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Today's Stories April 3, 2006 Roger
Morris April 1 / 2, 2006 Alexander
Cockburn Ralph
Nader Dave
Zirin David
Underhill Earl
Ofari Hutchinson Dave
Lindorff P.
Sainath Fred
Gardner Clancy
Chassay Heather
Gray Greg
Moses John
Chuckman Ron
Jacobs Jeffrey
St. Clair Poets'
Basement Website
of the Weekend
March 31, 2006 Gary
Leupp Patrick
Cockburn Saree
Makdisi Ron
Jacobs Mark
Engler Curtis
F.J. Doebbler Laith
al-Saud Website
of the Day
March 30, 2006 Uri
Avnery Sen.
Russell Feingold Winslow
T. Wheeler Dave
Lindorff Juan
Santos Frida
Berrigan Joshua
Frank Vonnie
Edwards Neve
Gordon Website
of the Day
March 29, 2006 CounterPunch
News Service Patrick
Cockburn John
Ross Omar
Barghouti William
S. Lind Missy
Comley Beattie Earl
Ofari Hutchinson Website
of the Day
March 28, 2006 Sharon
Smith Paul
Craig Roberts Tariq
Ali Manuel
Garcia, Jr. Ramzy
Baroud Evelyn
Pringle Seth
Sandronsky Patrick
Cockburn
March 27, 2006 Patrick
Cockburn Joshua
Frank Ron
Jacobs Jeff
Lays Davey
D. Robert
Billyard Jim
Rigby Lisa
Viscidi Nick
Dearden Gideon
Levy Website
of the Day
Alexander
Cockburn Patrick
Cockburn Ralph
Nader Christopher
Reed Jeff
Ballinger Joseph
Massad Brian
Cloughley Chris
Floyd Elaine
Cassel Dave
Zirin John
Chuckman Sharon
Smith Christopher
Fons Chris
Kromm John
Bomar Ron
Jacobs Maymanah
Farhat St.
Clair / Walker / Vest Poets'
Basement Website
of the Weekend
March 24, 2006 Cockburn
/ Sengupta / Duff P. Sainath Todd
Chretien Marty
Omoto Michael
Carmichael Peter
Phillips Gabriel
Kolko Website
of the Day
March 23, 2006 Charles
V. Peña Joe
DeRaymond Robert
Fisk Jonathan
Cook Tom
Engelhardt Joshua
Frank Norman
Solomon Robert
Fitch / Joe Allen Patrick
Cockburn CounterPunch
News Service Website
of the Day
March 22, 2006 David
MacMichael Juan
Santos Paul
Craig Roberts Patrick
Cockburn Ramzy
Baroud Jason
Leopold Dennis
Perrin William
Blum Jeffrey
St. Clair Website
of the Day
March 21, 2006 Paul
Craig Roberts Winslow
Wheeler Tom
Engelhardt Arnold
Oliver Earl
Ofari Hutchinson Mike
Whitney William
A. Cook Sophia
A. McLennen
March 20, 2006 Paul
Craig Roberts Dave
Lindorff Ralph
Nader Diane
Christian Jeff
Halper Harry
Browne Norman
Solomon Patrick
Cockburn Website
of the Day
March 18 / 19, 2006 Cockburn
/ St. Clair Werther Chris
Kromm Patrick
Cockburn Elaine
Cassel S. Brian
Willson Fred
Gardner Brian
Cloughley Laura
Carlsen Eamon
Martin Julie
Hilden Alison
Weir Jeffrey
St. Clair Poets'
Basement Website
of the Weekend
March 17, 2006 Eduardo
Galeano Greg
Moses Richard
Falk / David Krieger Cindy
and Craig Corrie Amira
Hass Mike
Marqusee James
Petas and Robin Eastman-Abaya Website
of the Day
March 16, 2006 Norman
Solomon Tom
Philpott Heather
Gray Amira
Hass Missy
Comley Beattie Sen.
Russell Feingold Lucinda
Marshall Andrew
Bosworth Clancy
Sigal Website
of the Day
Jonathan
Cook Winslow
Wheeler Diane
Christian Ron
Jacobs Missy
Comley Beattie Jared
Bernstein Noam
Chomsky Website
of the Day
March 14, 2006 Earl
Ofari Hutchinson Dave
Lindorff Kevin
Zeese Todd
Chretien Jason
Kunin Thomas
Palley Cockburn
/ St. Clair Website
of the Day
March 13, 2006 Uri
Avnery Dave
Lindorff Mike
Whitney David
Green Jeremy
Scahill Mike
Ferner Corey
Harris Paul
Craig Roberts Website
of the Day
Alexander
Cockburn Ralph
Nader Paul
Craig Roberts Ben
Tripp John
Strausbaugh Landau
/ Hassen Robert
Bryce Gary
Leupp Fred
Gardner Ron
Jacobs Jonathan
Scott Ramzy
Baroud Jordan
Flaherty John
Chuckman Joe
Allen Julia
Kendlbacher St.
Clair / Walker / Pollack / Vest Poets'
Basement Website
of the Weekend
March 10, 2006 Ben
Rosenfeld Lila
Rajiva Saree
Makdisi Elena
Shore Joshua
Frank Dave
Zirin Aura
Bogado
March 9, 2006 John
Walsh Annie
Zirin Brian
McKenna Chris
Floyd Rachard
Itani Niranjan
Ramakrishnan Wylie
Harris Alexander
Cockburn Website
of the Day
March 8, 2006 Patrick
Bond Brian
Concannon, Jr. Pat
Williams Lance
Selfa Mokhiber
/ Weissman Walter
Brasch Vijay
Prashad Website
of the Day
March 7, 2006 Werther John
Blair Dave
Lindorff Mike
Whitney Warren
Guykema Sen.
Russell Feingold Robert
Jensen Norman
Solomon Bernie
Dwyer Website
of the Day
Ralph
Nader Dave
Zirin Vanessa
Redgrave Walter
A. Davis Joshua
Frank Nate
Mezmer Paul
Craig Roberts Website
of the Day
Alexander
Cockburn Jennifer
Van Bergen Steven
Higgs Winslow
T. Wheeler Ron
Jacobs Rev.
William E. Alberts Colin
Asher Fred
Gardner "Pariah" John
Scagliotti Seth
Sandronsky Joan
Roelofs Arjun
Makhijani Ardeshr
Ommani Diana
Barahona Ben
Tripp St.
Clair / Socialist Worker Staff Poets'
Basement Website
of the Weekend March 3, 2006 Laura
Carlsen John
V. Whitbeck Chris
Floyd Mohamed
Hakki Pratyush
Chandra John
Scagliotti Website
of the Day
March 2, 2006 Paul
Craig Roberts Dave
Lindorff Ramzy
Baroud Saul
Landau Joe
Allen Steve
Shore Denise
Boggs Norman
Finkelstein Website
of the Day
March 1, 2006 Mairead
Corrigan Maguire Niranjan
Ramakrishnan Faheem
Hussain Antony
Loewenstein Elizabeth
Schulte Mike
Whitney John
Ryan Michael
Donnelly Tom
Reeves Website
of the Day
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April 3, 2006 An Interview with Jeff Halper "As Israelis, We Also Fight for Palestinians" By IWASAKI ATSUKO A former professor of anthropology at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev and peace activist for over 30 years, Halper co-founded the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (ICAHD) in 1997, after the Oslo peace process collapsed. The organization exposes the injustice of the occupation and asserts the crucial role of international civil society to end it. Halper calls the Israeli policy toward Palestinians as "the matrix of control" -- the framework created by strategic settlements, Israeli-only highways and the separation wall. He strongly criticizes the occupation and says, "As Israelis, we also fight for Palestinians." "As long as Israel has the occupation, you cannot have a healthy, normal, prosperous society," he said. Halper has been nominated for the 2006 Nobel Peace Prize for his grass root peace activities, along with Professor Ghassan Andoni. What was the trigger driving you to a peace movement? I grew up in the United States and came to Israel in 1973. I was involved in the famous 1960's movement -- the civil rights and the anti-Vietnam war movements. Even though I came to Israel, I knew that where I was coming was not perfect and I was always critical about Israel. So I moved into the Israeli peace movement right away. In the early 1970's, we never thought that the occupation would be so strong. There weren't settlements yet, Ariel Sharon yet. I thought that we could be over and finish it. The current situation of the occupation is really disappointment. That's why I continue to fight against it all these years. You co-founded the Israeli Committee against House Demolition (ICAHD), which resists the demolition of Palestinian homes by sitting in front of bulldozers, confronting Israeli soldiers, and rebuilding demolished homes. After the Oslo peace process began in 1993, Israeli peace movements became kind of quiet, because we thought that former Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Shimon Peres would negotiate with Palestinians and maybe peace would come out of it. But in 1996, Benjamin Netanyahu was elected as a prime minister. He ran on exclusive peace process platform. We saw that the Oslo peace process had collapsed. The occupation proceeded in a very bloody way. House demolitions and settlements began again. We asked Palestinians about what would be a good issue to cooperate on. They talked about house demolitions a lot, so we decided that it would be our focus, although our big goal was the end of occupation completely. In 1997, we organized the ICAHD, which was a coalition of different Israeli human right groups and the one exhibiting the first real wakening of the peace movement after the Oslo peace! process. We have always worked together with Palestine organizations and local people. Israeli government recently takes the unilateral policy to Palestine. Why has it been imposed? Israel has never recognized and acknowledged that Palestinian people are living in this country. Zionism has always denied the existence of another people and their rights. Until today, the idea is that the whole country, between the Mediterranean and the Jordan River, is our country, exclusively, only for Jewish people. The Oslo peace process was the game. They never really negotiated with Palestinians. In the Oslo peace accords, it demanded that the Palestinians recognize Israel in 78 percent of the country, but it never recognized the rights of Palestinians. Israel seemed to be negotiating, but dou! bled the number of people living in settlements in that period. It didn't see any connection between negotiations and what was doing on the ground. That's why the second intifada began, because Palestinians said "What is this? We have been sitting for seven years to talk to you, and now there are twice as many settlements as at the beginning of the peace process." We think, as Israelis, that Jews and Arabs should live together. Palestinians have rights of self-determination just like we have. We have to fight also for their rights. One of our slogans is "we refuse to be their enemies." We are against the Israeli policy of the occupation and the displacem! ent. If you create an apartheid situation, if you lock another people into prison, in the end, you cannot develop a healthy, normal, and prosperous society. The occupation, conflict, terrorism, settlements, all affects the Israeli society and economy. As long as the occupation continues, Israel itself can not be free. Some Israelis say that many of Israelis don't know that Palestinians have lived here from long ago. They think that Palestinians try to "steal" the land of Israel after Israelis developed it. Does information lack inside Israel? Information is in newspapers etc, but Israelis don't want to know it. They refuse to know it, because it is better for them. If they don't know, they don't need to feel guilty and don't have to take responsibility at all. They deny the fact of occupation. Israelis try to blame Palestinians for everything, calling them terrorists. Building se! ttlements and highways only for Israelis, taking Palestinian lands and water, are not for security at all. But they want to see themselves as victims rather than the strong, occupying power, which is the only way that Israel manages and blames Palestinians without taking responsibility, though there have been four times more Palestinian civilian victims than Israelis. It would make a peace process more difficult. Israel doesn't want to resolve the conflict. It feels that it can win, beat Palestinians. We can lock the Palestinian into this little Bantustan. Israel thinks that the peace is like what South Africa did in the past. It has a very good relationship with the European Union and very close ties with the United States. It can make a separate peace with all the Arab countries. If we deal with the Golan Heights, we can make peace with Syria. North Africa has ties with Israel, even Pakistan wants to have ties with Israel. Israel thinks that we can have the occupation and can also have peace and security. You can do that, but only for a short period of time. In the end, it will fall apart. As I said, you can not develop a normal, healthy society as long as it has the occupation. In the end, I think, Israel isn't very strong. This conflict affects Muslims very much and has destabilized the world. Israelis might have peace with Egypt and Jordan, but they don't have peace with the Egyptian and Jordanian peoples. Even if Israel locks up all Palestinians, the violence could spread outside. Certainly the occupation feeds into al-Qaeda. As long as it lasts, it certainly encourages radical Islam, whose idea is that the ! West is the enemy. You use the term "ma trix of control" to describe the Israeli occupation. How does it function? The idea "matrix of control" is that our presence would become so massive and so strong, then, Palestinians would understand that they will never have a state, and they will submit to that idea. It can also be called the "iron wall," which was a concept developed in the 1920s by Jews. Israel wants to keep the West Bank forever. It wants to create an impression that the West Bank is a legitimate part of Israel, and everything is normal. It doesn't want to use the army if it doesn't have ! to; instead, it has developed "the matrix of control," by using settlements, Israeli-only highways, the Wall, Israeli laws, and house demolitions. Do you think that it is working now? It works for a short time, but we say "no." Although South Africa was very strong, it couldn't prevail over black Africans. You see, this is so destabilizing the world. The occupation is very important for Muslims. It is very important for people all over the world who care about and think about human rights. Churches now are starting to speak out against it. We had South Africa, the Soviet Union, and the Philippines. They were gradually building up opposition; then, at some points, they collapsed. This occupation can last another year, five years, I don't know, but at some point, it could collapse. It could happen unexpectedly. When you talk about peace, you use the term "just peace." What do you mean for it? "Just peace" means that two kinds of people, Jews and Palestinians, have rights of self-determination. Politically, the two-states' solution has been put forth. But settlements have spread very deeply, and Israel has taken control over Jerusalem. The occupation has gotten too far. There is no way to get a real Palestinia! n state. So we believe the two states' solution has evaporated. If the two states solution has gone, you could think about the one state solution, which means this whole country becomes the one state for everybody. But Israel won't allow that, because it wants to be a Jewish state, but most of people in this country are Palestinians and Arabs. What solution can it be? We're really stuck in terms of where we go. Hamas won the election and formed a cabinet. The Israeli government has refused to talk to them. It's interesting that people act very differently from the government. Most Israelis said "so what? We will talk to Hamas." But the government says "no." Apparently, the government wants to unilaterally impose its policy. ! It is really happy that Hamas came to power, because it can justify no t talking and not negotiating with them and can justify unilateral actions. Politician uses the term "anti-Semitism" to counter the critics against Israeli policies. But I think that "anti-Semitism" is different from "anti-Israeli policy" towards Palestinians. Anti-Semitism is against Jews, not against Israel necessarily. Anti-Semitism is a form of racism. It is very cynical to use anti-Semitism to shut people up. Is there any opposition against your activities? No. I don' t think that we are taken very seriously by the Israeli public. Israelis don't ! know us. They don't know the left, such as ICAHD, Gush Shalom, and Bat Shalom, because we don't get into newspapers and onto TV programs. Our voices are very marginal because we are outside of the Zionism box. All the conversation in Israel is within the Zionism circle. Even the Labour party is the center rather than the left. The occupation was built by the Labour government of Ehud Barak. Peace Now and Meretz are the farthest left that you can go within the Zionism flame. We go beyond that. We say that maybe Israel shouldn't be a ! Jewish state, maybe in one state; maybe this two states solution is not acceptable, in other words, we are too critical for most Israelis. Our voices are much stronger abroad rather than here. I was nominated for the Peace Nobel Prize, but Israelis have never heard of it. That's the strange situation. In those serious situations, what impact does the Peace Nobel Prize nomination give you? It gives credibility to us. The Nobel Peace Prize is the Prize of civil society, not the government. People nominate and give the prize, so people are acknowledging who is important to them. Even if the government ignores us, even if we don't have power, even if our own society will not accept us, you can not ignore the prestige and importance of the Nobel Peace Prize. It will help us tremendously. You are writing a book about non-violence with Professor Ghassan A! ndoni (Palestinian), another Nobel Peace Prize candidate. Why do you think the non-violence is significant here? I think that non-violence is a good strategy of the powerless. Palestinian people cannot compete with the Israeli military. Non-violence allows them to use another weapon, which is a moral weapon, to make the occupation immoral. If Palestinians use more non-violent tactics, it is a real threat for Israel, because Israel can not pretend to be a victim. It can be a victim only if it has been attacked. Responsibility would shift to Israel In order to change this
situation, what do you think is needed? Today, they support Israel, but there are also a lot of criticisms. Without the United States, Israel could never keep the occupation going. I think that people are beginning to understand. The government is starting to understand that the occupation has never been a solution, and it's in their interest to end the occupation. Do you have any message to Israel and the international society? Israelis don't care about peace. They care about security, especially personal security. Our message t! o Israelis is that you can not have personal security unilaterally. You have to make peace not only because it's the right thing to do, but also because it is in your own best interests. The message to an international community is that this conflict is against human rights. If the occupation wins, human rights become losers. There are tremendous implications for everybody in the world. If human rights lose here, they would be weakened everywhere in the world, such as Congo, Burma (Myanmar), Colombia, because people see that human rights can not stand militarism. That's the really terrible message to the world. Iwasaki Atsuko is a reporter for OhMyNews International,
where this interview originally appeared.
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