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SPECIAL REPORT: How Iraq is Being Destroyed "A weak Iraq suits many." Three years after the US attack, Iraq is breaking apart. Eyewitness report from Patrick Cockburn in Irbil. One of the great left journalists of his time, he was on the front lines in Korea and Vietnam. Chris Reed on Wilfred Burchett, the man who made Murdoch foam at the mouth. Katrina washes whitest. Bill Quigley in New Orleans reports tales of lunacy and hope. CounterPunch Online is read by millions of viewers each month! But remember, we are funded solely by the subscribers to the print edition of CounterPunch. Please support this website by buying a subscription to our newsletter, which contains fresh material you won't find anywhere else, or by making a donation for the online edition. Remember contributions are tax-deductible. Click here to make a donation. If you find our site useful please: Subscribe Now! |
Today's Stories April 14, 2006 Ishmael
Reed April 13, 2006 CounterPunch
News Service Norman
Solomon Stanley
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Birkenstein Evelyn
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Matin Website
of the Day
April 12, 2006 Vijay
Prashad Alan
Maass Dave
Lindorff Ron
Jacobs Ramzy
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Comley Beattie P. Sainath Website
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April 11, 2006 Al
Krebs Lawrence
R. Velvel Sonia
Nettinin Willliam
S. Lind Robert
Ovetz Pratyush
Chandra Grant
F. Smith Laray
Polk Francis
Boyle José
Pertierra Website
of the Day
April 10, 2006 Ralph
Nader Heather
Gray Uri
Avnery Joshua
Frank Seth
Sandronsky Michael
Leonardi Evelyn
Pringle Tom
Kerr Lucinda
Marshall Website
of the Day April 7 -9, 2006 Alexander
Cockburn Jeffrey
St. Clair Patrick
Cockburn David
Vest Dave
Lindorff Gary
Leupp Elaine
Cassel Saul
Landau James
Ridgeway Ron
Jacobs John
Walsh Ramzy
Baroud Christopher
Brauchli Todd
Chretien Jonathan
Scott John
Bomar Michele
Brand Ronan
Sheehan Mickey
Z. Don
Monkerud Michael
Dickinson Website
of the Weekend
April 6, 2006 John
Ross Dave
Lindorff Don
Monkerud Robert
McDonald Boris
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Kanazi Niranjan
Ramakrishnan Robert
Fisk
April 5, 2006 Dick
J. Reavis Mark
Brenner Brian
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Hand-Boniakowski Matt
Vidal Juan
Santos Alan
Maass JoAnn
Wypijewski Website
of the Day
April 4, 2006 Jackson
Thoreau Gary
Corseri Dave
Lindorff Paul
Craig Roberts Norman
Solomon Michael
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T. Wheeler Ingmar
Lee Michael
Neumann Website
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April 3, 2006 Saul
Landau Richard
Thieme Timothy
B. Tyson Omar
Barghouti Iwasaki
Atsuko Julian
Edney Roger
Morris
April 1 / 2, 2006 Alexander
Cockburn Ralph
Nader Dave
Zirin David
Underhill Earl
Ofari Hutchinson Dave
Lindorff P.
Sainath Fred
Gardner Clancy
Chassay Heather
Gray Greg
Moses John
Chuckman Ron
Jacobs Jeffrey
St. Clair Poets'
Basement Website
of the Weekend
March 31, 2006 Gary
Leupp Patrick
Cockburn Saree
Makdisi Ron
Jacobs Mark
Engler Curtis
F.J. Doebbler Laith
al-Saud Website
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March 30, 2006 Uri
Avnery Sen.
Russell Feingold Winslow
T. Wheeler Dave
Lindorff Juan
Santos Frida
Berrigan Joshua
Frank Vonnie
Edwards Neve
Gordon Website
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March 29, 2006 CounterPunch
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Cockburn John
Ross Omar
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S. Lind Missy
Comley Beattie Earl
Ofari Hutchinson Website
of the Day
March 28, 2006 Sharon
Smith Paul
Craig Roberts Tariq
Ali Manuel
Garcia, Jr. Ramzy
Baroud Evelyn
Pringle Seth
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Cockburn
March 27, 2006 Patrick
Cockburn Joshua
Frank Ron
Jacobs Jeff
Lays Davey
D. Robert
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Dearden Gideon
Levy Website
of the Day
Alexander
Cockburn Patrick
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Nader Christopher
Reed Jeff
Ballinger Joseph
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Zirin John
Chuckman Sharon
Smith Christopher
Fons Chris
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Farhat St.
Clair / Walker / Vest Poets'
Basement Website
of the Weekend
March 24, 2006 Cockburn
/ Sengupta / Duff P. Sainath Todd
Chretien Marty
Omoto Michael
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Phillips Gabriel
Kolko Website
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March 23, 2006 Charles
V. Peña Joe
DeRaymond Robert
Fisk Jonathan
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Frank Norman
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Fitch / Joe Allen Patrick
Cockburn CounterPunch
News Service Website
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March 22, 2006 David
MacMichael Juan
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Craig Roberts Patrick
Cockburn Ramzy
Baroud Jason
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Blum Jeffrey
St. Clair Website
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March 21, 2006 Paul
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Engelhardt Arnold
Oliver Earl
Ofari Hutchinson Mike
Whitney William
A. Cook Sophia
A. McLennen
March 20, 2006 Paul
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Nader Diane
Christian Jeff
Halper Harry
Browne Norman
Solomon Patrick
Cockburn Website
of the Day
March 18 / 19, 2006 Cockburn
/ St. Clair Werther Chris
Kromm Patrick
Cockburn Elaine
Cassel S. Brian
Willson Fred
Gardner Brian
Cloughley Laura
Carlsen Eamon
Martin Julie
Hilden Alison
Weir Jeffrey
St. Clair Poets'
Basement Website
of the Weekend
March 17, 2006 Eduardo
Galeano Greg
Moses Richard
Falk / David Krieger Cindy
and Craig Corrie Amira
Hass Mike
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Petas and Robin Eastman-Abaya Website
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March 16, 2006 Norman
Solomon Tom
Philpott Heather
Gray Amira
Hass Missy
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Marshall Andrew
Bosworth Clancy
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Cook Winslow
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Jacobs Missy
Comley Beattie Jared
Bernstein Noam
Chomsky Website
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March 14, 2006 Earl
Ofari Hutchinson Dave
Lindorff Kevin
Zeese Todd
Chretien Jason
Kunin Thomas
Palley Cockburn
/ St. Clair Website
of the Day
March 13, 2006 Uri
Avnery Dave
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Whitney David
Green Jeremy
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Harris Paul
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Cockburn Ralph
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April 14, 2006 Why Few Top Military Officers Resign on Principle Candor or Career? By Col. DAN SMITH Richard Cohen's April 11 column in the Washington Post ("Vietnam's Forgotten Lessons") focuses on the relatively rare public criticism by retired general officers of anything associated with military service--especially of any operation in which hostile fire might be directed at U.S. forces. The retired flag-rank officers--Marine General Anthony Zini, who ran Central Command which is responsible for operations in Afghanistan and Iraq; Marine Lieutenant General Gregory Newbold, the Operations Officer for the Joint Staff (J-3) until three months before the Iraq invasion began; Army Major General Paul Eton, chief of Iraqi security forces training efforts; and then on April 13, Army Major General Batiste, commanding general of the 1st Infantry Division in Iraq in 2004-2005--all called for President Bush to fire Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld. In subsequent interviews, Zini asserts that the unformed services are "broken." In itself, this is not a revelation--except that Zini doesn't mean "broken" as in equipment or structure or unit morale. Zini sees the breakdown in moral terms, with senior officers so concerned about their careers that they refuse to oppose operations that they know are ill-conceived. The fate of Army Chief of Staff Eric Shinseki is always "Exhibit A" anytime the subject of "candor or career" is raised. (Shinseki, who had opposed an early Rumsfeld plan to eliminate two army divisions, was effectively marginalized for the last half of his tenure as Chief off Staff after telling Congress that a few hundred thousand ground troops would be needed to occupy and pacify Iraq, an assessment that both Rumsfeld and his deputy, Paul Wolfowitz, ridiculed.) If Zini's analysis is accurate, the "breaking" of the U.S. military is much more critical than the public realizes or policy-makers admit. Why? Because such self-interested careerism, once let loose in the one institution of a democracy that is the least democratic and the most potentially destructive organization of all, becomes the seedbed of plots, counterplots, cabals, and even coups. It is precisely to dampen unwarranted careerism without stifling initiative and the quest for professional excellence that potential officers are drilled in the doctrine of civilian control of the military and officers, when commissioned, swear their loyalty to the Constitution, not to an individual, an office, or one branch of the government to the exclusion of the other two. The formula of civilian leadership in military affairs has worked for 223 years, back further even than the Constitution that enshrines the principle in Article II. The nearest the nascent United States came to a military coup was 1783 when officers of the victorious Continental Army threatened to invade Philadelphia and hold Congress hostage until they were paid for their years of service. The disgruntled ex-officers assembled in Newburgh, NY, not far from West Point. There George Washington accosted them, spoke of the shared years of toil and despair that finally turned into victory, and reminded them that the war they had won was fought to repudiate the very militarism they were then contemplating. To be sure, there have been instances when policy differences between presidents and generals have spilled into public or personality clashes have deteriorated into personal attacks through various surrogates. Two relationships deserve particular mention for what they say about civilian-military interactions. During the U.S. Civil War, Abraham Lincoln endured the disdain of many in his war cabinet and among senior officers for his lack of military experience (among other "shortfalls"). George McClellan, who commanded the Army of the Potomac in 1861-1863, famously snubbed Lincoln in 1863 when the president unexpectedly visited McClellan's headquarters. When McClellan failed to pursue the retreating Confederates after Antietam, Lincoln tersely wrote: "If you don't wish to use the army, I would like to borrow it for a while." McClellan, whose relations with the press were also contentious, relinquished his command on November 9, 1863. Oddly, McClellan, who was the Democrat's presidential hopeful against Lincoln in the 1864 contest, did not resign his commission until election day. More recent is the Truman-Douglas MacArthur imbroglio over the latter's very public disagreement with Truman on the conduct of the Korean War. When China entered the war in reaction to UN troop advances to the Yalu River--the boundary between North Korea and China--MacArthur wanted discretionary authority to launch air strikes, including atomic bombs, against China. When Truman refused, MacArthur went public, decrying the decision and questioning Truman's competency. Truman recalled MacArthur and relieved him of command. With one last rhetorical triumph before a joint session of Congress and a ticker-tape parade, MacArthur, like the old soldier he was, slowly "just faded away." (Ironically, right after hostilities began in June 1950, Truman had approved contingency plans that included atomic weapons should the Soviets join the fight on the North Korean side. At about the same time that he relieved MacArthur, Truman also authorized bombing Manchurian airfields in the event the Chinese launched air attacks from those fields or attacked U.S. forces in Japan.) In a fundamental way perhaps not fully appreciated at the time of its writing, the Constitution's division of powers with regard to military affairs helped contain the militaristic spirit that would "bubble up" in wartime when civilian control was most at risk. On one side there was often the lament that inexperienced civilians, once they declare war, should (but rarely do) get out of the way so the generals and admirals can get on with the fight. The generals, after all, had the "principles of war" as their guide. Conversely, sentiment among civilian politicians held that war was too important to be left to the generals because, in the heat of campaigning, they might lose sight of the dictum that war is the continuation of politics by other means and, at war's end, politics resumes. And the fact that the needed wartime expansion of the professional army relied on militias and volunteers who, at war's end, wanted nothing more than to get back to civilian pursuits, ensured that the warrior ethos would not dominate the democratic ethos. Post-World War II saw all that change, for with the retention of a large standing armed force came inevitably the rise of powerful economic interests whose prosperity--even survival--required a re-orientation of society's perception of the military and ultimately of society itself. Moreover, the permanently large structure of the military and its development with industry of cutting-edge technology blurred the previous clear demarcation of civilian and military. But the result of this blurring had a counter-intuitive result: the civilians in charge became more militaristic while--almost in self-defense--the generals and admirals became "civilianized." In such circumstances, given a determined Secretary of Defense, the "system" unconsciously drove those in uniform into an unhealthy if not unseemly reticence to challenge questionable "military" decisions and directives from the civilians. When confronted with faulty decisions and directives, active duty officers confront a dilemma: to retire or resign or try to wait out the civilian incumbent and be in a position to pick up the pieces. Given the turn-over in the defense secretary's position--Donald Rumsfeld is the 21st in 59 years--it is not unreasonable for a major general or rear admiral (two stars) to calculate he or she will be a three or four star officer able to influence events under a new secretary. There are at least two problems with this calculus. It ignores the fact that the underlying shortfall might not lie with the civilian personality in the secretary's chair but with the orientation of the incumbent administration and its policies. And that orientation may well be coming right from the president or, worse, from a series of semi-independent power centers, including some outside the administration. Second, this approach ignores
the reality that, especially in military affairs, nothing is
static. So a current, unsatisfactory situation may have deteriorated
even further, potentially "breaking" one or more parts
of the military structure. And it strikes me (a retired colonel)
that those who stay silent on the premise that they will be able
to reform or save the institution are suffering a bout of Greek
hubris. What keeps senior active duty officers from public principled protest may be found in the life of General Harold K. Johnson, Army Chief of Staff from July 1964 to July 1968--a period that encompassed the introduction of U.S. military units into Vietnam, the tenure of General William Westmoreland as senior U.S. military commander in Vietnam, and the 1968 Tet offensive. While Westmoreland insisted on running large unit search and destroy missions, Johnson's professional instincts impelled him to call for an intensified classic counterinsurgency response to Vietcong and North Vietnamese attacks. A year-long in-house Army study, completed in March 1966, validated Johnson, but the Joint Chiefs would not endorse the conclusions for fear an endorsement might be interpreted as interfering with a field commander's prerogatives. According to his biographer, Johnson several times had contemplated resigning and going public with his criticism of Lyndon Johnson and Westmoreland's handling of the war. What stopped him was a conviction he could do more good by staying on active duty. "Resignation would be a meaningless act, making at best a brief splash in the newspapers, then quickly forgotten, while others more amenable would be brought in to do the Administration's bidding." Only near the end of his life did Johnson change his perspective. For what it might say about moral choice to today's active duty generals and admirals as they struggle with the dilemma of supporting or rejecting publicly the administration's handling of Iraq, the following excerpt from an article by biographer Lewis Sorley in the U.S. Army War College's Spring 1998 issue of Parameters is worth quoting in full.
Col. Daniel Smith, a West Point graduate and Vietnam
veteran, is Senior Fellow on Military Affairs at the Friends
Committee on National Legislation, a Quaker lobby in the public
interest. He can be reached at: dan@fcnl.org
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