Camp David Projection, July
2000
Final status talks did
not begin in earnest until early 2000. May talks in Eilat were followed
by meetings in Stockholm and then, in June, high-level talks convened
in Washington. Thus, after seven
years of renegotiating minor territorial transfers, a hasty dash was
made for a final deal - now due by 13 September 2000. These talks
finally broached the core issues of refugees, Jerusalem, settlements,
water and borders.
Rather than implement
the third Oslo II redeployment, Barak opted to pin his precarious political
existence on presenting the Israeli public with a final agreement before
his Knesset coalition abandoned him. The erosion of his 73-seat (out
of 120) majority began in September 1999 and by July 2000, he headed
a divided Knesset minority, facing no-confidence motions.
[i]
Thus, the likelihood of his securing the necessary
Knesset majority to ratify any final deal negotiated with the PA was
slim if existent and widespread Israeli public opposition to his policies
cast a serious doubt over his credibility and that of his negotiating
positions. Meanwhile, US Pres. Clinton, hoping to crown his eight-year
term (to end in January 2001) with a Middle East peace treaty, pressed
the PA to drop its insistence on the overdue redeployment and joined
Barak’s race against the political clock.
[ii]
Bent on achieving the breakthrough immediately, the
US shunned Palestinian requests that progress be made in preparatory
talks before any ‘make-or-break’ summit be held.
In announcing the 11
July 2000 convening of the Camp David Summit, Clinton promised the reluctant
PA that, should the talks fail, “there will be no finger-pointing.”
[iii]
A day before the summit, Barak lost a no-confidence
motion in the Knesset and so arrived at Camp David set to face elections
at home, which he would almost certainly lose without popular gains
at the negotiating table.
[iv]
The summit lasted 14 days and ended without agreement.
During the whole period, Barak met Arafat alone only once.
Palestinian suffering
in the interim period had been tempered by the prospect of the eventual
implementation of UNSC Res. 242 and a just solution to the refugee
problem, as outlined at the Madrid Conference and in the DoP. At Camp
David, Israel finally confirmed its unwillingness to abide
by - or even approach - these principles. Israel’s ‘best offer’ soon
transpired to be yet another annexation plan based on legitimizing
its permanent sovereignty over 10-13.5% of the West Bank, and
maintaining its settlement and security presence in a further 8.5-12%
for an unspecified interim period.
[v]
The remaining territory would be carved into at least
three cantons, with settlement blocs, bypass roads and annexed Palestinian
localities forming a barrier between the Nablus-Jenin area and Ramallah,
and leaving Hebron and Bethlehem beyond an expanded Jerusalem under
Israeli sovereignty (see Map 47). The entire Jordan Rift would be retained
for an unspecified ‘interim’ period and a corridor connecting the Hebron
settlements would slice the Hebron canton in two from the south.
[vi]
Virtually all settlers were to remain and territorial
provision was made for vast settlement expansion.
Israel refused to accept
any responsibility for the refugee problem, suggesting an international
fund be established to equally compensate both them and Jewish immigrants
to Israel of the same period (thus perpetuating the ‘population-swap’
myth).
[vii]
Through the annexation of settlement blocs, Israel
stood to legitimize its control over the major West Bank water resources;
airspace was to remain in Israeli hands; the bifurcated Palestinian
state was to be strictly demilitarized and Israel was to retain full
control over all borders. In Jerusalem (see Map 47), Barak’s ‘offer’
left the Palestinians with a cluster of sovereign pockets in
the outer suburbs amidst a hugely expanded Israeli ‘Greater Jerusalem.’
The Old City, with its holy places, was to be under Israeli sovereignty
and Palestinians granted “local safe-passage” to Al-Haram Ash-Sharif.
[viii]
In sum, nine years on
from Madrid and the birth of the ‘land-for-peace’ process, Israel responded
to the delayed crucial issues with an unequivocal, ‘No’ to refugees;
‘No’ to Jerusalem; ‘No’ to a return to 1967 borders; ‘No’ to removing
Illegal settlements; and ‘No’ to Palestinian rights over natural resources.
The offer, clearly unacceptable as it stood, was offered as a ‘now-or-never’
maximum by an Israeli PM who lacked domestic credibility and had already
reneged on his Sharm Esh-Sheikh commitments. For Arafat the offer represented,
“less than a Bantustan,” but the PA pleaded with Clinton to remain true
to his “no finger-pointing” pledge and persuade Barak to consider the
Camp David ideas a ‘taboo-breaking’ first in an ongoing process.
[ix]
But neither Clinton nor Barak stood to gain from
inconclusive deals. As talks ended, on 25 July, Barak declared the Camp
David positions “null and void,” and Clinton, at Barak’s request, not
only openly blamed Arafat for the failure, but went on Israeli TV to
praise Barak’s ‘vision and courage’. “In light of what has happened,”
Clinton promised to move the US embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem.
[x]
The Palestinians were
deeply disappointed by the US-Israeli tactics and relieved that their
leadership had withstood the pressure after succumbing so frequently
in the past. Arafat came home to a hero’s welcome, as Barak announced
a “time-out” from the peace process.
[xi]
[i]
Barak’s lack of political experience and widely acknowledged
tactlessness rather than his positions vis-à-vis the peace process were to blame for the largest
desertions from his camp. His initial coalition drew on seven
parties, ranging in ideology from the settler-affiliated National
Religious Party (NRP) to the predominantly secular
and ‘dovish’ Meretz Party. The first defection was made by United
Torah Judaism (5 seats) in response to Barak’s refusal to cancel
the transportation of an electric turbine on the Sabbath. Next, squabbles
between the religious Shas Party and Meretz over education funds
cost him another 10 seats (Meretz); and when Shas (17 seats) subsequently
quit over the same issue, he was left heading a minority of 41. See,
Barr, Patricia, Not a Referendum on Peace, Peace Now Information
Paper, January 2001, website: www.peacenow.org.
[ii]
The President’s wife, Hilary Clinton, was at the same
time preparing for local elections in New York. According
to one source, Clinton referred to the thrust for a comprehensive
(and historic) peace deal as his “personal journey of atonement,”
in reference to his tarnished image in the wake of impeachment hearings
relating to the Monica Lewinsky scandal (February 1999). Quandt, William,
“Clinton and the Arab-Israeli Conflict: The Limits of Incrementalism,”
Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. XXX, No. 2 (Winter 2001),
pp. 26-40, p. 28.
[iii]
Clinton to Arafat, quoted in Malley, Robert & Hussein
Agha, “Camp David: Tragedy
of Errors,” New York Review of Books, 9 August 2001,
reproduced in Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. XXXI, No.1
(Autumn 2001), pp. 62-75, p. 68.
[iv]
Barak had been forced
to call for early elections prior to his departure. This had the effect
of reducing the final status talks to a matter of make-or-break domestic
Israeli politics, with Barak’s career hinging on his ability to produce
a result that Israel’s Sharon-led
'hawks’ would not exploit to trounce him in the elections. As negotiator
Yossi Beilin later admitted,
“none of us was ready... there was no safety net.” Beilin, Yossi,
(and others in roundtable discussion), “Taking
Stock: Looking at the Past, Searching for the Future,”
Palestine-Israel Journal, Vol. VIII, No. 3 (2001), pp. 25-42, p.
25.
[v]
Contrary to Israeli-US claims at the time (later dropped)
the Israeli offer was unspecific on most issues, incl. percentages
of annexation. Again, the reduction of the West Bank total area by
some 5.4% distorted figures and again no one official map was drawn
up. See FMEP, Crossroads of Conflict: Israeli-Palestinian
Relations Face an Uncertain Future - Special Report, Washington
DC: FMEP, 2000. Also: Hanieh, Akram, “The
Camp David Papers,” Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol.
XXX, No. 2 (Winter 2001), pp. 75-97, p. 82.
[vi]
Talk of compensatory ‘land-swaps’ following Camp David
was misleading. At Camp David, Israel made a maximum offer of giving the Palestinians an equivalent of 1% of (their
reduced) West Bank land in an unspecified area and of unspecified
quality. The formula of ‘land-swaps’ did not play a significant part
at Camp David, but was broached in more detail at Taba in January
2001. Klug, Tony, “The Infernal Scapegoat,” Palestine-Israel
Journal, Vol. VIII, No. 3 (2001), pp. 7-15, p. 9.
[vii]
The international fund Israel suggested - and Clinton
later endorsed - would have involved international money, but not
Israel's, and would have compensated Palestinian refugees and ‘Jewish refugees’ (i.e., Jewish immigrants to Israel from the Arab
World - whom Clinton later referred to as “refugees in their own land.”)
Conditional on Palestinian acceptance of the absolution of Israeli
responsibility or legal obligation, Barak agreed to play a part in
a “humanitarian” program by screening candidates for possible “family
reunification” in Israel - up to a maximum of 2% of all refugees.
(This is a maximum figure. Israel, again without committing itself
to specifics, agreed to the potential ‘absorption’ of refugees at
the rate of a maximum of 10,000 per year and for a ten-year period
only. Thus, of the five million refugees in 2000 - 3.7 million of
whom were registered with UNRWA – Israel would accept only 2%.) Hanieh,
The Camp David Papers, p. 82; PASSIA, Special Bulletin on Palestinian Refugees,
p. 2. Clinton, justifying
the compensation fund on Israeli TV, 28 July 2001, quoted in “Peace
Monitor,” Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. XXX, No. 1 (Autumn
2000), pp. 116-135,
p. 121.
[viii]
FMEP, Crossroads
of Conflict, p. 7.
[ix]
Nabil Sha’ath
asked Clinton at the end of the summit, “Please do not put on a sad
face and tell the world it failed. Please say we broke down taboos,
dealt with the heart of the matter and will continue.” Sha’ath, quoted in
Sontag, Deborah, “Quest for
Middle East Peace: How and Why it Failed,” New York Times,
26 July 2001, reproduced in Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol.
XXXI, No. 1 (Autumn 2001), pp. 75-85, pp. 82-3.
[x]
“Peace Monitor,” Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. XXX, No. 1 (Autumn 2000), pp. 116-135, pp.
120-121.
[xi]
The pressure tactics of Camp David have been surmised
by British academic Tony Klug: “In effect, the most powerful country
in the world teamed up with the most powerful country in the region
to induce one of the weakest non-states anywhere to accept a sequence
of half-baked proposals, with a threat of sanctions if they did not
comply.” Klug, “The Infernal Scapegoat,” p. 9; Barak,
quoted in FMEP, Report on Israeli
Settlement, November-December 2000, p. 2.
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