotiating process, this appears to be a misperception; no formal commitment of the sort was made. On May 7, 2008, The Daily Telegraph held an interview with Gorbachev in which he repeated his view that such a commitment had been made. Gorbachev said "the Americans promised that NATO wouldn't move beyond the boundaries of Germany after the Cold War but now half of central and eastern Europe are members, so what happened to their promises? It shows they cannot be trusted."

As part of post-Cold War restructuring, NATO's military structure was cut back and reorganized, with new forces such as the Headquarters Allied Command Europe Rapid Reaction Corpsmarker established. The Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe agreed between NATO and the Warsaw Pact and signed in Paris in 1990, mandated specific reductions. The changes brought about by the collapse of the Soviet Union on the military balance in Europe were recognized in the Adapted Conventional Armed Forces in Europe Treaty, signed some years later. France rejoined NATO's Military Committee in 1995, and since then has intensified working relations with the military structure. The policies of French President Nicolas Sarkozy have resulted in a major reform of France's military position, culminating with the return to full membership on April 4, 2009 which also included France rejoining the integrated military command of NATO, while maintaining an independent nuclear deterrent.

Balkans interventions

The first NATO military operation caused by the conflict in the former Yugoslavia was Operation Sharp Guard, which ran from June 1993–October 1996. It provided maritime enforcement of the arms embargo and economic sanctions against the Federal Republic of Yugoslaviamarker. On 28 February 1994, NATO took its first military action, shooting down four Bosnian Serb aircraft violating a U.N.-mandated no-fly zone over central Bosnia and Herzegovinamarker. A NATO bombing campaign, Operation Deliberate Force, began in August, 1995, against the Army of the Republika Srpska, after the Srebrenica massacre. Operation Deny Flight, the no-fly-zone enforcement mission, had begun two years before, on 12 April 1993, and was to continue until 20 December 1995. NATO air strikes that year helped bring the war in Bosnia to an end, resulting in the Dayton Agreement, which in turn meant that NATO deployed a peacekeeping force, under Operation Joint Endeavor, first named IFOR and then SFOR, which ran from December 1996 to December 2004. Following the lead of its member nations, NATO began to award a service medal, the NATO Medal, for these operations.

Between 1994 and 1997, wider forums for regional cooperation between NATO and its neighbors were set up, like the Partnership for Peace, the Mediterranean Dialogue initiative and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council. On July 8, 1997, three former communist countries, Hungarymarker, the Czech Republicmarker, and Polandmarker, were invited to join NATO, which finally happened in 1999. In 1998, the NATO-Russia Permanent Joint Council was established.

On March 24, 1999, NATO saw its first broad-scale military engagement in the Kosovo War, where it waged an 11-week bombing campaign, which NATO called Operation Allied Force, against what was then the Federal Republic of Yugoslaviamarker, in an effort to stop Serbian-led crackdown on Albanian civilians in Kosovo. A formal declaration of war never took place (in common with all wars since World War II). The conflict ended on 11 June 1999, when Yugoslavian leader Slobodan Milošević agreed to NATO’s demands by accepting UN resolution 1244. During the crisis, NATO also deployed one of its international reaction forces, the ACE Mobile Force marker, to Albaniamarker as the Albania Force (AFOR), to deliver humanitarian aid to refugees from Kosovomarker. NATO then helped establish the KFOR, a NATO-led force under a United Nations mandate that operated the military mission in Kosovo. In August–September 2001, the alliance also mounted Operation Essential Harvest, a mission disarming ethnic Albanian militias in the Republic of Macedoniamarker.

The United States, the United Kingdom, and most other NATO countries opposed efforts to require the U.N. Security Council to approve NATO military strikes, such as the action against Serbia in 1999, while France and some others claimed that the alliance needed U.N. approval. The U.S./U.K. side claimed that this would undermine the authority of the alliance, and they noted that Russiamarker and Chinamarker would have exercised their Security Council vetoes to block the strike on Yugoslavia, and could do the same in future conflicts where NATO intervention was required, thus nullifying the entire potency and purpose of the organization. Recognizing the post-Cold War military environment, NATO adopted the Alliance Strategic Concept during its Washington Summit in April 1999 that emphasized conflict prevention and crisis management.

After the September 11 attacks

The September 11 attacks caused NATO to invoke Article 5 of the NATO Charter for the first time in its history. The Article says that an attack on any member shall be considered to be an attack on all. The invocation was confirmed on October 4, 2001 when NATO determined that the attacks were indeed eligible under the terms of the North Atlantic Treaty. The eight official actions taken by NATO in response to the attacks included Operation Eagle Assist and Operation Active Endeavour.Operation Active Endeavour is a naval operation in the Mediterranean Sea and is designed to prevent the movement of terrorists or weapons of mass destruction as well as to enhance the security of shipping in general. It began on 4 October 2001.

Despite this early show of solidarity, NATO faced a crisis little more than a year later, when on February 10, 2003, Francemarker and Belgiummarker vetoed the procedure of silent approval concerning the timing of protective measures for Turkeymarker in case of a possible war with Iraqmarker. Germanymarker did not use its right to break the procedure but said it supported the veto.

On the issue of Afghanistanmarker on the other hand, the alliance showed greater unity: On April 16, 2003 NATO agreed to take command of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan. The decision came at the request of Germany and the Netherlands, the two nations leading ISAF at the time of the agreement, and all nineteen NATO ambassadors approved it unanimously. The handover of control to NATO took place on August 11, and marked the first time in NATO’s history that it took charge of a mission outside the north Atlantic area. Canadamarker had originally been slated to take over ISAF by itself on that date.

In January 2004, NATO appointed Minister Hikmet Çetin, of Turkey, as the Senior Civilian Representative (SCR) in Afghanistan. Minister Cetin is primarily responsible for advancing the political-military aspects of the Alliance in Afghanistan. In August 2004, following U.S. pressure, NATO formed the NATO Training Mission - Iraq, a training mission to assist the Iraqi security forces in conjunction with the U.S. led MNF-I.

On July 31, 2006, a NATO-led force, made up mostly of troops from Canada, the United Kingdom, Turkey and the Netherlands, took over military operations in the south of Afghanistan from a U.S.-led anti-terrorism coalition.

Expansion and restructuring

Current membership of NATO in Europe.
New NATO structures were also formed while old ones were abolished: The NATO Response Force (NRF) was launched at the 2002 Prague summit on November 21. On June 19, 2003, a major restructuring of the NATO military commands began as the Headquarters of the Supreme Allied Commander, Atlantic were abolished and a new command, Allied Command Transformation (ACT), was established in Norfolk, Virginiamarker, United Statesmarker, and the Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe (SHAPE) became the Headquarters of Allied Command Operationsmarker (ACO). ACT is responsible for driving transformation (future capabilities) in NATO, whilst ACO is responsible for current operations.

Membership went on expanding with the accession of seven more Northern European and Eastern European countries to NATO: Estoniamarker, Latviamarker and Lithuaniamarker and also Sloveniamarker, Slovakiamarker, Bulgariamarker, and Romaniamarker. They were first invited to start talks of membership during the 2002 Prague Summit, and joined NATO on 29 March 2004, shortly before the 2004 Istanbul summit.The same month, NATO's Baltic Air Policing began, which supported the sovereignty of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia by providing fighters to react to any unwanted aerial intrusions. Four fighters are based in Lithuania, provided in rotation by virtually all the NATO states. Operation Peaceful Summit temporarily enhanced this patrolling during the 2006 Riga summit.

The 2006 Riga summit was held in Rigamarker, Latviamarker, which had joined the Atlantic Alliance two years earlier. It is the first NATO summit to be held in a country that was part of the Soviet Unionmarker, and the second one in a former Comecon country (after the 2002 Prague summit). Energy Security was one of the main themes of the Riga Summit. At the April 2008 summit in Bucharestmarker, Romaniamarker, NATO agreed to the accession of Croatiamarker and Albaniamarker and invited them to join. Both countries joined NATO in April 2009. Ukrainemarker and Georgiamarker were also told that they will eventually become members.

International Security Assistance Force

In August 2003, NATO commenced its first mission ever outside Europe when it assumed control over International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistanmarker. However, some critics feel that national caveats or other restrictions undermine the efficiency of ISAF. For instance, political scientist Joseph Nye stated in a 2006 article that

Due to the intensity of the fighting in the south, France has recently allowed a squadron of Mirage 2000 fighter/attack aircraft to be moved into the area, to Kandaharmarker, in order to reinforce the alliance's efforts. If these caveats were to be eliminated, it is argued that this could help NATO to succeed. NATO is also training the ANA (Afghan National Army) to be better equipped in forcing out the Taliban.

NATO missile defence

For some years, the United States negotiated with Polandmarker and the Czech Republicmarker for the deployment of interceptor missiles and a radar tracking system in the two countries against wishes of local population Both countries' governments indicated that they would allow the deployment. In August 2008, Poland and the United States signed a preliminary deal to place part of the missile defence shield in Poland that would be linked to air-defence radar in the Czech Republic. In answer on this agreement more than 130,000 Czechs signed petition for referendum about the base , which is by far the largest citizen initiative since the Velvet Revolution, but it has been refused. The proposed American missile defence site in Central Europe is expected to be fully operational by 2015 and would be capable of covering most of Europe except parts of Romania plus Bulgaria, Greece and Turkey.

In April 2007, NATO's European allies called for a NATO missile defense system which would complement the American national missile defense system to protect Europe from missile attacks and NATO's decision-making North Atlantic Council held consultations on missile defence in the first meeting on the topic at such a senior level. In response, Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin claimed that such a deployment could lead to a new arms race and could enhance the likelihood of mutual destruction. He also suggested that his country would freeze its compliance with the 1990 Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE)—which limits military deployments across the continent—until all NATO countries had ratified the adapted CFE treaty. Secretary General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer claimed the system would not affect strategic balance or threaten Russia, as the plan is to base only 10 interceptor missiles in Polandmarker with an associated radar in the Czech Republic.

On July 14, 2007, Russia gave notice of its intention to suspend the CFE treaty, effective 150 days later. On August 14, 2008, the United States and Poland came to an agreement to place a base with 10 interceptor missiles with associated MIM-104 Patriot air defence systems in Poland. This came at a time when tension was high between Russia and most of NATO and resulted in a nuclear threat on Poland by Russia if the building of the missile defences went ahead. On August 20, 2008 the United States and Poland signed the agreement, with a statement from Russia saying their response "Will Go Beyond Diplomacy" and is an "extremely dangerous bundle" of military projects." Also, on August 20, 2008, Russia sent word to Norway that it was suspending ties with NATO.

On September 17, 2009, US President Barack Obama announced that the planned deployment of long-range missile defense interceptors and equipment in Poland and the Czech Republic was not to go forward, and that a defense against short- and medium-range missiles using warships would be deployed instead. The announcement prompted varying reactions - in Central and Eastern Europe, especially in Poland and the Czech Republic, response was largely negative; while the Russian response was largely positive. Following the announcement, Russian President Dimitri Medvedev announced that a planned Russian Iskander surface to surface missile deployment in nearby Kaliningrad was also not to go ahead. The two deployment cancellation announcements were later followed with a statement by newly named NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen calling for a strategic partnership between Russia and the Alliance, explicitly involving technological cooperation of the two parties' missile defense systems.

Membership

NATO has added new members seven times since first forming in 1949 (the last 2 in 2009). NATO comprises 28 members: Albaniamarker, Belgiummarker, Bulgariamarker, Canadamarker, Croatiamarker, Czech Republicmarker, Denmarkmarker, Estoniamarker, Francemarker, Germanymarker, Greecemarker, Hungarymarker, Icelandmarker, Italymarker, Latviamarker, Lithuaniamarker, Luxembourgmarker, The Netherlandsmarker, Norwaymarker, Polandmarker, Portugalmarker, Romaniamarker, Slovakiamarker, Sloveniamarker, Spainmarker, Turkeymarker, the United Kingdommarker, and the United Statesmarker.

Future enlargement

New membership in the alliance has been largely from Eastern Europe and the Balkans, including former members of the Warsaw Pact. At the 2008 summit in Bucharest, three countries were promised future invitations: the Republic of Macedoniamarker, Georgiamarker and Ukrainemarker. Though it has completed the requirements for membership, the accession of Macedonia is blocked by Greecemarker, pending resolution of the Macedonia naming dispute. Turkeymarker has also threatened to block an attempt from Cyprusmarker.

Other potential candidate countries include Montenegromarker and Bosnia and Herzegovinamarker, which joined the Adriatic Charter of potential members in 2008. Russia, as referred to above, continues to oppose further expansion, seeing it as inconsistent with understandings between Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev and U.S. President George Bush that allowed for a peaceful unification of Germany. NATO's expansion policy is seen by Moscow as a continuation of a Cold War attempt to surround and isolate Russia.

Cooperation with non-member states

Euro-Atlantic Partnership

A double framework has been established to help further co-operation between the 28 NATO members and 22 "partner countries".
  • The Partnership for Peace (PfP) program was established in 1994 and is based on individual bilateral relations between each partner country and NATO: each country may choose the extent of its participation. The PfP program is considered the operational wing of the Euro-Atlantic Partnership. Members include all current and former members of the Commonwealth of Independent States.
  • The Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (EAPC) was first established on 29 May 1997, and is a forum for regular coordination, consultation and dialogue between all 49 participants.


Additionally, the Mediterranean Dialogue was established in 1994 to coordinate in a similar way with Israelmarker and countries in North Africa.
Partnership for Peace Mediterranean

Dialogue
Map of NATO Partnerships
Commonwealth of

Independent States
Other Cold War

socialist economies
Militarily neutral Cold

War capitalist economies
As part of Yugoslavia
As part of the Soviet Union
 
 


  • Other third countries also have been contacted for participation in some activities of the PfP framework: Afghanistanmarker.


Individual Partnership Action Plans



Launched at the November 2002 Prague Summit, Individual Partnership Action Plans (IPAPs) are open to countries that have the political will and ability to deepen their relationship with NATO.

Currently IPAPs are in implementation with the following countries:

  • (22 November 2002)
  • (29 October 2004)
  • (27 May 2005)
  • (16 December 2005)
  • (31 January 2006)
  • (19 May 2006)
  • (10 January 2008)
  • (June 2008)


Contact Countries

Since 1990–91, the Alliance has gradually increased its contact with countries that do not form part of any of the above cooperative groupings. Political dialogue with Japanmarker began in 1990, and a range of non-NATO countries have contributed to peacekeeping operations in the former Yugoslavia.

The Allies established a set of general guidelines on relations with other countries, beyond the above groupings in 1998. The guidelines do not allow for a formal institutionalization of relations, but reflect the Allies’ desire to increase cooperation. Following extensive debate, the term Contact Countries was agreed by the Allies in 2004. Australia, New Zealand, South Korea and Japan currently have this status.

Structures

Sign showing how the new NATO HQ will look, in front of the site where it will be built


The main headquarters of NATO is located on Boulevard Léopold III, B-1110 Brussels, which is in Harenmarker, part of the City of Brusselsmarker municipality. A new headquarters building is currently in construction nearby, due for completion in 2012. The current design is an adaptation of the original award-winning scheme designed by Larry Oltmanns and his team when he was a Design Partner with SOM.

Over the years, non-governmental citizens' groups have grown up in support of NATO, broadly under the banner of the Atlantic Council/Atlantic Treaty Association movement. Some maintain offices in or near the NATO headquarters building area.

The staff at the Headquarters is composed of national delegations of member countries and includes civilian and military liaison offices and officers or diplomatic missions and diplomats of partner countries, as well as the International Staff and International Military Staff filled from serving members of the armed forces of member states.

NATO Parliamentary Assembly

The body that sets broad strategic goals for NATO is the NATO Parliamentary Assembly (NATO-PA) which meets at the Annual Session, and one other during the year, and is the organ that directly interacts with the parliamentary structures of the national governments of the member states which appoint Permanent Members, or ambassadors to NATO. The NATO Parliamentary Assembly, currently presided by José Lello, is made up of legislators from the member countries of the North Atlantic Alliance as well as thirteen associate members. It is however officially a different structure from NATO, and has as aim to join together deputies of NATO countries in order to discuss security policies on the NATO Council.

The PA is the political integration body of NATO that generates political policy agenda setting for the NATO Council via reports of its five committees:
  • Committee on the Civil Dimension of Security
  • Defence and Security Committee
  • Economics and Security Committee
  • Political Committee
  • Science and Technology Committee
These reports provide impetus and direction as agreed upon by the national governments of the member states through their own national political processes and influencers to the NATO administrative and executive organizational entities.

NATO Council

Like any alliance, NATO is ultimately governed by its 28 member states. However, the North Atlantic Treaty, and other agreements, outline how decisions are to be made within NATO. Each of the 28 members sends a delegation or mission to NATO’s headquarters in Brusselsmarker, Belgiummarker. The senior permanent member of each delegation is known as the Permanent Representative and is generally a senior civil servant or an experienced ambassador (and holding that diplomatic rank).

Together, the Permanent Members form the North Atlantic Council (NAC), a body which meets together at least once a week and has effective governance authority and powers of decision in NATO. From time to time the Council also meets at higher level meetings involving Foreign ministers, Defence Minister or Heads of State or Government (HOSG) and it is at these meetings that major decisions regarding NATO’s policies are generally taken. However, it is worth noting that the Council has the same authority and powers of decision-making, and its decisions have the same status and validity, at whatever level it meets. NATO summits also form a further venue for decisions on complex issues, such as enlargement.

The meetings of the North Atlantic Council are chaired by the Secretary General of NATO and, when decisions have to be made, action is agreed upon on the basis of unanimity and common accord. There is no voting or decision by majority. Each nation represented at the Council table or on any of its subordinate committees retains complete sovereignty and responsibility for its own decisions.

List of officials

Anders Fogh Rasmussen took over as Secretary General of NATO in August 2009.
Secretaries General]]
1 General Lord Ismay 4 April 1952–16 May 1957
2 Paul-Henri Spaak 16 May 1957–21 April 1961
3 Dirk Stikker 21 April 1961–1 August 1964
4 Manlio Brosio 1 August 1964–1 October 1971
5 Joseph Luns 1 October 1971–25 June 1984
6 Lord Carrington 25 June 1984–1 July 1988
7 Manfred Wörner 1 July 1988–13 August 1994
8 Sergio Balanzino 13 August 1994–17 October 1994
9 Willy Claes 17 October 1994–20 October 1995
10 Sergio Balanzino 20 October 1995–5 December 1995
11 Javier Solana 5 December 1995–6 October 1999
12 Lord Robertson of Port Ellen 14 October 1999–17 December 2003
13 Alessandro Minuto-Rizzo 17 December 2003–1 January 2004
14 Jaap de Hoop Scheffer 1 January 2004–1 August 2009
15 Anders Fogh Rasmussen 1 August 2009–present


Deputy Secretaries General
# Name Country Duration
1 Jonkheer van Vredenburch 1952–1956
2 Baron Adolph Bentinck 1956–1958
3 Alberico Casardi 1958–1962
4 Guido Colonna di Paliano 1962–1964
5 James A. Roberts 1964–1968
6 Osman Olcay 1969–1971
7 Paolo Pansa Cedronio 1971–1978
8 Rinaldo Petrignani 1978–1981
9 Eric da Rin 1981–1985
10 Marcello Guidi 1985–1989
11 Amedeo de Franchis 1989–1994
12 Sergio Balanzino 1994–2001
13 Alessandro Minuto Rizzo 2001–2007
14 Claudio Bisogniero 2007–present


Strategically NATO as an organization is run by three bodies.

The decision-making body is the Council of national NATO Permanent Representatives, and the decision-making and legislative process of which is converted into policy by the civilian International Staff that is divided into administrative divisions, offices and other organizations. These policies are produced on advice from the standing committees, of which only five are specifically military in nature.

The executive and operational process is overseen by the Military Committee which commands the forces and also oversees their integration, training and research support. The coordination role between the two is carried out by the Defence Planning Committee which directs its output to the Division of Defence Policy and Planning, a nominally civilian department that works closely with the Military Committee's International Military Staff.

All agencies & organizations are immediately subordinate to the NATO headquarters, but are nominally integrated into either the civilian administrative or military executive roles. For the most part they perform roles and functions that directly or indirectly support the security role of the alliance as a whole.

Civilian structure

NATO has an extensive civilian structure, including:
  • Public Diplomacy Division
  • NATO Office of Security (NOS)
  • Executive Management
  • Division of Political Affairs and Security Policy
  • Division of Operations
  • Division of Defence Policy and Planning
  • Division of Defence Investment
  • NATO Office of Resources (NOR)
  • NATO Headquarters Consultation, Command and Control Staff (NHQC3S)
  • Office of the Financial Controller (FinCon)
  • Office of the Chairman of the Senior Resource Board (SRB)
  • Office of the Chairman of the Civil and Military Budget Committees (CBC/MBC))
  • International Board of Auditors for NATO (IBAN)
  • NATO Production and Logistics Organizations (NPLO)


Defense Planning Committee

The Defense Planning Committee (DPC) is normally composed of Permanent Representatives, but meets at the level of Defence Minister at least twice a year. It deals with most defence matters and subjects related to collective defence planning. In this it serves as a coordinating body between the Civilian and Military organizational bureaucracies of NATO.

Military structures

The second pivotal member of each country's delegation is the Military Representative, a senior officer from each country's armed forces, supported by the International Military Staff. Together the Military Representatives form the Military Committee (MC), a body responsible for recommending to NATO’s political authorities those measures considered necessary for the common defence of the NATO area. Its principal role is to provide direction and advice on military policy and strategy. It provides guidance on military matters to the NATO Strategic Commanders, whose representatives attend its meetings, and is responsible for the overall conduct of the military affairs of the Alliance under the authority of the Council. The current Chairman of the NATO Military Committee is Giampaolo Di Paola of Italymarker (since 2008).

Like the Council, from time to time the Military Committee also meets at a higher level, namely at the level of Chiefs of Defence, the most senior military officer in each nation's armed forces. Until 2008 the Military Committee excluded France, due to that country's 1966 decision to remove itself from NATO's integrated military structure, which it rejoined in 1995. Until France rejoined NATO, it was not represented on the Defence Planning Committee, and this led to conflicts between it and NATO members. Such was the case in the lead up to Operation Iraqi Freedom.The operational work of the Committee is supported by the International Military Staff.

NATO's military operations are directed by the Chairman of the NATO Military Committee, and split into two Strategic Commands both commanded by a senior US officer assisted by a staff drawn from across NATO. The Strategic Commanders are responsible to the Military Committee for the overall direction and conduct of all Alliance military matters within their areas of command.

The Military Committee in turn directs two principal NATO organizations: the Allied Command Operations (ACO) responsible for the strategic, operational and tactical management of combat and combat support forces of the NATO members, and the Allied Command Transformation (ACT) organization responsible for the induction of the new member states' forces into NATO, and NATO forces' research and training capability.



  • Allied Command Operations (ACO)


Before 2003 the Strategic Commanders were the Supreme Allied Commander Europe (SACEUR) and the Supreme Allied Commander Atlantic (SACLANT) but the current arrangement is to separate command responsibility between Allied Command Transformation (ACT), responsible for transformation and training of NATO forces, and Allied Command Operationsmarker (ACO), responsible for NATO operations world wide.

The commander of Allied Command Operations retained the title "Supreme Allied Commander Europe (SACEUR)", and is based in the Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europemarker (SHAPE) located at Casteaumarker, north of the Belgianmarker city of Monsmarker. This is about 80 km (50 miles) south of NATO’s political headquarters in Brussels. ACO is headed by SACEUR, a US four-star general or admiral with the dual-hatted role of heading US European Command, which is headquartered in Stuttgartmarker, Germany. SHAPE was in Rocquencourtmarker, west of Parismarker, until 1966, when French president Charles de Gaulle withdrew French forces from the Atlantic Alliance. NATO's headquarters were then forced to move to Belgium, while many military units had to move.

ACO includes Joint Force Command Brunssum in the Netherlands, Joint Force Command Naples in Italy, and Joint Command Lisbon in Portugal, all multi-national headquarters with many nations represented. JFC Brunssum has its land component, Allied Land Component Command Headquarters Heidelberg at Heidelbergmarker, Germanymarker, its air component at Ramstein in Germany, and its naval component at the Northwood Headquartersmarker in the northwest suburbs of Londonmarker. JFC Naplesmarker has its land component in Madridmarker, air component at İzmirmarker, Turkey, and naval component in Naplesmarker, Italy. It also directs KFOR in Kosovomarker. JC Lisbonmarker is a smaller HQ with no subordinate commands. Lajes Fieldmarker, in the Portuguese Azores, is an important transatlantic staging post. A number of NATO Force Structure formations, such as the NATO Rapid Deployable Corps are answerable ultimately to SACEUR either directly or through the component commands. Directly responsible to SACEUR is the NATO Airborne Early Warning Force at NATO Air Base Geilenkirchenmarker in Germany where a jointly funded fleet of E-3 Sentry AWACS airborne radar aircraft is located. The C-17 of the NATO Strategic Airlift Capability, which became fully operational in July 2009, is based at Pápamarker airfield in Hungarymarker.

  • Allied Command Transformation (ACT)


Allied Command Transformation (ACT) is based in the former Allied Command Atlantic headquarters in Norfolk, Virginiamarker, United Statesmarker. Allied Command Atlantic, usually known as Supreme Allied Commander Atlantic (SACLANT), after its commander, became ACT in 2003. It is headed by the Supreme Allied Commander Transformation (SACT), a US four-star general or admiral with the dual-hatted role as commander US Joint Forces Command (COMUSJFCOM). There is also an ACT command element located at SHAPE in Mons, Belgium.

Subordinate ACT organizations include the Joint Warfare Centremarker (JWC) located in Stavangermarker, Norway (in the same site as the Norwegian NJHQ); the Joint Force Training Centre (JFTC) in Bydgoszczmarker, Polandmarker; the Joint Analysis and Lessons Learned Centre (JALLC) in Monsantomarker, Portugal; and the NATO Undersea Research Centre (NURC), La Speziamarker, Italy.

In June 2009 Le Figaro named the two French officers who will, following France's return to the military command structure, take command of Allied Command Transformation and Joint Command Lisbon.



The NATO website lists forty-three different agencies and organizations and five project committees/offices as of 15 May 2008. They include:



Notes

  1. Boulevard Leopold III-laan, B-1110 BRUSSELS, which is in Haren, part of the City of Brussels.
  2. Reynolds, The origins of the Cold War in Europe. International perspectives, p.13
  3. Albania, Croatia join NATO military alliance, AFP, April 1, 2009
  4. Bram Boxhoorn, Broad Support for NATO in the Netherlands, 2005-09-21, [1]
  5. David C. Isby & Charles Kamps Jr, Armies of NATO's Central Front, Jane's Publishing Company Ltd 1985, p.13
  6. David C. Isby & Charles Kamps Jr, Armies of NATO's Central Front, Jane's Publishing Company Ltd 1985, p.13–14
  7. Robert E. Osgood, 'NATO: The Entangling Alliance,' University Press, Chicago, 1962, p.76, in William Park 'Defending the West,' Wheatsheaf Books, 1986, p.28
  8. Time magazine, The Man with the Oilcan, March 24, 1952
  9. Sean M. Maloney, 'To Secure Command of the Sea: NATO Command Organization and Naval Planning for the Cold War at Sea, 1945-54,' MA thesis, University of New Brunswick, 1991, p.270–291
  10. BBC On This Day " West Germany accepted into Nato" bbc.co.uk
  11. David C. Isby & Charles Kamps Jr, Armies of NATO's Central Front, Jane's Publishing Company Ltd 1985, p.15
  12. Washington Post, After 43 Years, France to Rejoin NATO as Full Member, March 2009
  13. Gorbachev's Lost Legacy by Stephen F. Cohen (link) The Nation, February 24, 2005
  14. Robert B. Zoellick, The Lessons of German Unification, The National Interest, September 22, 2000
  15. Gorbachev: US could start new Cold War Telegraph Retrieved on May 22, 2008
  16. Stratton, Allegra. " Sarkozy military plan unveiled". The Guardian, 17 June 2008
  17. NATO website describing AFOR
  18. NATO's role in FYROM
  19. NATO Update: Invocation of Article 5 confirmed - 2 October 2001
  20. NATO Training Mission - Iraq, Introduction, September 17, 2007
  21. L. Neidinger "NATO team ensures safe sky during Riga Summit", December 8, 2006, [2]
  22. U.S. wins NATO backing for missile defense shield - CNN.com
  23. LeMonde.fr : La France et l'OTAN
  24. U.S. Might Negotiate on Missile Defense
  25. CNN | Europe | Poland, U.S. sign missile shield deal
  26. Více jak 130 000 podpisů pro referendum
  27. Xinhua - English
  28. BBC News | Europe | Russia in defence warning to US
  29. BBC News | Europe | Nato chief dismisses Russia fears
  30. BBC NEWS, "Russia suspends arms control pact", July 14, 2007
  31. Y. Zarakhovich, "Why Putin Pulled Out of a Key Treaty" in Time, July 14, 2007
  32. MSNBC http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26315674/
  33. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/8260230.stm
  34. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/8262050.stm
  35. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/8262515.stm
  36. In NATO official statements, the country is always referred to as the "former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, with a footnote stating that "Turkey recognizes the Republic of Macedonia under its constitutional name"; see Macedonia naming dispute.
  37. George/Teigen in European Security 2008 (DOI: 10.1080/09662830802642512, page 346
  38. NATO Seeking to Weaken CIS by Expansion — Russian General (link) MosNews 01.12.2005 and Ukraine moves closer to NATO membership By Taras Kuzio, Jamestown Foundation and Global Realignment [3] and Condoleezza Rice wants Russia to acknowledge United States's interests on post-Soviet space, Pravda 04.05.2006
  39. http://www.nato.int/issues/pfp/index.html http://www.nato.int/pfp/sig-date.html
  40. NATO Topics: The Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council
  41. Declaration by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan
  42. NATO Topics: Individual Partnership Action Plans
  43. NATO-Ukraine Action Plan
  44. NATO, Relations with Contact Countries, accessed 18 June 2008
  45. NATO Headquarters
  46. NATO PA - About the NATO Parliamentary Assembly
  47. NATO Who's who? - Secretaries General of NATO
  48. NATO Who's who? - Deputy Secretaries General of NATO
  49. NATO's Military Committee: focused on operations, capabilities and cooperation [4]
  50. NURC Home
  51. http://www.lefigaro.fr/flash-actu/2009/06/10/01011-20090610FILWWW00531-2-generaux-francais-confirmes-a-l-otan-.php, accessed June 2009
  52. NATO, Organizations and Agencies, accessed May 2008
  53. NATO C3 Agency
  54. NATO Communication and Information Systems Agency
  55. NATO Research & Technology Organization


References

  • David C. Isby & Charles Kamps Jr, Armies of NATO's Central Front, Jane's Publishing Company Ltd 1985


Further reading

Further Reading – Early period
  • Francis A. Beer. Integration and Disintegration in NATO: Processes of Alliance Cohesion and Prospects for Atlantic Community. (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1969), 330 pp.
  • Francis A. Beer. The Political Economy of Alliances: Benefits, Costs, and Institutions in NATO. (Beverly Hills: Sage, 1972), 40 pp.
  • Eisenhower, Dwight D. The Papers of Dwight David Eisenhower. Vols. 12 and 13: NATO and the Campaign of 1952 : Louis Galambos et al., ed. Johns Hopkins U. Press, 1989. 1707 pp. in 2 vol.
  • Gearson, John and Schake, Kori, ed. The Berlin Wall Crisis: Perspectives on Cold War Alliances Palgrave Macmillan, 2002. 209 pp.
  • John C. Milloy. North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, 1948–1957: Community or Alliance? (2006), focus on non-military issues
  • Smith, Joseph, ed. The Origins of NATO Exeter, UK U. of Exeter Press, 1990. 173 pp.
Further Reading – Late Cold War period
  • Smith, Jean Edward, and Canby, Steven L.The Evolution of NATO with Four Plausible Threat Scenarios. Canada Department of Defense: Ottawa, 1987. 117 pp.
Further Reading – Post Cold War period
  • Asmus, Ronald D. Opening NATO's Door: How the Alliance Remade Itself for a New Era Columbia U. Press, 2002. 372 pp.
  • Bacevich, Andrew J. and Cohen, Eliot A. War over Kosovo: Politics and Strategy in a Global Age. Columbia U. Press, 2002. 223 pp.
  • Daclon, Corrado Maria Security through Science: Interview with Jean Fournet, Assistant Secretary General of NATO, Analisi Difesa, 2004. no. 42
  • Gheciu, Alexandra. NATO in the 'New Europe' Stanford University Press, 2005. 345 pp.
  • Hendrickson, Ryan C. Diplomacy and War at NATO: The Secretary General and Military Action After the Cold War Univ. of Missouri Press, 2006. 175 pp.
  • Lambeth, Benjamin S. NATO's Air War in Kosovo: A Strategic and Operational Assessment Santa Monica, Calif.: RAND, 2001. 250 pp.
Further Reading – General histories
  • Kaplan, Lawrence S. The Long Entanglement: NATO's First Fifty Years. Praeger, 1999. 262 pp.
  • Kaplan, Lawrence S. NATO Divided, NATO United: The Evolution of an Alliance. Praeger, 2004. 165 pp.
  • Létourneau, Paul. Le Canada et l'OTAN après 40 ans, 1949–1989 Quebec: Cen. Québécois de Relations Int., 1992. 217 pp.
  • Paquette, Laure. NATO and Eastern Europe After 2000 (New York: Nova Science, 2001).
  • Powaski, Ronald E. The Entangling Alliance: The United States and European Security, 1950–1993. Greenwood, 1994. 261 pp.
  • Telo, António José. Portugal e a NATO: O Reencontro da Tradiçoa Atlântica Lisbon: Cosmos, 1996. 374 pp.
  • Sandler, Todd and Hartley, Keith. The Political Economy of NATO: Past, Present, and into the 21st Century. Cambridge U. Press, 1999. 292 pp.
  • Zorgbibe, Charles. Histoire de l'OTAN Brussels: Complexe, 2002. 283 pp.
Further Reading – Other Issues
  • Kaplan, Lawrence S., ed. American Historians and the Atlantic Alliance. Kent State U. Press, 1991. 192 pp.


External links




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