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WILLIAM
WELLS BROWN IN BUFFALO Reprinted
from: The Journal of Negro History VOL.
XXXIX, NO. 4 OCTOBER, 1954 In
January, 1834, William Wells Brown, a mulatto youth about nineteen years
of age, escaped from slavery in Missouri and settled in Cleveland, Ohio.
There he began working, educating himself, and reading antislavery newspapers.
During the following summer he became a workman on a Lake Erie steamboat
and continued as such for nine years. By the end of the summer he had
met, wooed, and married Elizabeth Schooner, whom he affectionately called
Betsey; and by the end of the year he had established a home in the
city and had begun to bring up a family.At the end of the summer of
1836 Brown moved his family to Buffalo, New York, for several reasons.
Because Buffalo was a terminus of the lake steamboat lines, it was more
convenient for a steamboat workman to reside there than in Cleveland.
In addition to being then three times as large as Cleveland, it had
a much larger Negro population-a fact which seemed to indicate that
opportunities for employment f or Negroes were more numerous there.
Brown was interested in this fact, of course, for every year after the
navigation season he would need to find other work, as he had had to
do during the two preceding winters. Another fact which Brown could
not have overlooked was that it was comparatively easy to move quickly
from Buffalo to Canada-whither he might find it necessary to move he
knew not how soon. There was also a circumstance of which Brown was
unaware at the time but which began within the next decade to determine
the course of his life for many years. Removal to Buffalo brought him
into a little closer contact with Garrisonian abolitionism, which was
soon to develop in western New York. Many years were to pass, however,
before he was to know William Lloyd Garrison personally and to be directly
influenced by him. When Brown moved to Buffalo, presumably he found
a house somewhere in the area east of Michigan Avenue and between Exchange
Street and Broadway, for that was where the majority of the Negroes
in the city were living when he settled there. I have searched the city
directories of Buffalo for the period beginning with 1836 and ending
with 1844; and in these directories, which listed residents by race,
I found no Negro named Brown listed for any year earlier than 1841.
In the directories for this year and the next William Brown, "cook,"
was listed as a householder on North Division Street, and in the directory
for 1844 William W. Brown, "lecturer," was listed as a house
holder at 13 Pine Street.' Both of these addresses are in the area designated
above. The first two listings might or might not have referred to Brown.
Inasmuch as the name William Brown was common then, as it still is,
and Negro cooks were relatively numerous, as they still are, there might
have been in Buffalo at the time another Negro who had this name and
who was a cook-which William Wells Brown is not known to have been.
The third listing almost certainly referred to Brown, for before 1844
he had become a lecturer for the Western New York Antislavery Society,
and lecturing of any kind was not a common occupation among Negroes.
No directories of Buffalo seem to have been published for either 1843
or 1845. Early in the summer of the last mentioned year Brown moved
his home to Farmington, Ontario County, and there was no reason for
the inclusion of his name in later directories of Buffalo. Before
his removal from Cleveland, Brown had become a practicing as well as
a practical abolitionist and was beginning to take just pride in the
fact that he was losing none of his "cases." Soon after he
began working on the lake steamers, he had begun to carry fugitive slaves
to Canada by way of both Detroit and Buffalo. In his "lucrative
situation on one of the lake steamboats" he found it convenient
and often adventurous to hide fugitives from injustice, as they came
to be called, and to convey them beyond the jurisdiction of the "person
held to service or labor" clause in the United States Constitution,
Article IV, Section 2, and the Federal fugitive slave law of 1793. Once,
according to a tale Brown told long after he had left the region of
the Great Lakes, a young fugitive of very dark complexion was trailed
by his claimant to the home of an abolitionist in Cleveland. For ten
days the claimant and his coadjutors watched so closely the abolitionist's
home and also all steamboats departing from Cleveland, that it seemed
impossible for the fugitive to avoid recapture. In this emergency Brown
secured the help of a painter; and, "In an hour, by my directions,
the black man was as white, and with as rosy cheeks, as any of the Anglo-Saxon
race, and disguised in the dress of a woman, with a thick veil over
her face." Thus disguised and with Brown as his guide, the fugitive
embarked on the steamer North America, without being recognized by his
claimant, and was carried
to Buffalo, whence he proceeded to Canada. Here
Brown seems to have adhered much closer to the spirit than to the letter
of truth. Unless the painter was miraculously skillful and the pursuers
of the fugitive were inconceivably naive, painting the fugitive as Brown
said he had him painted would have been an ingenious way, not of concealing
his identity, but of calling attention to him. It is true, of course,
that in escaping from slavery fugitives often assumed various disguises;
and in helping as many to escape as he did, Brown had to resort from
time to time to various expediencies. Some of these might have seemed
incredible, but to be useful all of them had to be probable as well
as possible-which painting a fugitive hardly seems to have been. Within
a few weeks after his removal to Buffalo, Brown participated in what
might have been called the clearing of a wreck, on the Underground Railroad.
About this time Bacon Tate, a slave-trader of Nashville, Tennessee,
went to Buffalo to recapture some slaves who had escaped from Nashville
and had settled in the Niagara area. Among these was a family whose
surname was Stanford and who had established a home in Saint Catherines,
Ontario. The family consisted of a man, his wife, and their child about
six weeks old. With the assistance of "a profligate colored woman"
who was a servant in the Eagle Tavern in Buffalo, Tate informed himself
concerning the situation of the Stanfords, and late one Saturday night
be sent four men to Saint Catherines to kidnap them. At sunrise the
next morning, with their captives bound and gagged in a carriage the
kidnappers crossed the Black Rock Ferry on the Niagara River. After
stopping for a few minutes in Buffalo, where their number was reduced
and their team was changed, the kidnappers proceeded southward to Hamburg,
about eleven miles from Buffalo. There they stopped at an inn to change
horses again. Meanwhile, the kidnapping having been discovered in Saint
Catherines, news of it bad reached Buffalo before noon, and a group
of Negroes from that city, including Brown, had gone in pursuit of the
kidnappers and their captives. The group overtook them at an inn in
Hamburg, where, encouraged by the innkeeper, they quickly rescued the
Stanfords and took them northward again, followed by the kidnappers.
When Tate, who was still in Buffalo, was informed about the turn of
affairs, he appealed to the sheriff of Erie County for help. Late in
the afternoon a group of about fifty persons, most of whom were Negroes,
armed with pistols, knives, and clubs took the Stanfords to the Black
Rock Ferry to send them back to Saint Catherines. They were intercepted
near the ferry by a sheriff's posse of "some sixty or seventy men,"
and a free-for-all fight between the two groups ensued. Amid the confusion
thus created, the Stanfords were put in a boat and rowed across the
Niagara River to Canada, while the rescuers and their sympathizers cheered. Now
that their aim had been accomplished, about forty of the rescuers submitted
to arrest by the sheriff's posse and were taken to Buffalo and imprisoned
for the night. Whether Brown was one of the forty who were arrested
is not altogether clear; but if he was, this seems to have been the
only instance of his being in prison after he freed himself from slavery.
On the following Monday morning those who had been arrested were taken
before a justice named Grosvenor and charged with breaking the peace
of the Sabbath and apparently with unlawful assembly. Twenty-five of
them were bound for appearance in a higher court, by which they were
eventually found guilty and fined from five to fifty dollars. No one
had been killed in the melee at the ferry; but one man, who was an actor,
had been so badly wounded that he died three months later. "Thus
ended," said Brown, "one of the most fearful fights for human
freedom that I ever witnessed." Freedom, he had found, was indeed
more than a word. It involved fighting not only for one's own security
but also for that of others; and paradoxically enough, it might mean
imprisonment or even death for its defenders. A search of the Buffalo
Commercial Advertiser for September, October, and November, 1836, the
principal newspaper then being published in Buffalo, revealed no information
about the incident I have just synopsized. My authority for it is Brown's
account, which seems to have been first published in his Narrative,
Fourth Edition, Boston, 1849, pages 109-124. In
a lecture before a small audience in Corinthian Hall, Rochester, on
October 4,1854. Brown incidentally referred to his participation during
his residence in Buffalo in another kind of rescue of a man who had
been accused of being a fugitive slave. According to Brown, on one occasion
he and other abolitionists retained Millard Fillmore as counsel "for
an alleged fugitive" and that Fillmore served without accepting
a fee, explaining that he considered it "his duty to help the poor
fugitive." This was the same Fillmore, Brown observed, who as President
of the United States had signed the Fugitive Slave Bill of 1850.Brown
also did anti-slavery work, in Buffalo in less dramatic but none the
less effective ways. He welcomed antislavery agents and lecturers as
guests in his home. He made his house a station on the Underground Railroad;
and because many fugitive slaves passed through Buffalo en route to
Canada, he frequently had stopover passengers to accommodate. Moreover,
"As Niagara Falls were [sic] only twenty miles from Buffalo, slaveholders
not unfrequently passed through the latter place attended by one or
more slave servants. Mr. Brown was always on the lookout f or such,
to inform them that they were free by the laws of New York, and
to give the necessary aid. Among
the Negroes in Buffalo Brown discovered many who, like himself, had
freed themselves from chattel slavery; but among them he also found
many who were being victimized by another kind of servitude, namely,
servitude to intoxicating drinks. In order to abolish this evil, Brown
organized a temperance society-one of the first to be organized in western
New York-and served as president of it for three terms." That the
society became popular and made progress was evidenced by the fact that
it grew rapidly. According to Brown's earliest published account of
it, within three years its membership numbered more than five hundred
of the total Negro population of less than seven hundred which Buffalo
then had." In 1843, however, after Brown had retired from the presidency
of the organization, it had "upwards of 300 members," although
the Negro population of the city had not decreased, even if it had not
been While
this society flourished, it met periodically to discuss and promote
temperance, but its meetings incidentally served other good purposes.
They became forums in which members were afforded opportunities to learn
the fundamentals of parliamentary procedure and public speaking. In
these meetings Brown learned both and thereby further prepared himself,
as he was doing by studying grammar, mathematics, history, and literature,
for the work he was to begin doing as an antislavery lecturer within
the next six or seven years. He did not then know, of course, exactly
what work he was to do during the next twenty-five years, that temperance
reform was not to be his primary interest for that period, nor that
he would devote much time to it during the last twenty years of his
life. Without losing interest in the cause of temperance, he became
increasingly interested in the organized abolition movement and sought
to translate his interest into action more extensive than his work as
a conductor on the Underground Railroad had been. In the mean time other
things beside temperance and abolitionism claimed some of his attention. A
daughter had been born to the Browns in 1835 and another in 1836, while
they were still living in Cleveland. The first of these children bad
died when she was only a few months old. In the summer of 1839 a third
daughter was born to the Browns and was named Josephine. This was the
child -who within twenty years was to make her father proud of her for
many reasons. But now while she was a baby, although she filled her
father's eyes with light, he was worried about her and her sister's
future. Because of the pro-slavery power in the South and the anti-Negro
sentiment in the North, he could hardly expect that there would ever
be realized in America for either Josephine or her three-years-old sister
the kind of future he wanted to be theirs. Could it be realized anywhere
else! He wondered. Why not travel a little and try to find out? In
1840 Brown visited Cuba and Haiti and possibly other islands in the
West Indies. If the purpose of his trip was what I have conjectured
in the preceding paragraph, probably Haiti was his principal objective.
He had doubtless heard of the successful revolution of the Haitian Negroes
and was interested in the possibilities of life unhampered by race prejudice
in the Negro republic. On the contrary, knowing that slavery still existed
in Cuba and that it had been only recently abolished in the British
West Indies, he could scarcely have dreamed of finding better prospects
in the former than in the United States or as good opportunities in
the latter as in Canada. Brown probably was not favorably impressed
by what he saw on his trip. Anyway, he said nothing about it in any
of the editions of his Narrative or in any of his autobiographical sketches,
nor did his daughter Josephine mention it in her biography of him. In
his The Negro Author, New York, 1931, page 168, Vernon Loggins said
that possibly Brown made a trip to the West Indies between 1854 and
1863. Loggins's conjecture is based on Brown's statement in the "Preface"
to his The Black Man, New York and Boston, 1863, page 6, that he had
visited the West Indies. In this statement there is no specific reference
to time. Apparently Loggins was unaware of Brown's remark in his The
Rising Son, Boston, 1874 pages 80 and 140, that he had visited Havana
in 1840 and Haiti about the same time. I have traced Brown's activities
in the northern United States and Canada month by month from his return
to America in September, 1854, after a sojourn of five years in Great
Britain, to December, 1858, and from May, 1859, to December, 1862, when
the first edition of The Black Man, including the "Preface,"
was actually published. If Brown made a trip to the West Indies between
the dates mentioned by Loggins, he must have done so during the first
four months of 1859, and that trip should not be confused with the one
he made in 1840. † |
After
visiting the West Indies, which he might have done between navigation
seasons on the Great Lakes, Brown returned to his work on one of the lake
steamers and therewith to his conductorship on the Underground Railroad.
As an officer on what might have been called the Lake Eric Division of
this railroad, he was popular and busy. Between the first of May and the
first of December, 1842, he carried sixty-nine fugitive slaves to Canada.
In 1843 on a trip to southern Ontario, he renewed acquaintances with many
Negroes whom he had helped to get there. In the village of Malden alone
he saw seventeen who had been his passengers." During
Brown's nine years of freedom his observations in Cleveland, Buffalo,
and elsewhere had aroused in him a profound concern for the welfare and
the future of Negroes in America; but he had not learned much about what
Negroes beyond the communities with which he was familiar were doing as
a group to improve their condition, nor had he become acquainted with
the Negroes who might be correctly considered leaders beyond their respective
communities. Before the end of the summer of 1843 he learned a great deal
about what Negroes as a group were trying to do for themselves, and he
came to know many of the Negroes who had achieved some prominence and
whose names he had seen occasionally in antislavery newspapers. Early
in August, with the Reverend George Bradburn of Massachusetts, Frederick
Douglass arrived in Buffalo to hold antislavery meetings. These meetings
had been scheduled as a part of the " Second Series " of the
" One Hundred Antislavery Conventions" which were to be held
during the last six months of 1843 "chiefly in New York, Pennsylvania,
Ohio, and Indiana. Being displeased with both the place provided for the
meetings and the first audience, which seemed to him to consist of 'ragamuffins",
Bradburn withdrew and took the next steamboat to Cleveland, where his
brother Charles resided. The meetings were to be held in an old building
at the intersection of Washington and Seneca Streets, because it was the
best place available to the local abolitionists who had arranged for the
meetings. This structure had once been a Baptist church, but more recently
it had been the central post office. There Douglass spoke daily for almost
a week "to audiences constantly increasing in numbers and respectability,"
until a Baptist church "was thrown open" to him; and when the
church became overcrowded, he "went on Sunday into the open Park
and addressed an assembly of four or five thousand persons". If Brown
attended these meetings, as presumably he did, they were probably the
first occasions on which he saw Douglass and heard him speak; and as will
be seen, he accredited Douglass with doing remarkable good for abolitionism
in Buffalo. In November, 1842, the American Antislavery Society had held
a series of conventions in Rochester, Syracuse, and Utica mainly for the
purpose of counteracting the influence of the Liberty Party in what might
have been regarded as its headquarters in western and central New York."
Frederick Douglass, Charles Lenox Remond, and William Lloyd Garrison had
been scheduled to participate in these conventions, but Garrison had been
the only one of the three to get as far west as Rochester." For all
three of them this had been the first trip to central and western New
York. Douglass
and Remond made their second trip to the region and their first to Buffalo
in the summer of 1843, while they were on their tour of the One Hundred
Antislavery Conventions to which I have referred. While
reading the National Antislavery Standard for July 20, 1843, page 27,
and The Liberator for July 21st, page 115, Brown must have seen an announcement
saying that "A national convention of colored citizens of the United
States" would be held in Buffalo on the third Tuesday in August,
and expressing the hope "that all who can make it convenient to attend
will be present to aid with their wisdom the deliberations of the meeting."
The convention began "agreeably to the call", as was recorded
in its official minutes, on Tuesday, August 15th, and continued for five
days."' The "large public hall" in which the first session
was held was the same building in which Douglass had recently lectured
against slavery. About forty persons were present for this session. The
six representatives from Buffalo were William Wells Brown, Samuel H.
Davis, Abner H. Francis, William Hall, Henry Thomas (one of the temporary
Secretaries), and George Weir. The Reverend Amos G. Beman of New Haven,
Connecticut, was chosen president of the convention and was supported
by a superabundance of vice-presidents-seven of them, one of whom was
Douglass. Brown
served on the Committee on the Roll of Delegaates, the Committee on Rules,
and the Committee on Finance. The fifteen rules drawn up by the second
of the committees just named, of which there were two members in addition
to Brown, evinced a clear understanding on the part of the committee of
parliamentary procedure. Brown spoke at several of the sessions but did
not attract special attention as a speaker. Nothing he said and only extracts
from other speeches were recorded in the minutes of the convention. The
Buffalo Daily Gazette for Friday, August 18th, page [3], more or less
favorably reported the convention and especially commended Henry Highland
Garnet, then of Troy, and Douglass as speakers, but it did not mention
the activities of Brown or any other representative from Buffalo. Apparently
The Buffalo Commercial Advertiser carried no report of the convention. At
one of the sessions Garnet read his An Address to the Slaves of the United
States of America, advising the bondmen to choose "Liberty or Death"
and urging them to resort to violence if necessary to free themselves.
The address provoked a considerable amount of discussion. A- M. Sumner
of Cincinnati argued that adoption of it by the convention "would
be fatal to the safety of the free people of color of the slave States,
but especially so to those who lived on the borders of the free States... Others
who spoke against adoption were Beman, Brown, Douglass, and Remond. After
being considered and reconsidered at several sessions, a motion f or the
adoption Of the address was lost by a vote of 9-14. On the third day of
the convention a resolution proclaiming it "the duty of every lover
of liberty to vote the Liberty [Party] ticket so long as they are consistent
with their principles" was passed, with seven dissenting votes. Brown,
Douglass, and Remond were among the dissenters. At a session the next
day it was resolved that the conventions should "hail with pleasure
the organization of the Freeman's Party, based upon the great principles
contained in the Declaration of Independence......... Brown, Douglass,
and Remond opposed this resolution, because they took it for granted that
the Freeman's Party was the same as the Liberty Party, and they "neither
believed in the party, nor in the leading men of the party, and as a matter
of course could not and would not enroll themselves under its broad banner,
nor encourage others to do so;...... " As Garrisonian abolitionists,
who advocated immediate emancipation but did not expect to achieve it
directly by means of partisan politics, Douglass, at that time, and Remond
were naturally unsympathetic towards the Liberty Party. Whether Brown's
vote was determined by their influence or by his knowledge of the brief
history of the Liberty Party there is no telling. In spite of opposition
the resolution was adopted; but for Garnet, who had supported both this
one and the one referring directly to the Liberty Party, and Brown this
was not the end of the matter. On
August 30th and 31st, less than two weeks after the adjournment of the
National Convention of Colored Citizens, the Liberty Party held a national
convention in Buffalo. Brown was not one of the one hundred and forty-eight
delegates who attended this convention, but he was at one of its sessions
at which Garnet spoke. The latter's remarks on that occasion gave impulse
to what seems to have been Brown's first writing to appear in print. This
was a letter which was published in the National AntiSlavery Standard
for October 5, 1843, page 70. In this letter Brown accused Garnet of erroneously
reporting "in presence of one or two thousand people" that the
National Convention of Colored Citizens had recently passed a resolution
adopting the views of the Liberty Party, with only two dissenting votes,
both of those having been cast by delegates "from Massachusetts'.
From Garnet's reference to the residence of the two delegates, Brown identified
them as Douglass and Remond; and after noting that "six or seven"
had voted against the resolution, as he thought Garnet should have remembered,
he confessed himself bewildered by Garnet's singularizing of these two
individuals. The good antislavery work which Douglass and Remond had recently
done in Buffalo as well as elsewhere, Brown thought, entitled them to
much more credit than Garnet seemed willing to give them. "Who was
it", Brown asked rhetorically, "that came to Buffalo, and by
their eloquence, and enthusiasm in behalf of bleeding humanity, called
thousands to hear them, and greet them with thunders of applause. Who
was it that tore the veil of prejudice from the eyes of the whites of
this city Who was it that came here when the doors of the churches were
barred, and with their mighty voices caused them to open to the friends
of the slave? Who [sic] are we mainly indebted to for the great change
in public sentiment in this city? The unanimous voice of Buffalo will
answer, Abby Kelley, George Bradburn, C. Lenox Remond, and Frederick Douglas
[sic]. It was they that came here and prepared the citizen's of the city
to receive friend Garnet, and the rest of those talented men that have
visited Buffalo within the past summer; . . . . When I see such quibbling,
by such men as Henry Highland Garnet, it makes me tremble for the fate
of the slave at the hands of political parties". From
what I have said above on the basis of the official minutes of the National
Convention of Colored Citizens, it appears that Garnet's account of the
vote pertaining to the Liberty Party was erroneous, as Brown said it was.
Whether Garnet ever publicly acknowledged his error has not been ascertained.
I have found no statement from him in the Nation Antislavery Standard
in reply to Brown's letter. Meanwhile,
late in the fall of 1843, probably not until after the navigation season
on Lake Erie had ended for the year, Brown became a lecturing agent for
the Western New York Antislavery Society."' The details of the new
agent's agreement with this society, which had been only recently organized,
seem to have remained unrecorded. It is exceedingly probable, however,
that he began working for no specified salary, but received a part of
whatever collections were taken after his lectures, as he was still doing
as late as the spring of 1846. In a notice in the National Antislavery
Standard for May 7th of that year, page 195, Joseph C. Hathaway of Farmington,
who was then president of the society, appealed to the public for funds.
In this notice Hathaway also said that Brown, "an eloquent and efficient
laborer in the antislavery field", was the society's general agent
and lecturer and that "While thus engaged, he is dependent for his
sustenance on the aid of the philanthropist". At
first Brown limited his lecture trips to the towns and villages in Erie
County or near it, for he was restricted no less by the want of experience
than by the inconveniences which traveling in cold weather then entailed,
especially for Negroes. But wherever he went, he found many who needed
to be divested of race prejudice and converted to abolitionism. One of
the first towns to which he went to lecture was Attica, about thirty-five
miles east of Buffalo. After his meeting, which he held in the evening,
he found that no tavern in the village would lodge him for the night.
As a last resort he went back to the church in which he had lectured and
spent the night there. Because it was extremely cold, he had to walk around
in the building most of the night to keep from freezing. "If Brown
was surprised by the indifference towards abolitionism which he found
in some places, he had good reasons to be astonished by the antagonism
towards it which he found in others. Early in the winter of 1844, probably
in January, he went to East Aurora in Erie County and almost missed getting
a hearing because of the anti-abolition spirit that prevailed there. In
the autobiographical memoir in his The Black Man, published nineteen years
later he related his experience in East Aurora on this occasion; and afterwards
his account was corroborated by Alonzo D. Moore a native of the town.
At the time of Brown's visit Moore was a little boy, but his father was
Brown's host and introduced him to the assembly in the church in which
he had been scheduled to lecture. Thirty years later Moore wrote a "Memoir
of the Author" for Brown's The Rising Son and in this he recounted
some incidents connected with Brown's visit to East Aurora. Upon
arriving at the church Aloore's father and Brown found it already crowded-with
what kind of audience they were not long discovering. As soon as Brown
began his speech a mob consisting of the majority of the men present began
coughing, whistling, and stamping their feet. During the barrage of noise
thus created "unsalable eggs, peas, and other missiles were liberally
thrown at the speaker". One of the eggs hit him in the face and spattered
the bosom of his shirt, making, him look somewhat ridiculous for a few
moments. If this was his first time to be so unceremoniously received
by an audience, it was certainly not to be his last. From the experiences
of other antislavery agents he already knew that he must either learn
to master situations like this one or give up as an antislavery lecturer. After
half an hour of excitement Brown descended from the pulpit; and standing
in front of the altar he told the rabble that he would not address them
even if they wanted him to do so and that it any of them had been held
in slavery as he had been, they would not have had the courage to escape,
for their actions of the last half-hour had shown them to be cowards.
Then he told of his life as a slave and how he had escaped and concluded
his narrative with an appeal for the abolition of race prejudice and slavery.
In this speech of an hour and a half he won the support of an erstwhile
antagonistic audience for the cause he represented. Prior
to the meeting some members of the mob had taken to the belfry over the
main entrance to the church a bag of flour which they had intended to
empty on Brown when he went out. But the man who had been designated to
decoy Brown to the place in which he could be floured and to signal his
cohorts at the opportune time had been so favorably impressed by Brown's
speech, that instead of leading Brown into the trap, he warned him concerning
it, even telling him what the signal for the pouring of the flour was
to be. Taking the scheme for a hoax, Brown maneuvered to get the flour
poured on others, who proved to be some of the best citizens of the town
- and thereby caused the perpetrators of the prank to be arrested. Within
the next few months, having gained both self confidence and experience
as a lecturer, Brown began filling engagements throughout western New
York. Although he kept his home in Buffalo more than a year longer, he
was out of Erie County as well as the city as much as he was in either.
He was now acquiring a statewide reputation as an antislavery crusader,
a reputation which within the next ten years was to spread throughout
the northern part of the United States and also over Great Britain.
North
Carolina College at
Durham
William
E. Farrisson This article was transcribed from: The
Journal of Negro History VOL.
XXXIX, NO. 4 OCTOBER, 1954 FOR MORE
INFORMATION WRITE TO: Website: http://www.asalh.com/ All copyrights
are reserved by The
Journal of Negro History
For more information see: The
Niagara Movement
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