Recognizing
the Legitimacy of Multiracial Individuals Through
Hapa Issues Forum and the UCLA Hapa Club
Chris
Thipphavong
BACKGROUND: THE MEANING OF "HAPA"
The word "hapa" is of Hawaiian origin and literally means
"half." Like so many other once-derogatory but now proud terms
(chicano/chicana, queer, "nigga," etc.) hapa haole originally
held a negative connotation, roughly translating to "half-other"
or "half-outsider" and was applied to individuals who were
half Asian or Hawaiian and half Caucasian. The term has since been shortened
simply to "hapa" in a border-crossing type effort to include
all individuals who have some Asian blood mixed with any other race,
and is now a proud statement through which these individuals are beginning
to assert their own identity.
OUR SOCIETY AND MULTIRACIAL INDIVIDUALS
Multi-ethnicity is all around us, but America has barely begun to address
this issue. As late as 1967 some states had laws (whether enforced or
not is beside the point) against miscegenation (interracial marriage),
and up until the 2000 United States Census, individuals could only choose
one ethnic background (Fullbeck, 2002). As a result of the unease experienced
by today's society, individuals of mixed racial backgrounds are too
often obliged to choose that side of them with which they most closely
identify.
Nonsense, you say? One need only turn on his or her television to witness
this phenomenon. Many of our most prominent celebrities, including musicians
like Michelle Branch, actors like Keanu Reeves, Kelly Hu, Shannyn Sossamon,
and The Rock, and athletes like Apolo Ohno and Tiger Woods, are all
of partial Asian descent (Actors/Models/Singers, 2003), yet how many
are regularly identified as multi-racial? Common practice is for the
public, and often the individual as well, to choose one ethnic group
with which to identify, or one is chosen for them as in the case of
Tiger Woods. The world's most famous golfer has been very candid about
his eclectic cultural makeup, and yet he is consistently identified
simply as a black golfer. It seems as though America is not willing
to acknowledge that multiracial people even exist, or at least that
they are not legitimately different in any way from their dominant cultural
constituents. Movie stars, models, and athletes are not the only ones
who deal with this issue. All young multiracial people must learn to
define themselves throughout their college years, often with little
or no help.
For perhaps the first time in history, a significant number of students
who identify themselves as coming from a mixed ethnic background are
entering universities. According to Schmidt (1997),"multiracial
students are thought to compose one to two percent of the college population
and their numbers are growing." Referring more to Hapas specifically,
"Asian Americans experience the highest outmarriage rates among
all racial and ethnic groups in the country," (Xie, 1997) and the
offspring of such mixed marriages have begun to reach college age. According
to Xie, nearly one fourth of the estimated Asian American population
under the age of 17 in 1990, have one Asian parent and one non-Asian
parent. The significance of this estimation made ten years ago is that
an unprecedented number of multiracial Asian students are attending
U.S. colleges today.
THE IDENTIFICATION ISSUE
Multiracial students find themselves confronted with a society that
does not normally allow for identification as more than one ethnicity.
Countless forms and applications provide only the following instructions
for identifying ethnic background: "Pick the one that is most accurate." This is symbolic not only of the difficulties of society in identifying
these individuals, but also of the plight of the students to create
and acknowledge their own unique identity. That is, society does not
know exactly what to make of these individuals particularly because
these individuals themselves often cannot say specifically what, in
fact, they are.
One might be inclined to assume that these students identify with all
the multiple ethnic groups of their ancestors. However in a number of
less conspicuous ways these students do not identify with any traditional
ethnic group at all. For example, most students of mixed Asian descent
are not taught in their homes any of the ethnic languages that are a
critical part of their heritage. This is part of a phenomenon that has
been called "cultural deficit." Renn (1998), in a study of
24 multiracial individuals in college, found that because of a lesser
knowledge of language, food, religion, and customs multiracial ethnic
individuals find themselves excluded from their own communities.
"Many students who called themselves 'half-Asian/Black/etc.' came
to college in search of cultural knowledge but found themselves unwelcome
in groups of peers that were "whole" ethnicities." (Renn,
1998) She found that as a result of this exclusion on campuses designed
to accommodate monoracial individuals, many multiracial students expressed
the need to create and maintain a self-identified multiracial community
on campus. This is due in part to the fact that multiracial people may
identify more with each other, because "they share the experience
of navigating campus life as multiracial people," (Renn, 1998)
than with their own ethnic groups. This is true in spite of the fact
that these multiracial individuals may all have completely different
heritages. Furthermore she found that clubs or classes dedicated to
multiracial issues were legitimizing activities that helped to define
such a community.
COMMUNITY AND LEGITIMACY
Over the past decade, Hapa Issues Forum has been helping some multiracial
individuals to form a community through which they might establish a
culture and identity of their own. With multiple student chapters throughout
the University of California system, including UC Berkeley and UCLA,
based on the tried and true principle of strength in numbers and unity,
this fledgling organization helps not only to promote awareness to the
general public of the unique circumstances facing this growing portion
of the student body, but also provides a means by which students can
gain a sense of community and belonging that may have otherwise been
lacking. Most importantly of all, this paper attempts to show that Hapa
Issues Forum, by its very existence, seeks some legitimization of Hapa
as an identity in and of itself, similar to the way that more prestigious
groups such as MEChA once did, and continues to do, for Chicanos.
Hapa Issues Forum at UC Berkley is now in its 11th year of activism
and is one of the oldest Hapa organizations on any campus. Paul Young,
a fourth-year student, recalls that he joined initially out of a simple
desire to "have his own group". However he notes that as he
"transitioned into an officer, [he] began to realize that the whole
mixed race identity had larger implications," and this was the
beginning of activism for the current president of the Berkeley chapter.
He goes on to admit the realization of his own ignorance of multiracial
issues, and proactively took an ethnic studies class to educate himself.
He is now considering an Ethnic Studies minor while he continues to
organize for HIF.
Young concedes that it has been difficult building a movement essentially
from the ground up. He cites various Asian-exclusion and anti-miscegenation
laws as the reason for this difficulty: "Unlike mulattos or meztizos,
who have deeper roots that are often more founded in racism and slavery,
it's really hard to find a Hapa who's over 30."
One of the chapter's most successful activities so far has been a bone
marrow drive, run in partnership with Berkeley MEChA. These groups arranged
for nurses to come to campus last February and register members and
volunteers as potential bone marrow donors. While this might at first
seem relatively mundane, the implications are tremendous. First, it
represents one of many border-crossing efforts in which HIF worked cooperatively
and intimately with another relatively unrelated student group on campus.
Secondly, it was a publicized event to inform the campus of an important
issue unique to multiracial individuals. Many multiracial individuals,
because of their unique genetic makeup, cannot receive bone marrow from
relatives. Since neither the parents, nor cousins, uncles, aunts, or
grandparents can usually be a match, there is an extensive need for
Hapa bone marrow donors. So, a visible act like the bone marrow drive
makes the entire campus more aware of at least one legitimate issue
entirely unique to multiracial individuals like Hapas.
Hapa Issues Forum is also largely involved in building a community for
itself. Young has fond memories of wide-eyed freshman walking into a
meeting and exclaiming, "oh my God, I've never seen Hapas before!"
He works hard to build and nurture a sense of identity for these members
that have never before even known that there were others like themselves.
He also nostalgically recalls "campus invasions," in which
his chapter, in a sort of group road trip, would visit other HIF chapters
throughout California. He says that activities like sleeping on a living
room floor in Irvine "expands the Hapa community."
However, Young also remembers voicing a problem to a former board member.
At the time he felt that although community building was very important,
the organization was not very political or active. The board member
replied, "no, you are active. Just the fact that you are organized
and have a group and call yourself Hapa is political in itself, and
that's a great thing that you are doing for people." So, it can
be said that building a community of Hapas is not only community and
identity building, but also a source of legitimization for the group.
For this year, in their most political action yet, Young says that HIF
will begin a campaign to educate people on California Proposition 54.
The organization will host a debate along with the Asian Political Association,
and has been handing out voter registration cards at their meetings.
He argues that removing racial identification from government issues "just hides the problem, and in fact we need to make the system
better." He cites as examples the bone marrow drive discussed previously,
in which race does play an important role in selecting matches for patients,
and ethnic studies programs taught at public universities, which would
be adversely affected. Furthermore, he asserts that Proposition 54 "takes
our vocabulary away from us. How can you have a mixed race group when
nobody recognizes race?" Such actions would effectively de-legitimize
all student racial and ethnic groups, and counteract all that Young
and Berkeley HIF have worked so hard to achieve.
The UCLA Hapa Club was originally a chapter of Hapa Issues Forum, but
has recently become an independent organization. It maintains strong
ties however with the other student chapters throughout the University
of California system. With over 400 registered members, it is one of
the largest Hapa organizations known. This tremendous growth has been
achieved in only two full years (now entering the third year) of activism
at UCLA.
Like Young, the current president of the Hapa Club, Emily Shin, recalls
the sudden bombardment of Hapa issues that she was faced with when she
first joined. With a laugh she exclaims, "I think Hapa Club actually
GAVE me an identity crisis!" She explains that she grew up without
worrying about racial issues, and then became involved with the Hapa
Club and "realized that there really are Hapa 'issues' and [she]
had them."
Shin confirms that the UCLA Hapa Club, like HIF at Berkeley ran a successful
blood drive last year, and has expanded multiculturalism on campus by
working with other ethnic student groups like the Nikkei Student Union.
She seems most proud, however, of their simple discussions of Hapa issues
at their meetings.
Like the teach-ins of so many other student activist groups, the Hapa
Club hosts weekly discussions consistently drawing as many as 40 Hapa
students. Even more impressive is not only the presence, but also the
active participation of non-members in the discussions. A wide variety
of students, especially graduates have begun research on multiracial
issues. Shin explains that most of these observers are not Hapas themselves,
and she is very happy with the diverse perspectives presented by such
visitors and the dimensions they add to the discussions. She also mentions
briefly that she is interviewed fairly often now for various multiracial
projects.
The participation of monoracial individuals speaks volumes for the legitimization
of the Hapa identity. They come from a broad range of racial backgrounds
and have chosen to participate in Hapa discussions specifically because
they are personal interests and legitimate subjects of study. Shin is
eager to welcome any and all participants to Hapa discussions. It seems
almost uncharacteristic for an organization that is desperately trying
to assert and legitimize its own unique identity to welcome outsiders
with open arms, especially since so many Hapas have never felt welcome
in other ethnic groups. However, Shin is sincere when she says that, "seriously, EVERYONE is welcome," and makes it a point that
she does not really view the Hapa Club as an ethnic group on campus,
but rather a place where anyone (no matter what their background) can
learn about and discuss Hapa issues.
Perhaps the greatest evidence of activism by student Hapas is the participation
of both organizations in The Hapa Project. The brainchild of Hapa artist,
speaker, writer, and UC Santa Barbara professor Kip Fullbeck, The Hapa
Project is an explicit definition of the self by various Hapas framed
within the context of art. The project "seeks to promote awareness
and recognition. . . to give voice to multiracial people. . . to dispel
myths. . . to foster positive identity formation. . . and to encourage
solidarity and empowerment within the multiracial/Hapa community." (Fullbeck, 2002)
The participation of HIF and the Hapa Club included a discussion led
by Kip Fullbeck, followed by the actual project itself. The project
is designed to empower Hapas, as society has subjected them to various
hardships throughout their lives. Due to their uncommon or sometimes "exotic" appearance (not quite Asian, but not quite anything
else), Hapas commonly experience stares, rude questions, or even worse
quiet mutterings just out of earshot. To fight these societal issues,
Hapas are photographed in black and white from the shoulders up, without
jewelry or glasses. Participants are then asked to list their various
ethnicities and then answer in their own words and handwriting, the
question: "What are you?" The effect is staggering. The picture
serves to confront the viewer, who can only see the subject for what
he or she is. There are no extraneous details. The plethora of ways
in which a Hapas may choose to answer the question "what are you," is a chance for them to actively respond to the countless questions
and odd stares that they have been subjected to their entire lives.
They are able, once and for all to acknowledge all of their various
ethnic constituents, and more importantly define themselves as they
see fit, and legitimately assert that Hapa is an identity all its own.
As made evident by countless other minority groups throughout history,
the ultimate expression of power is for a community to define itself.
CONCLUSION
The works of researchers like Renn, Xie, and Schmidt confirm the significant
numbers of multiracial students, and the difficulties they encounter
in defining themselves and finding a peer group with which to identify.
Multiracial organizations like Hapa Issues Forum and the UCLA Hapa Club
provide and environment where Hapa students can be comforted in knowing
that they are not alone in their struggles. Furthermore, the very existence
of such groups serves to create a legitimate Hapa identity recognized
not only by its members, but by the campus in general. Such groups serve
to address unique concerns to the Hapa community, as in the case of
locating and registering desperately needed bone marrow donors.
Multiracial organizations like these benefit not only Hapas, but the
campus as a whole. As found at UCLA, they provide a means by which graduate
students and professors can collect valuable data for multiracial students.
Also, Renn found that "several students [in her study] selected
their colleges because they believed they could find certain kinds of
community spaces there." Thus, the Hapa Club at UCLA and HIF at
Berkeley provide such community spaces and so are valuable assets to
the university as a whole because they can help to draw multiracial
students and contribute to the diversity in the academic community.
In such a diverse academic community, often complaints of balkanization
and self-segregation are prevalent. However, Hapa students find themselves
in a unique position. Faced with both the reality and the need for unique
identification, as well as an innate desire to reconcile racial tensions,
they can play a special role due to the ease with which they perform
border-crossing and create dialogue with multiple racial groups, sometimes
serving as link between two groups which otherwise may not have dialogue
at all. This too can benefit the academic environment of a university.
Most importantly of all, through activism, education, and efforts like
The Hapa Project, Hapa organizations provide a means through which multiracial
students may be empowered and make their voices heard so that they can
combat stereotypes and exclusion, and assert a unique, legitimate identity
that is entirely their own.
Bibliography
Actors/Models/Singers.
www.hapas.com, 2003.
Fullbeck,
Kip. Mission Statement. The Hapa Project. www.hapaproject.com, 2002.
Renn,
Kristen A. Check All That Apply: The Experience of Biracial and Multiracial
College Students. Association for the Study of Higher Education Annual
Meeting. Miami, 1998.
Schmidt,
P. Federal Panel May Spur Changes in the Way Colleges Track Enrollment
by Race. The Chronicle of Higher Education. 1997.
Xie,
Yu and Kimberly Goyette. The Racial Identification of Children With
One Asian Parent: Evidence From the 1990 Census. Social Forces. University
of North Carolina Press, 1997.